






CT SENATE FIRST: WILL BE
REPRIEVED BY THE LEGISLATURE AND THE GOVERNOR (above, second
row, at right in orange jumpsuits, most recently condemned to
death)
Ross mental test
results:
Do you recall
the victims of Ross' crimes (l.)? Read
record of teleconference that further delayed execution...
The story
by Lynne Tuohy (included below) from the January
12,
2005 Courant is referenced in the Wednesday, January 26, 2005
Courant--the
later article says: "...Ross, 45, has opted to forgo appeals
still
open to him and 'volunteer' to be executed. In a four-hour videotaped
interview
on Dec. 15 with Dr. Michael Norko, a psychiatrist, Ross - a Cornell
University
graduate - appears lucid and eloquent and exhibits a command of death
penalty
case law and the issues he still could raise..." Federal Judge
threatens
Ross' lawyer to force the issue of putting off execution until...the
Legislature
can make the death penalty a no-no in CT - not yet (May 2007)?
Cheshire
home invasion background
here. Jury decisions Hayes
and Komisarjevsky. Will
the new Governor's opposition to the death penalty make it possible for
the Cheshire perpetrator then not yet tried prior to his taking officed
NOT be convicted similarly? Nope. First
the Democrats didn't take action until after both defendants were
convicted, THEN they
undertook to pass a no death penalty bill for PROSPECTIVE events.

CHESHIRE TRIPLE MURDERERS OFF THE HOOK?
20-16 vote in CT Senate. Hypocracy not a captial offence.
Senate's (qualified) profile in courage
The Day editorial
Article published Apr 6, 2012
We applaud the courage of 20 state senators Thursday to vote their
convictions in approving a repeal of the death penalty. These senators
know that public opinion polls show a majority of voters continue to
support state executions, but they did what they thought was right and
we agree with them. The state senators representing the region, all
Democrats, supported repeal: Edith Prague, Andrew Maynard, Andrea
Stillman and Eileen Daily.
It now seems only a matter of time for Connecticut's death penalty law
to pass into history. Approval in the House appears certain and a vote
could come within a week. When he was campaigning for office in 2010,
Gov. Dannel P. Malloy made it clear he would sign a death penalty
repeal bill if given the chance.
As a newspaper that has long advocated for ending the practice of
state-sanctioned executions, The Day is glad to see Connecticut about
to join 16 other states and the vast majority of democracies in
concluding that blood revenge has no place in civilized society. In the
past five years, four other states have abolished the death penalty -
New Mexico, Illinois, New Jersey and New York. That's an encouraging
trend.
As an alternative to the death penalty, those convicted of heinous
murders would be sentenced to a life of imprisonment without
possibility of parole. This extracts a severe penalty, some might argue
more severe than death, while protecting society and not lowering our
institutions to the killer's level.
In many ways the state's death penalty has been a lie. Family members
of murder victims may anticipate satisfaction in seeing the ultimate
retribution carried out, but in reality the pursuit of a death sentence
only prolongs the legal process and the associated anguish through
endless appeals. One man, serial killer Michael Ross, has been executed
under the current law, in 2005, and apparently because he wanted to
die, fighting not to continue his appeals.
Some complain about the cost of keeping murder convicts confined, but
the facts show that the cost of prolonged appellate litigation in death
penalty cases exceeds the cost of life imprisonment. Meanwhile,
repeated studies have failed to prove that the threat of a death
sentence is a greater deterrent than life without parole.
Additionally, death is the only penalty that leaves no opportunity to
correct a mistaken conviction.
This repeal comes with a qualification. Theoretically, it only applies
to murderers convicted going forward, leaving unchanged the sentences
of the 11 men now on death row. We don't understand this moral
contradiction. Either an individual considers execution morally wrong
or not. It smacks more of political slight of hand than logical law
making, an effort to appease the public and families of past murder
victims.
In reality, once this law passes, it is highly unlikely the courts will
approve the execution of any of the 11. And we suspect the senators who
voted in favor know that.
"I think you need to know when you're considering your votes on this
what's real and what's not. What this law would do would create two
classes of people. One class would be subject to the death penalty; the
other class would not, and that would not be because of the nature of
the crime or the nature of the defendant - it would be because of the
date on which the crime occurred," said Chief State's Attorney Kevin
Kane, the state's top prosecutor, in his testimony to the legislature.
That kind of arbitrary distinction, Mr. Kane told lawmakers, would be
extremely unlikely to hold up on appeal.
When it comes to gathering up enough votes, sometimes such a fig leaf
is required. So be it. It's a small concession to make to end the media
circus that surrounds death penalty trials, the endless appeals, the
pain of making families relive the crime over and over, the empty
promises that revenge will bring relief and "closure."


80 Percent Of Male State Inmates
Released In 2005 Arrested Again By 2010
The Hartford Courant
By JOSH KOVNER, jkovner@courant.com
10:18 PM EST, February 14, 2012
Of the 14,400 men released from Connecticut prisons in 2005, nearly 80
percent were rearrested by 2010, and just under half returned to prison
with new sentences, according to a just-completed report that contains
the most detailed data ever compiled on the state's recidivism rate.
The report, by Office of Policy and Management statistical guru Ivan
Kuzyk, is scheduled to be released Wednesday. It also separately
tracked sex offenders within the group and found that only a small
number committed new sex crimes.
For example, of the 746 inmates who had served a prison term on a sex
charge, 27, or 3.6 percent, were charged with a new sex crime; 20, or
2.7 percent, were convicted; and 13, or 1.7 percent, were returned to
prison with a sentence for a new sex crime.
That suggests sex offenders respond well to supervision and treatment,
and don't commit new sex crimes at the rate the public thinks they do,
said Michael Lawlor, Gov.Dannel P. Malloy's chief of criminal-justice
policy.
But whether the findings change long-held perceptions about sex
offenders in the community remains to be seen. The state's first secure
treatment program for sex offenders — a 24-bed facility in Montville —
opened three weeks ago, but not before opponents of the center filed a
lawsuit to try to block it.
The overall rates in the report — 78.6 percent of the 14,400
rearrested; 49.8 percent returned to prison with new sentences — appear
to jibe with national rates and are higher than those some states, but
lower than others, said Kuzyk.
An often-cited study by the Department of Justice in 2002 found that 67
percent of prisoners it had tracked were rearrested, and 52 percent
landed back in prison with a new sentence.
The Connecticut figures "while alarming, are about what you would
expect,'' said Kuzyk, who worked with parole and probation officers,
treatment counselors, and the state Department of Correction on the
project. The team compiled an offense profile for each of the released
inmates over the five years.
Lawlor said the report establishes benchmarks that will allow the state
to track the progress of reform. He said it's possible to reduce
recidivism rates by adjusting the way probation and parole officers
supervise, and by improving the way the system assesses low-, moderate-
and high-risk inmates before and during release.
Of the 14,398 inmates released in 2005, most were on some type of
supervision — such as parole, probation, in a halfway house, or on work
release.
The Courant reported on Sunday that since 1970, more than 15,000
ex-prisoners have skipped out on parole or walked away from halfway
houses, and just shy of 1,100 are still missing. The median time on the
lam was 70 days, and all of them had convinced the parole board at one
time or another that they would abide by the conditions of their
release.
Kuzyk said the research also showed that age and prior prison history
had a lot to do with whether someone could make it on the outside. He
said former inmates aged 18 to 24 generally returned to prison at twice
the rate of those aged 40 to 46. But a 45-year-old career criminal was
more likely to return to prison than a 24-year-old, first-time offender.

NO ENTRY to Democratic caucus
room! Noose of majority control of Legislature and Governor's
office tightens. THE VOTE IN CT
SENATE
At left, Dr. William Petit and his sister, Johanna Chapman. They
are having as much success as family members had escaping death
clutches of convicted attackers.
Questions
Connecticut's Senate rejects a rarely used death penalty
Mark Pazniokas, CT MIRROR
April 5, 2012
Democrats in the state Senate voted at 2:05 a.m. Thursday to repeal the
death penalty for future crimes, placing Connecticut on a path to
become the 17th state to step away from capital punishment.
On a 20-16 vote, the Senate approved and sent to the House a measure
that would make life in prison without possibility of parole the
state's harshest punishment, while leaving undisturbed the sentences of
11 men now awaiting execution.
Gov. Dannel P. Malloy, a Democrat who says he turned against capital
punishment after seeing the limits of the criminal justice system as a
prosecutor in New York, is committed to signing the bill. Passage in
the House is expected as early as next week.
Twenty of 22 Democrats voted for repeal, including three who were
previously opposed: Gayle S. Slossberg of Milford, Carlo Leone of
Stamford and Joseph J. Crisco of Woodbridge. A fourth who was publicly
undecided in recent weeks, Edith G. Prague of Columbia, also voted with
the majority.
All 14 Republicans were opposed, including Sen. Andrew Roraback,
R-Goshen, the only GOP senator to vote for repeal in 2009, when a
similar bill was vetoed by Gov. M. Jodi Rell. They were joined by two
Democrats, Paul Doyle of Wethersfield and Joan Hartley of Waterbury.
The nearly party-line vote is likely to make capital punishment an
issue this fall, when all 36 state Senate and 151 state House seats are
up for election.
With a supportive governor in office for the first time in at least 16
years, Senate President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn,
worked quietly in recent weeks to win over three Democrats previously
opposed to repeal.
After 10 hours of debate, that effort was rewarded with a relatively
strong vote: two more than the bare minimum. Lt. Gov. Nancy Wyman, a
longtime opponent of capital punishment, was prepared to break an 18-18
tie with a vote for repeal.
Some senators cast their votes for repeal based on a long-held belief
that capital punishment is wrong.
"I don't see how we make the point that killing is wrong by killing,"
said Sen. Eric D. Coleman, D-Bloomfield, a lawyer who led the debate as
co-chairman of the Judiciary Committee.
Others seemed ready to end the state's frequent debates about a form of
punishment imposed only once in recent decades, when serial killer
Michael Ross was executed at his request in 2005. The last person
involuntarily put to death was Joseph Taborsky in 1960.
The rarity of executions was cited by those who favor and oppose
capital punishment. Those in favor said the state imposes the penalty
judiciously, while those opposed say it never will be used with
sufficient frequency to be an effective deterrent.
"The death penalty is a distraction," Williams said.
Its repeal is a political compromise. Without sufficient votes to
entirely abolish capital punishment, proponents settled on a bill that
would only apply to crimes not yet committed. Opponents said the
position was morally and intellectually suspect.
"It makes one big, gaping exception for the 11 people currently on
death row," said Sen. Len Suzio, R-Meriden, a Catholic who says he
struggled with the moral dimension of the issue. "I believe the bill in
front of us tonight fails the moral test."
The long debate turned on two questions: Is it constitutional to have a
prospective death penalty, applicable only to those already on death
row? What should be the conditions of confinement for prisoners
sentenced for the new crime of murder with special circumstances?
Williams, who toured death row with Coleman and Senate Majority Leader
Martin Looney, D-New Haven, said prisoners convicted under the new
statute would have limited privileges, living in a special housing unit
for at least their first year of confinment.
He said the conditions would mirror those on death row, which is
occupied by 11 men now condemned to death: Inmates would be confined to
cells for 22 hours a day, segregated from the general prison population.
"This is a severe and certain punishment," Williams said. "This does
almost exactly mirror the conditions for those prisoners on death row,
still staying within the constitutional requirements that we must
follow for imprisonment."
Republicans scoffed. They countered that the commissioner of correction
would have discretion to place inmates in other units after one year.
"Don't fool yourself into thinking this amendment is a get-tough
amendment," said Sen. John A. Kissel, R-Enfield, whose district holds a
half-dozen prisons, including Northern, the high-security institution
that houses death row.
Conditions of confinement were an issue for the three Democratic
senators who have been publicly undecided: Prague, Leone and Crisco.
Williams said a Democratic amendment specifying terms of confinement
played a role in winning over undecided senators in the Democratic
majority.
One of them was Leone, who said life without possibility of parole in a
tightly restricted, high-security prison is a reasonable alternative to
a death penalty that produces only endless appeals.
"I tried my best to reason, to be methodical, to come to a decision I
believe is the right one," Leone said. Of the new penalty, he said, "It
is not one of lesser justice. It is justice. It is restrictive. It is
an alternative to a death penalty that does not seem to come to a
conclusion."
Prague, 86, who is the oldest member of the legislature, took the floor
at 12:30 a.m.
"It's no secret I agonized over this decision. I agonized for months,"
Prague said. In the end, she said, she was plagued by the fallibility
of the criminal justice system, of any human endeavor. She could not
abide the thought of an innocent being executed in Connecticut.
Slossberg was next.
"Like Edith -- Sen. Prague -- it plagues me to think we could put an
innocent person to death," Slossberg said. "Does a moral society
execute people?"
Crisco said he was moved to change his vote after talking to relatives
of victims disillusioned by the current system, with its unending
appeals in capital cases.
"There is a saying: You're never too old to learn," Crisco said. "I
believe in the last two years I've learned quite a bit."
Looney, the majority leader, said government has no business deciding
who lives or dies.
"We should recognize this is an issue we must approach with humility,"
Looney said. "Our system is too fallible to give the power of life and
death."
Senate Minority Leader John McKinney, R-Fairfield, who was a law clerk
for state Supreme Court Justice Richard Palmer on a death-penalty
appeal, disagreed.
"Despite all the flaws that people talk about, we have a pretty amazing
system of justice," McKinney said.
He conceded that innocent men have been discovered on death rows in
other states -- Williams later would say 138 death-row prisoners have
been exonerated -- but Connecticut uses the death penalty sparingly,
providing top-flight defense lawyers to those charged in capital cases.
"Here in Connecticut," McKinney said, "There is no evidence that anyone
currently on death row is innocent."
Republicans attempted a series of nine amendments, all but one was
rejected by majority Democrats. The exception was language emphasizing
that the repeal is meant to cover only future crimes.
It passed on a voice vote.
Roraback, whose past support for repeal is an issue in his
congressional campaign, proposed restricting a year-old early release
program. He said he could not support repeal until the program was
changed.
"In my view, the integrity of the criminal justice system has broken
down," Roraback said.
Sen. Rob Kane, R-Watertown, recited a litany of capital cases,
describing their horrors in detail.
Williams responded by referring to 4,600 other murder cases in
Connecticut in the 34 years after the death penalty was reinstated in
1976.
"Every single one of those 4,600 murder cases was a tragedy that
terribly hurt the family and friends of the person whose life was
taken. Of those more than 4,600 cases, only nine resulted in a death
penalty conviction," Williams said.
Last year, the Senate abandoned plans for a repeal vote when Prague and
Sen. Andrew Maynard, D-Stonington, refused to back repeal while one of
the two defendants in the Cheshire triple murder case still was
awaiting trial.
Senate leaders were stunned at being forced to call off a repeal effort
that seemed certain to succeed with Malloy in office. Prague and
Maynard said they were persuaded by Dr. William Petit, whose wife and
two daughters were killed in a horrific home invasion that made
national news.
This year, Petit said he had trouble getting access to the senators,
though he did not testify at a public hearing on the bill March 14.
Petit, his sister, Johanna, and his father, William, attended a press
conference in McKinney's office to reiterate his family's opposition to
repeal, even prospectively.
"A prospective appeal is an absolute lie," said Johanna Chapman,
Petit's sister.
After the press conference, the Petits went to the Senate Democratic
caucus room at midday, reporters trailing them, asking to see
Democratic senators. Adam Joseph, the communication director for Senate
Democrats, told Petit that Williams and Looney would not interrupt the
caucus, but they would be available to meet with him before the vote.
Petit left without speaking to the leaders or to Prague, Crisco or
Leone. He said he had made a commitment to judge a student invention
competion in Cheshire. He did not return before the vote.
But Petit was nonetheless a presence during the debate. Opponents of
repeal recounted the details of the crime against his family.
Hartley, one of the two Democrats opposed to repeal, struggled for
composure as she described her friendship with Petit's wife, Jennifer
Hawke-Petit, and the friendship of her daughter with the Petits'
children. Death, she said, is a just punishment for their killers.
McKinney said the Democrats constructed a repeal bill that appeals to
political expediency: Since it applies only to future crimes, the
proponents can say they are not voting to spare anyone on death row,
including the two men convicted of killing Petit's family.
New Mexico passed a similar law in 2009, leaving two men on death row.
So far, it has withstood judicial scrutiny.
Senate
minority leader: 'I do believe there will be a repeal of the death
penalty'
By JC Reindl, Day Staff Writer
Article published Apr 4, 2012
The state Senate is still debating legislation that would abolish
capital punishment for future crimes, although an earlier 21-14 vote on
an amendment to the bill has convinced even death penalty supporters
that the repeal effort likely will succeed.
The Senate is considering "prospective" legislation that would end the
death penalty for future convictions, but not for the 11 inmates on
death row today. In place of execution, those convicted of the most
heinous offenses would face life imprisonment without possibility of
release.
Senate Pro Tem Donald Williams, D-Brooklyn, said earlier in the day
that he and other opponents of the death penalty finally have rounded
up enough votes to get their bill passed.
"We intend to take a historic step today," Williams said. "We intend
for Connecticut to become the 17th state to repeal the death penalty."
The senate took up the bill at 3:38 p.m., and Democratic leaders acted
quickly to attach an amendment creating a new imprisonment program for
future Class A felony murderers convicted of "murder with special
circumstances."
These inmates would face tougher conditions than the general prison
population, similar to those for current death row inmates.
They would have separate housing, have no more than two hours a day
outside their cells, be subjected to twice-weekly cell searches, be
required to change cells every three months, and would have only
"non-contact" visitation privileges. They could read books and watch
TV, but only basic channels, no cable.
At 5:37 p.m., the senate voted 21-14 along party lines to attach the
amendment to the bill. Sen. Edith Prague, D-Columbia, joined pro-repeal
Democrats to support the amendment, as did Sen. Andrew Maynard,
D-Stonington.
Democrats said the amendment was key to lining up the votes needed for
passage and assuaging concerns that prison life might be too cushy for
worst-of-the-worst convicts.
Two hours later, an amendment offered by Sen. John Kissel, R-Enfield,
that he said would better ensured tough prison conditions for those
inmates and restricted TV viewing failed by a similar vote tally.
Minutes after the Kissel amendment failed, Senate Minority Leader John
McKinney, R-Fairfield, conceded that he and other death penalty
supporters likely will lose this fight in both chambers of the General
Assembly.
"I do believe there will be a repeal of the death penalty signed into
law." McKinney said.
Earlier in the day, Senate Republicans held a news conference with
relatives those killed in the Cheshire home invasion and of Barry
Rossi, the victim of a murder-for-hire plot in 2003. The speakers
warned that the repeal bill before the Senate will ultimately end up
sparing the lives of the killers now on death row.
"The idea that the death penalty can be repealed prospectively only,
and that our action today will ensure that the 11 murders currently
serving on death row in Connecticut will one day face execution, is a
mere fallacy," McKinney said.
Dr. William Petit Jr., the lone survivor of the 2007 Cheshire home
invasion and triple slaying, said that senators including Prague who
recently switched their votes and now support repeal have been "led
astray."
"Prospective repeal is absolutely a lie," said Johanna Chapman, Petit's
sister. "There's just no way that that's going to ever happen."
Chapman continued: "It's not what I want, but if they, the
abolitionists, want to do away with the death penalty in the state of
Connecticut, at least be honest about it and call it total repeal," she
said. "There is no such thing as prospective repeal."
The difference between a "prospective" repeal and a full repeal is a
critical distinction for a number of lawmakers, who have said they only
would vote for legislation that doesn't save the lives of current death
row inmates.
Prague supported capital punishment as a legislator in the 1990s, but
changed her views several years ago when James Tillman, a black man who
spent 18 years in prison on rape and assault convictions, ultimately
was exonerated by DNA evidence.
She changed her mind again last year following an emotional meeting
with Dr. Petit and Chapman. At that time, only one of the two
murderers, Steven Hayes, had been tried and convicted. Joshua
Komisarjevsky was not sentenced until later in the year.
Maynard also flipped his vote last year after meeting with the Petit
family.
Supporters of the appeal bill, including Sen. Eric Coleman,
D-Bloomfield, an attorney and co-chairman of the judiciary committee,
say they are confident the prospective part of the bill would withstand
court challenges and keep the death row inmates in line for execution.
They noted how New Mexico's highest court upheld that state's
prospective law by ruling that a convicted murderer still can be
sentenced to death because his crimes occurred before New Mexico's 2009
repeal law.
"We need to move forward as a state to embrace what other states have
done," Williams said, "what almost every other state in New England has
done, what almost every other country throughout Europe and countries
that we look to as allies in the world, what they have done – and that
is our intent today."
The Senate began debating the Democrats' amendment to their death
penalty bill shortly after 3:30 p.m. today. McKinney and Kissel
challenged the notion that the bill could withstand court appeals by
death row inmates seeking to overturn their sentences.
"The folks on death row will use this to get off of death row," said
Kissel, who wants to keep the death penalty.
Prague appeared to listen intently to the debate, and later rose to ask
Coleman whether the bill's intent – to apply only to future crimes –
would matter to the justice of the state Supreme Court if death row
inmates try to use the repeal law to commute their sentences.
Coleman replied that the legislature's intent likely would be a
significant factor.
However, Kissel raised new questions about the bill's durability when
he announced that his staff received a late afternoon email from New
Mexico's state attorney general that, according to Kissel, clarified
that the New Mexico Supreme Court ruling shouldn't be considered a
final say on the constitutionality of the legislation's prospective
feature.
The last person to be executed in Connecticut was serial killer Michael
Ross by lethal injection in 2005. Before that, Joseph "Mad Dog"
Taborsky died in the electric chair in 1960.
The state Senate has been the last hurdle for death penalty opponents
since last year when Gov. Dannel P. Malloy replaced Republican Gov. M.
Jodi Rell, who vetoed a 2009 repeal bill. Malloy says he would sign a
prospective repeal measure.
Lawmakers:
Death penalty repeal could jeopardize fate of 11 death row
inmates
Ken Dixon, CT POST
Updated 03:32 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 2012
HARTFORD -- After majority Democrats in the Senate revised a bill to
attract more votes for repeal of the state's death penalty, Republicans
and several supporters of capital punishment charged Wednesday that the
fate of the 11 killers on death row is at stake.
Led by Senate Minority Leader John McKinney, R-Fairfield and Dr.
William Petit, whose wife and two daughters were killed in the infamous
Cheshire home invasion of 2007, death-penalty supporters claimed that
if the repeal goes through, the 11 men sentenced to death will never
face the executioners. Proponents of the repeal, however, who
planned on an early afternoon debate stretching late into the night,
stressed that the legislation is "prospective" for future capital
felonies and would not spare death row inmates.
Indeed, it was the only way that veteran Sen. Edith G. Prague,
D-Columbia, who opposed the bill last year, would support the
legislation this year.
During a mid-morning news conference, majority Democrats announced a
"game-changing" rewrite of the death penalty repeal bill that would
assure those on death row-- and those future murderers convicted under
so-called special circumstances -- would stay segregated from other
inmates for as long as they live. They would be kept in
conditions similar to current death row inmates in the Northern
Correctional Institution in Somers, where those facing eventual
execution are escorted everywhere, housed away from the general
population and confined to their cells for 22 hours a day.
Democrats led by Senate President Pro Tempore Donald E. Williams Jr.
and Sen. Eric D. Coleman, co-chairman of the Judiciary Committee, said
the new bill took into consideration a proposal from Sen. John Kissel,
R-Enfield, the committee's ranking member who favors the death penalty,
who was seeking assurances that prison conditions would not change for
those currently on death row if the legislation succeeds.
"It's great when the opposition party wants to take one of our ideas
and take it to heart, but it doesn't change my position on the death
penalty," Kissel said.
Kissel called the prospective repeal a politically expedient move.
"Be honest. If you're going to take the high and mighty road and say
this is a moral issue, then let's be honest, get your votes together
and do an outright repeal. But don't misguide the victims' families and
loved ones, don't misguide the people of Connecticut and say it's
prospective because that is a ruse and that is disingenuous to the good
people of the state of Connecticut,'' he said.
McKinney charged that the Democratic leadership was attempting to hold
down public opposition at the Capitol by announcing the vote late
Tuesday night.
"They haven't even given people the time to call their state senator
before the vote because they're rushing it through as fast as they
can," McKinney said.
If the repeal goes through, McKinney said the death row inmates would
immediately file appeals to have their penalties reduced to life in
prison. Petit, an endocrinologist who was beaten but survived the
2007 triple murder and who has emerged in recent years as the state's
major supporter of capital punishment, told reporters that he believes
Democrats have been keeping him away from swing votes including Prague.
"The senators in question have not been readily available," Petit said.
Gov. Dannel P. Malloy has said he will support the repeal. Democrats
control the Senate 22-14. Lt. Gov. Nancy Wyman, who presides over the
Senate, said last week that in a tie vote, she would support repeal.
Williams, the Senate's top Democrat, said the repeal mirrors New Mexico
law that was upheld by courts in that state. Coleman said that
laws in Connecticut dating back to 1846 have applied prospectively, so
he is sure that those on death row would still face eventual
execution. Leo C. Arnone, commissioner of the Department of
Correction, said the bill would allow him to set up the new segregated
program at other prisons and save money for the state.
Appeals on death-penalty cases routinely take 20 to 30 years. Serial
killer Michael Ross abandoned his appeals in 2005 and received a lethal
injection. Prior to that, the last execution was in 1960.
In 2009, a death penalty repeal bill passed the Legislature, but was
vetoed by then-Gov. M. Jodi Rell. Last year, a similar effort failed in
the Senate amid opposition from Prague and Sen. Andrew Maynard,
D-Stonington, who Petit convinced to oppose the measure.
The Cheshire home invasion slayings were viewed as creating a hostile
environment for repealing the law. Both of the defendants in that case
were found guilty and were sentenced to death row. The Death
Penalty Information Center, a Washington, D.C., nonprofit that
researches death penalty issues, reports that 34 states now have
capital punishment laws while 16 do not.
Last month, a Quinnipiac University poll showed 62 percent of
Connecticut residents do not support repealing the death penalty.
Senate
Democrats To Amend Death Penalty Repeal
CTNEWSJUNKIE
by Christine Stuart and Hugh McQuaid | Apr 4, 2012 12:48pm
As the state Senate prepared for a vote on the prospective repeal of
the death penalty Wednesday, Democratic leaders announced their
intention to amend the bill to keep inmates convicted of capital murder
in conditions mirroring death row.
The amendment is similar to one proposed by Sen. John Kissel, R-
Enfield, last week when the bill was voted out of the Judiciary
Committee. Kissel’s amendment called for solitary confinement for the
inmates on death row.
Though that amendment was voted down, the committee’s co-chairs said
they were open to considering the concept. Sen. Eric Coleman,
D-Hartford, said Wednesday’s amendment avoids some of the
constitutional concerns raised over Kissel’s proposal.
Correction Department Commissioner Leo Arnone said if adopted and
passed, the amendment would create a program very similar to how death
row is currently run.
Under the amendment, inmates convicted of capital felony will be housed
in units separate from other inmates and will be continuously escorted
or monitored when they are moved.
Inmates in the program will only be allowed out of their cells for two
hours a day, will only be allowed non-contact visiting rights, and will
never be allowed work assignments. They will also be subject to cell
searches at least twice a week and will be required to change cells
every 90 days.
“These conditions might be regarded as harsher than death row, because
they will be moved from one cell to another every 90 days, which is
disruptive,” Sen. President Donald Williams, D-Brooklyn, said.
Sen. Majority Leader Martin Looney, D-New Haven, said the amendment
recognizes that people convicted of capital murder should be treated
different in the prison system and is a just substitute for the death
penalty.
Williams said he expects the bill to pass the Senate with at least 19
votes, meaning Lt. Gov. Nancy Wyman would not be required to break a
tie. He said the amendment was a key factor in getting the votes needed
from lawmakers who might not otherwise felt comfortable repealing the
death penalty.
Not everyone feels the amendment is necessary, however. In a statement,
ACLU of Connecticut Executive Director Andrew Schneider said it does
not serve a purpose.
“It’s vitally important that the death penalty be repealed in
Connecticut, and the ACLU of Connecticut has been working toward this
end for decades. This amendment, however, is unnecessary,” he said.
“The Department of Correction already has the tools to effectively and
safely manage the prison population, including the ability to place
prisoners in administrative segregation.”
However, Arnone said the amendment gives the department flexibility
because it allows him to set up programs like death row in facilities
besides Northern Correctional Institution. Because of that flexibility,
he said he was confident the new programs will be revenue neutral.
“My best guess, as someone who’s done this business for 38 years, is we
can make this happen without having it cost the state of Connecticut
any more than any other inmate we’re holding,” he said.
Republican lawmakers held a press conference Wednesday morning with the
families of victims to talk about why they believe the death penalty
can’t be repealed prospectively and why trotting out this amendment
won’t get them to flip their votes.
“I suspect it’s being used as a political tool to help flip some
votes,” Sen. Minority Leader John McKinney, R-Fairfield said. He said
if he was able to have a reasonable, fair, factual discussion with Sen.
Edith Prague outside the chamber he’s certain he could convince her not
to vote for repeal.
Kissel said the fact that Democrats have proposed a bill similar to his
doesn’t change his view on the death penalty.
“This notion of prospective repeal is political expediency and you know
what I’m with them—be honest,” Kissel said. “But don’t misguide
victims’ families and loved ones.”
Anne Rossi, the widow of Barry Rossi, who was killed in a
murder-for-hire at an auto repair shop in Windsor Locks, said if the
death penalty didn’t exist the man who hired Jose Guzman to kill her
husband’s friend would be a free man.
She said the current process is broken and it feels like the
legislature is rushing into eliminating the death penalty without first
trying to fix it.
“The pain is always going to be there for us,” Rossi said. “I hold no
merit on abolishing this law for the sake of saving me more pain.”
She said she would have happily sat through more jury trials and
sentencing procedures if it meant her husband would receive justice.
“It’s about the people who were murdered, and the people who murdered
them,” Rossi said.
Linda Binnenkade, Rossi’s sister, said they offered an amendment last
year to the legislature which would have switched the penalty of death
to life on death row. She said it’s possible if the state eliminates
the death penalty prospectively, those currently on death row will make
it into the prison’s general population.
“Life in prison, they’re gonna pass laws, and they’re gonna get out,”
Binnenkade said. “Life on death row you would not get out.”
Dr. William A. Petit Jr., whose wife and daughters were murdered in
their Cheshire home in 2007, said he believes in the death penalty.
“We believe in the death penalty because we believe it is really the
only true just punishment for certain heinous and depraved murders,”
Petit said.
Petit said he‘s going to try and get an audience with senators, like
Prague, who may still be on the fence about the issue.
“I think senators who are thinking about flipping their votes, I think
they’re being led astray. I think prospective appeal of the death
penalty is false. There will be multiple appeals for people who are
already on death row,” Petit said.
Johanna Petit Chapman said bluntly that a prospective death penalty is
“absolutely a lie.”
“If the abolitionists want to do away with the death penalty in
Connecticut at least be honest about it,” Petit Chapman said.
However, Williams said he didn’t believe the passage of the bill would
affect the 11 inmates currently on death row. He said Connecticut can
look to New Mexico for evidence that prospectively repealing the death
penalty won’t allow inmates on death row to successfully appeal their
sentences.
“In New Mexico when that particular appeal was filed the New Mexico
Supreme Court decided decisively that there is nothing unconstitutional
about a prospective death penalty,” he said.
Coleman said Connecticut’s courts have a history of upholding the
legislative intent of the laws. In 1846, the legislature passed a
prospective law creating different degrees for murder cases and the
courts upheld the decision, he said.
The state Supreme Court also upheld the prospective nature of
modifications lawmakers made to the death penalty statute in 1951, he
said.
Can't wait for the circus of
appeals to prior convictions to begin...
Senate poised to repeal death penalty over plea by Petit
Mark Pazniokas, CT MIRROR
April 4, 2012
Democratic leaders say the Connecticut Senate is poised today to
repeal the death penalty for future crimes with at least one vote to
spare, but Dr. William Petit and other opponents of repeal were making
a late effort to turn votes.
Senate President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn, outlined
an amendment that would set "tough new conditions of confinement" for
prisoners sentenced under the new crime of "murder with special
circumstances."
The conditions would mirror those on death row, which is occupied by 11
men now condemned to death: Inmates would be confined to cells for 22
hours a day, segregated from the general prison population.
Conditions of confinement were an issue for the three Democratic
senators who have been publicly undecided: Edith Prague of Columbia,
Carlo Leone of Stamford and Joseph J. Crisco of Woodbridge. All three
are now expected to vote for repeal, with the possibility of additional
votes, Democrats said.
If all three vote for repeal, the bill would pass on a 19-17 vote. The
Senate leadership has indicated it would not call a vote without a
minimum of 18 Democratic votes.
On an 18-18 vote, Lt. Gov. Nancy Wyman is prepared to break the tie by
casting a vote for repeal. The bill then would go to the House of
Representatives, where passage is expected. Gov. Dannel P. Malloy has
promised to sign the bill.
"We intend to take a historic step today," Williams said. "We intend
for Connecticut to become the 17th state to repeal the death penalty in
the United States."
Williams, Senate Majority Leader Martin Looney, D-New Haven, Sen. Eric
Coleman, D-Bloomfield, co-chairman of the Judiciary Committee and
Correction Commissioner Leo Arnone outlined the amendment at the first
of dueling news conferences.
Senate Minority Leader John McKinney, R-Fairfield, followed with a
conference attended by Petit, the survivor of the 2007 Cheshire home
invasion in which his wife and two daughters were murdered. Last year,
Petit was able to convince Prague and another senator that they should
oppose repeal until the two defendants were tried and sentenced in his
family's case.
Petit failed to gain access to the Senate Democratic caucus room at
midday to talk to Prague, Leone and Crisco.
Leone and Crisco, who have voted against previous repeal bills, have
said little publicly about how they intended to reach a decision. After
the Mirror reported early Tuesday that a repeal vote was likely, they
spent much of the day dodging questions from reporters about how they
would to vote.
McKinney said the Democrats have constructed a repeal bill that appeals
to political expediency: Since it applies only to future crimes, the
proponents can say they are not voting to spare anyone on death row,
including the two men convicted of killing Petit's family.
New Mexico passed a similar law in 2009, which so far has withstood
judicial scrutiny. But McKinney said passage of the prospective repeal
law eventually would mean that the 11 men on death row would see their
sentences reduced to life without possibility of release.
Prague said she was leaning toward repeal, but only if she is assured
that her vote does not negate the current death sentences, especially
for Joshua Komisarjevsky and Steven Hayes, convicted of triple murder
in the Cheshire home invasion.
"My fear is some innocent person will be sent to death row," Prague
said. "By the same token, I couldn't live with myself if repeal got
Komisarjevsky and Hayes to win an appeal to have their death penalties
reversed."
New Mexico's death-penalty repeal was written not to commute the
sentences of those already on death row.
In Connecticut, capital crimes now punishable by a death sentence would
carry a sentence of life in prison with no possibility of release.
Those crimes would be classified as "murder with special circumstances."
Connecticut's legislature also passed a repeal bill in 2009, but it was
vetoed by Gov. M. Jodi Rell. Connecticut and New Hampshire are the only
New England states with the death penalty.
Prague and Sen. Andrew Maynard, D-Stonington, who voted for repeal in
2009, blocked a vote last year when one of the Cheshire defendants
still was awaiting trial. Maynard is unconditionally committed to vote
for repeal.
Sen. Andrew Roraback, R-Goshen, who has previously voted for repeal,
has made his vote conditional on the legislature repealing or
significantly revising a law that awards inmates "risk reduction
credits" that can reduce a sentence for good behavior.
Malloy held a news conference last week with Ben Jealous, president and
chief executive officer of the NAACP, which is leading an effort to
abolish the death penalty nationally.
But Malloy has not directly lobbied legislators.
"I think everybody in the state of Connecticut knows what my position
is," Malloy said. "To state it quite succinctly, if the legislature was
to send me a bill that was prospective in nature, I would sign it."
Connecticut is one of 34 states with the death penalty. Of the 1,289
executions in the United States since capital punishment was
reinstated, only one was in Connecticut: Michael Ross, who was put to
death in 2005 at his request. The United States was the only western
democracy to carry out executions in 2011.
2012
Session Will Bring Another Death
Penalty Debate
CTNEWSJUNKIE
by Hugh McQuaid | Jan 16, 2012 5:30am
With a new Democratic governor, 2011 seemed like the year the
legislature would repeal Connecticut’s death penalty, until the sole
survivor of a triple homicide appealed to lawmakers to wait. On
Thursday a state senator said the wait may be over.
Sen. Edward Meyer, D-Guilford, said he will be sponsoring a prospective
bill to repeal death penalty this legislative session. Three years ago
the legislature passed a similar measure, but former Gov. M. Jodi Rell
vetoed it.
Meyer said he’s confident enough votes exist in the House to pass the
bill this year. However, it’s still unclear whether there are enough
votes in the Senate. He said the issue will likely to come down to two
Democrats—Senators Andrew Maynard and Edith Prague.
Last year Prague and Maynard, who had been supporters of the bill,
retracted their support after meeting with Dr. William Petit, the sole
survivor of a brutal 2007 triple-homicide at his Cheshire home.
Petit, his sister, and their lawyer urged the senators not to vote for
the repeal, as it could have become impossible to get a death penalty
sentence for the second man accused of murder in that case: Joshua
Komisarjevsky.
Explaining her position, Prague grabbed headlines when she told
CTNewsJunkie “They should bypass [Komisarjevsky’s] trial and take that
second animal and hang him by his penis from a tree out in the middle
of Main Street.”
Without their votes, there was not enough support in the Senate and the
bill was never brought to the floor. But last month a jury in New Haven
handed Komisarjevsky a death sentence, bringing the Cheshire case to an
end.
Prague, who is recovering from a recent stroke, has indicated to Meyer
that she would require some tailoring to the bill that almost passed
last year. In order to gain her support, Meyer said the bill would have
to include some provision that ensures anyone on death row would be
held in solitary confinement for the duration of their life sentences.
Meyer said he has not yet spoken to Maynard, whose vote would also be
necessary to clear the Senate chamber.
Reached by phone, Maynard said he has always been a supporter of
repealing the death penalty but thought it would be impossible to have
a rational discussion about it on the Senate floor when jury selection
for the Komisarjevsky trial was all over the news.
“I know it may seem a little schizophrenic but I hope people can
understand my issue was with the sort of inflammatory conditions at
that time,” he said.
While he said he’s withholding his final judgement until he sees what
ends up in the bill, Maynard said he supports the concept and thinks
the repeal is likely to pass this year.
House Minority Leader Lawrence Cafero, a supporter of the death
penalty, said he didn’t buy Maynard’s argument. If someone wants to
have a debate about ending capital punishment, “you got to be able to
do it in the face of a Petit type case,” he said.
It’s hard to respect a lawmaker’s position when the death penalty is
appropriate in deplorable circumstances one year and should be
abolished the next year, he said. He said the Cheshire case was a good
example of why capital punishment should stay on the books.
“After hearing the evidence in the Petit trial, how someone could
believe those two gentlemen should not be put to death is beyond my
comprehension,” he said.
The renewed debate over the issue comes months after a Stanford
professor released a study finding the application of Connecticut’s
death penalty to be “not only arbitrary but is also impermissibly
discriminatory.”
The study by Prof. John J. Donohue III evaluated the application of
capital punishment by comparing all 4,686 murders that took place in
the state between 1973 and 2007. Of those murders, 92 resulted in
capital felony convictions and 29 went to a death penalty phase. Nine
received the death sentence.
Overall, Donohue found that the application of the punishment was
largely random and had more to do with factors like race and geography
than the heinousness of the crime.
“I found that cases prosecutors charge as capital are virtually
indistinguishable in these measures of deathworthiness from cases where
prosecutors choose not to bring capital charges,” he wrote.
The study found that of the nine crimes that warranted the death
penalty, only one of them was among the 15 most egregious crimes.
Donohue said the location of a crime seems to impact whether a trial
will go to a death penalty phase. Someone who commits a murder in
Waterbury is far more likely to be sentenced to die than elsewhere in
the state.
Race also plays a role in who receives the punishment. A minority
defendant who murders a white victim is three times as likely to get a
death sentence than a white defendant, the study found.
Rep. Gary Holder-Winfield, D- New Haven, has been pushing for a repeal
of the death penalty for years. He said the Donohue’s conclusion that
the punishment is racially unfair isn’t a new idea.
“We all know there’s a racial component to this,” he said.
Cafero said it’s wrong for the study to treat every single death
penalty case the same—each case has its own circumstances. He argued
that death row’s two most recent tenants, Komisarjevsky and his
co-defendant Steven Hayes, are white and they are not the only white
convicts to be sentenced to die in Connecticut.
Holder-Winfield said that’s not the point.
“Even if you believe everyone on death row is guilty, there is
definitely inequality built into the system,” he said. “Nobody says
there are no white guys on death row but if you’re black you’re more
likely to get the death penalty.”
If people wanted to to try the death penalty in every single case where
it would apply, Holder-Winfield said he would reconsider pushing for
its abolition. He said he offered as much in 2009 but no one wanted to
take him up on it.
After the prospect of a repeal dissolved last year, Holder-Winfield
said he wasn’t planning to push the issue this year. He reasoned if he
waited a few years the emotions generated by the high-profile Petit
case may dissipate.
It’s also a tough issue to tackle especially in an election year, he
said. But with other lawmakers like Meyer voicing concerns this year,
Holder-Winfield said he’s ready to make the push again.
But he wasn’t ready to predict the bill’s success this year.
“I’ll be working the votes until it’s time to pass the bill,” he said.
“If it hits the floor it will only be because we have the votes.”
He also wasn’t ready to count on Prague.
“Until I’ve heard her confirm it, I don’t put her in that category,” he
said.


FROM GOOGLE
Part of the larger issue of illegal immigration? Of the 15 states and
the District of Columbia, which according to the above source, have no
death penalty, only D.C., New Jersey, Indiana and Massachusetts do not
border foreign countries (Canada and Mexico) or lie offshore of the
contiguous 48 states. Does this fact relate to their "no death
penalty" status? Nine states and Florida (with a history of
accepting Cuban Refugees) abut Canada and Mexico, but do have the death
penalty, according to the map above.
Not
the opinion of this website
Lawmaker: We Will Abolish Death Penalty
The Hartford Courant
By GARY HOLDER-WINFIELD
December 11, 2011
Two recent attempts by the Connecticut General Assembly to pass a bill
to abolish the death penalty have been rebuffed. First, former Gov. M.
Jodi Rell vetoed a bill that had passed the legislature. Then, when
another bill was raised, relatives of murder victims were able to
persuade legislators to change their positions, which led to the
measure's defeat.
Despite these setbacks and strong public sentiment stirred by the
trials of Joshua Komisarjevsky and Steven Hayes for the terrible
murders in Cheshire, I will again seek to pass an abolition bill in
2012.
Relatives of murder victiims are not ordinary citizens like you and me.
Our political discourse tells us they are special — these loved ones
are seeking justice. Even they, however, can reasonably disagree about
what justice means in murder cases. For some, those found guilty of
murder should be put to death. Others argue that we should not kill
those who have killed their loved ones.
In the end, the families of murder victims are not a monolith. We must
not look at them but at the notion of what is justice. We act as if we
are doing justice by administering the death penalty. But the death
penalty is not justice.
In Connecticut, some people believe that because we can say that the
people on death row are obviously guilty, we can kill them with a clear
conscience. This assumes that not only is this true, but that it will
always be the case. It also assumes that guilt is the limit for
consideration of whether to put someone to death.
If you look to the 1987 McCleskey v. Kemp U.S. Supreme Court case and
think about Rell's veto of the death penalty abolition bill you might
think differently.
In the Kemp case, law professor Davis Baldus demonstrated that there is
bias in the administration of the death penalty. His study showed that
defendants convicted of killing white victims are much more likely to
get the death penalty. The court ruled that even if such a bias exists,
that the defendant in this case had not proven that conscious,
deliberate bias played a part in his conviction. Nevertheless, the
Baldus study does show that racial bias is "an inevitable part of our
criminal justice system."
Rell's 2009 veto letter essentially concludes that this notion that a
little bit (or a lot) of bias in a supposedly fair system is OK. The
governor offers her opinion that, although racial disparity is of
concern, she thinks the death penalty in the state is workable and
should not be changed. This despite evidence in a comprehensive study
by John Donohue of Yale University of bias in Connecticut's application
of the death penalty.
For proponents of the death penalty then, this bias is fine in our
supposedly just system.
What many people, if not most, don't know is that there can be cases in
which crimes as horrible and offensive as the Petit murders in Cheshire
happen and the death penalty does not get enacted. The jury necessarily
must weigh what are called mitigating factors when determining whether
to apply the death penalty. If the law is to work, to be just and
constitutional, then the outcome cannot only be the death penalty. If
the outcome is not necessarily the death penalty, then the enactment
itself is not justice.
Even if it were a perfect world where prejudice no longer exists and
mistakes are never made by prosecutors and judges, justice will never
be served by executing the worst of our society's killers.
If anything, the death penalty process prolongs victims' pain and
delays healing while appeals and reversals force families to relive
their trauma.
Last February, when dozens of fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, sons
and daughters of the murdered came to the state Capitol to plead for
the repeal of the death penalty, some held pictures of the ones they
had lost over their hearts, asking for closure for other survivors of
victims.
They said Connecticut's death penalty is broken and perpetuates a
system that torments the victims' families with a promise of closure
that never comes. It is a process that in their words causes more harm
than good to many surviving family members.
Gary Holder-Winfield, D-New Haven,
represents the 94th Assembly District.
Komisarjevsky condemned
to death
DAY
By JOHN CHRISTOFFERSEN Associated Press
Article published Dec 10, 2011
New Haven - A jury condemned a man to death Friday for killing a woman
and her two daughters during a night of terror in their suburban home,
a gruesome crime that evoked comparisons to Truman Capote's "In Cold
Blood" and halted momentum to abolish the death penalty in Connecticut.
The jury took five days to deliberate the defense attorneys' request to
spare the life of Joshua Komisarjevsky in light of abuse he suffered as
a boy. Komisarjevsky, who will join his accomplice, Steven Hayes, on
Connecticut's death row, stood rigidly with his arms behind his back
and had no visible reaction.
The two paroled burglars tormented a family of four in the affluent New
Haven suburb of Cheshire before killing Jennifer Hawke-Petit and
leaving her daughters, 17-year-old Hayley and 11-year-old Michaela, to
die in a fire.
The only survivor, Dr. William Petit, was beaten with a baseball bat
and tied up but escaped. He appeared calm as the verdict was
pronounced, his eyes blinking rapidly and his hand clenched in a fist
on the seat in front of him. He later bowed his head and closed his
eyes.
Petit said outside the courthouse that he found some peace with the
verdict, but "there is never complete closure when you lose your wife
and your family."
"We think that society will be a little bit safer with he and his
co-defendant locked up and facing the death penalty," Petit said. "We
certainly have been criticized over the years that this is vengeance
and blood lust, but this is really about justice."
Juror Timothy Anderson, a 44-year-old New Haven social worker, said the
jury was split when it started deliberating and some jurors wept as
they reviewed the case. He said he was undecided at first and others
had to convince him.
Anderson said he presented Petit with a Christmas ornament when Petit
thanked jurors for their service. "Dr. Petit was a hero to come down
here every single day ... to advocate for his family," he said.
The sentencing verdict concluded two long trials that subjected jurors
to grim evidence including charred beds, rope used to tie up the family
and autopsy photos. The 2007 attack led to the defeat of a bill to
outlaw the death penalty in Connecticut, sparked tougher state laws for
repeat offenders and home invasions and drew comparisons to the crime
described in Truman Capote's "In Cold Blood," which documented the
brutal murders of a Kansas farmer and his family in 1959.
In closing arguments, a prosecutor said the two men created "the
ultimate house of horrors" by inflicting extreme psychological and
physical pain on the victims that amounted to torture.
Defense attorneys said Komisarjevsky had been prepared for a death
sentence.
"Joshua accepted the verdict with dignity and respectfully," attorney
Jeremiah Donovan said.
Eleventh on death row
Komisarjevsky will join 10 other men on Connecticut's death row. The
state has executed only one man since 1960, and the 31-year-old
Komisarjevsky will likely spend years, if not decades, in prison.
The jury of seven women and five men, the same panel that convicted
Komisarjevsky, sentenced him to death on each of six capital felony
counts and took only slightly longer to reach a decision than Hayes'
jury did. One woman clutched a tissue as she was asked to affirm the
verdict.
The jurors heard 20 days of testimony from defense witnesses including
psychologists, Komisarjevsky's parents and his sister. In arguing for a
life sentence, his lawyers said his ultra-religious family never got
him proper psychological help after he was repeatedly sexually abused
as a child by his foster brother and his problems worsened.
"The only option he ever had was to go through life damaged," Walter C.
Bansley, another of the defense attorneys, said in his closing argument.
Hayes was convicted last year of raping and strangling Hawke-Petit and
killing the girls. The girls died of smoke inhalation after they were
tied to their beds and doused in gasoline before the house was set
ablaze. Komisarjevsky was convicted Oct. 13 of the killings and of
sexually assaulting Michaela.
Komisarjevsky admitted in an audiotaped confession played for the jury
that he spotted Hawke-Petit and Michaela at a supermarket and followed
them to their house.
After going home and putting his own daughter to bed, he and Hayes
returned to the Petit house in the middle of the night to rob it.
In the morning, Hayes took Hawke-Petit to a bank to withdraw money,
promising her no one would be hurt if she complied. Komisarjevsky took
cellphone pictures of Michaela while her mother and Hayes were out.
The men, who blamed each other for escalating the crime, were caught
fleeing in the family's car.
Komisarjevsky did not testify during his trial but objected
unsuccessfully to an effort by his attorneys to play a videotaped
interview of his 9-year-old daughter. Speaking outside the presence of
the jury, he said he didn't want his daughter to feel compelled to help
"one of the most hated people in America."
His lawyers said they did not believe it was in his best interest to
take the stand.
"The severity of his damage would have been obvious and it would have
alienated him from the jury," Bansley said.
The defense focused heavily on the family's evangelical Christian
religion and on Komisarjevsky's mental health. The family's church
believed that the end of the world was near and that outsiders were
potential agents of the devil, according to testimony.
Komisarjevsky told a defense psychologist that he was repeatedly
sexually abused by his foster brother from ages 4 to 6 and was burned
with a cigarette. He also said he was raped as a teenager by someone he
trusted.
Prosecutors said those claims emerged years later when he faced prison
time for 19 nighttime residential burglaries committed a decade ago.
Troubled past
Komisarjevsky was hospitalized when he was 15 after setting a vacant
gas station on fire. He was having homicidal thoughts about his father
and had upside-down crosses on his arms and a marking declaring Jesus
is dead, according to a hospital evaluation. The hospital wanted to put
him on Prozac and other treatment, but his parents were uncomfortable
with medication and sent him to a religion-based treatment program in
Vermont, where he claimed to hear voices telling him to kill himself.
Komisarjevsky also claimed as a teenager to have seen a demon with
glowing eyes in his room. His mother called church leaders to intervene
and pray to remove the demon.
Komisarjevsky's sister testified that he sexually abused her for years.
He suffered from a mood disorder since he was about 9 that included
bouts of profound depression, according to a defense psychiatrist.
Prosecutors emphasized that Komisarjevsky's parents provided him a good
home, mentors, vacations, values and mechanical skills he would later
use in the construction trade. Komisarjevsky's parents were not in the
courtroom for the sentencing.
An uncle, Chris Komisarjevsky, expressed "apologies and sorrow" to the
victims' family.
"The crime was monstrous and beyond comprehension. There are no
excuses," he said. "As a family, we believe that each individual bears
personal responsibility for the decisions he makes."
The defense tried to show that Joshua Komisarjevsky has redeeming
qualities, noting he won custody of his daughter when he was briefly
out of prison, did well at a construction job and was known to
volunteer to help others as a teen who toured with a Christian singing
group.
His family and other witnesses described him as remorseful and in shock
over his role in the crime. Prosecutors tried to raise doubts about his
remorse, noting he blamed Petit for not doing more to help his family
even though Komisarjevsky had beaten him with a bat and tied him up.
Jury Deliberations To
Start In Komisarjevsky Trial
Hartford Courant
Associated Press
December 5, 2011
NEW HAVEN
A Connecticut jury will soon begin deliberating whether a man convicted
of killing a woman and her two daughters in a brutal home invasion
should get the death penalty or life in prison. Jury
deliberations are expected to begin Monday in the sentencing phase of
Joshua Komisarjevsky's trial in New Haven Superior Court.
Komisarjevsky and co-defendant Steven Hayes were convicted of capital
felony and other charges stemming from the killings of Jennifer
Hawke-Petit and daughters, Hayley and Michaela, at their Cheshire home
in 2007.
Hayes is on death row.
Defense attorneys say Komisarjevsky should not be condemned to death
because was sexually abused as a child by his foster brother and never
got proper psychological help. Prosecutors cite the heinous and cruel
nature of the crime.

The missing and faith.
Petit: Komisarjevsky Conviction
'A Relief'; Focus On Michaela 'Difficult'
Defense Attorneys
Vow Vigorous Fight To Spare Killer's Life
The Hartford Courant
By ALAINE GRIFFIN and JOSH KOVNER, agriffin@courant.com
9:12 AM EDT, October 14, 2011
NEW HAVEN — Much of the gruesome testimony that jurors considered to
convict Joshua Komisarjevsky Thursday of the deadly 2007 Cheshire home
invasion was used in the trial last year of his accomplice,Steven
Hayes. Yet one name seemed to surface more in the second
trial:Michaela Petit.
The Superior Court jurors found Komisarjevsky guilty of 17 crimes, but
what seemed to stir Dr. William Petit Jr. the most was hearing them
convict his family's killer of the rape and murder of his younger
daughter.
Shortly afterward, Petit spoke outside the courthouse about a father's
anger.
"I just knew the appropriate thing was to let the law take its course,
as exceedingly slow and excruciatingly painful as it was, and there was
nothing I could do to make that any better by looking like an enraged
or crazed father," Petit said.
After deliberating for a little more than eight hours over two days,
the jury of seven women and five men convicted Komisarjevsky — a
paroled burglar who prosecutors said masterminded one of most horrific
crimes in recent state history — of the murders of Petit's wife,
Jennifer Hawke-Petit, and their two daughters, Hayley, 17, and
Michaela, 11. As the verdicts were read, Komisarjevsky — wearing
a dark suit and tie and looking heavier and more clean-cut than the
slim, shaggy young man seen in his 2007 mug shot — stood with his hands
clasped behind his back. He kept his eyes down and showed no expression
but seemed to drop his head lower each time the jury forewoman
pronounced him guilty.
Komisarjevsky, 31, was convicted on all six capital felony charges, so
he automatically will go through a death penalty hearing before the
same jury, scheduled to begin Oct. 24. Komisarjevsky looked dazed
and yawned as he exited the courtroom. His parents and sister, who
appeared in court earlier this week, were not there for the
verdict. On Thursday evening, defense attorney Jeremiah Donovan
said that Komisarjevsky's defense team planned to "redouble" its
efforts in the penalty phase.
Defense attorney Walter C. Bansley III agreed, saying, "We have
confidence in the jury system, and we look forward to presenting
mitigating evidence that we no doubt think the jury will view with
reasonableness, compassion and mercy."
Jurors also found Komisarjevsky guilty of assaulting Petit; four counts
of kidnapping; causing the three deaths during the course of the
kidnappings; sexually assaulting Michaela and causing her death during
the course of the sexual assault; burglary; and arson.
Petit, the only family member to survive the home invasion, fought back
tears as he sat close to his sister, Johanna Petit Chapman, in the
courtroom gallery. Some jurors looked at him as the verdicts were read.
All of the jurors appeared to keep their composure and did not become
overly emotional.
Komisarjevsky admitted tying Hayley and Michaela to their beds,
sexually molesting Michaela and beating Petit in the head with a
baseball bat, but he said he never intended for anyone to die. He
blamed Hayes for the killings and for pouring the gasoline and igniting
the fire that led to the deaths of Hayley and Michaela from smoke
inhalation. Hayes admitted raping and strangling Hawke-Petit, 48.
Last year, Hayes, 47, of Winsted, was convicted of 16 of 17 charges
that he faced in connection with the home invasion and was sentenced to
die by lethal injection.
A Fifth-Grader's Final Hours
Just hours before announcing their verdict, the jurors emerged from
their deliberation room for a break, a few with reddened eyes, folded
arms and frowns. It's not known how much jurors were reacting to the
rape and murder of Michaela, but legal sources said that several jurors
had cried during deliberations. During the trial, jurors viewed
disturbing photographs of the young girl.
One photograph of the crime scene showed Michaela's body lying face
down, tied to her bed. Her clothes were burned, her blond hair fanned
across her charred bed. Other photos, taken on Komisarjevsky's
cellphone, were explicit shots of the child from the neck down as she
lay bound to her bed.
Testimony was cut short one day during the trial when a juror became
visibly upset listening to a recording of the chilling account of the
home invasion that Komisarjevsky gave to police the day of his arrest.
Jurors listened as Komisarjevsky talked calmly and slowly about
performing oral sex and masturbating on Michaela as she was tied to her
bed.
During the trial,New Haven State's Attorney Michael Dearington told
jurors that he didn't like having to discuss the rape and murder of the
11-year-old girl. But the 69-year-old, buttoned-up prosecutor spared
few horrific details of the fifth-grader's final hours in both the
evidence he presented and during his final arguments.
Komisarjevsky opened that door himself in his police confession,
admitting that he saw Michaela and her mother at the local supermarket
hours before the break-in and followed them to their Cheshire home.
Komisarjevsky told police that during the home invasion, he talked with
Michaela in her bedroom about music, "school and summer plans."
Then, with Michaela tied to her bed, Komisarjevksy said, "one thing led
to another and I ended up … performing oral sex on her — on KK,"
Komisarjevsky said. Komisarjevsky said he had heard her mother and
sister call Michaela "KK," her family nickname.
At one point, Komisarjevsky said he "had locked eyes" with Michaela. "I
was kind of taken back by how calm she was being."
Komisarjevsky then said, "She had this look on her face that she
understood, like you know that, yeah, we were here, and we were
invading her home and that she understood, like she seemed to have this
look on her, you know that, she understood that we, we wouldn't hurt
them, we'd just be on our way, and, uh, that sort of caught me off
guard."
Komisarjevsky told police that he thought Michaela was 14 or 16.
Dearington argued in his closing statements that if Komisarjevsky had
talked to the girl about school, he would have known that she had just
finished the fifth grade.
'Nauseated And Sickened'
On Thursday, Petit said the Komisarjevsky trial was more difficult to
sit through than the Hayes case because of the focus on Michaela.
"She was a sweet girl. She was 11. She was actually the kid in her
class who would always stand up against the bullies. … I'm sure she was
completely terrified and that was very, very difficult for all of us to
hear," Petit said.
Petit, 55, said he and the rest of his family were "nauseated and
sickened" by Komisarjevsky's matter-of-fact account of his assault on
Michaela and his claim that they had struck up some kind of bond.
"I think everybody in the family was, I guess the politest word, was
nauseated and sickened that somehow someone who would invade a home and
bind and terrorize an 11-year-old girl would talk about it as though he
was best friends with her," Petit said.
He added that Michaela was shy, even around male family members.
"She, until she was 11 years old, wouldn't look my brother-in-law in
the face. … She was incredibly shy around men. … To hear a statement
that they locked eyes and there was some sort of bond was really sort
of nauseating and really beyond the pale, because that is not something
that Michaela Rose Petit would have ever done with a man who had broken
into her bedroom and sexually assaulted her."
Petit said he was not surprised that Komisarjevsky showed no outward
emotion after the verdict.
"He's convinced himself of his innocence," said Petit.
Petit said that in the four years since the murders, there have been
"occasional moments of peace, but the trial brings everything back in
sharp focus."
Petit said he felt "relief … that the jury had reached a guilty verdict
on 17 of 17 counts" and he praised the jurors and prosecution team. But
he noted that "we're only part way there and [prosecutors] still have a
lot of work to do." He noted that the penalty phase was not as
clear-cut as the evidence phase and said, "It will be very difficult to
sit through."
The Rev. Richard Hawke, Hawke-Petit's father, said: "We are a united
family. We are people of faith, and it's that faith that has brought us
through these past four years, and it is that faith that will continue
to keep us together and strengthen us for the future and to be able to
live through this experience — never forgetting it, because we will
always keep our daughter and grandchildren in our hearts and in our
minds."
As she left the courtroom, Hawke-Petit's mother, Marybelle Hawke, was
composed as she reacted to the unanimous verdicts, saying, "There was
some peace in knowing that there is punishment when people do something
wrong."
Outside the courtroom, Dearington, who successfully sought a sentence
of death for Hayes last year, was congratulated by people, shaking his
hands.
"We're happy for the family," he said, declining further comment
because of a court-imposed gag order attached to the case.
'Gifted Manipulator'
In closing arguments earlier this week, Dearington portrayed
Komisarjevsky as cold and calculating, a liar and the one in charge of
leading the deadly home invasion.
He described Komisarjevsky as a "gifted manipulator" whose own defense
psychology tests showed that he was persuasive and had "superior"
verbal ability.
Dearington and prosecutor Gary W. Nicholson said that it was
Komisarjevsky who led the break-in at the Petit family's Cheshire home,
beat Petit with a bat and tied up the family. Dearington called
Hayes a "puppet" and said that Komisarjevsky was "pulling the strings."
Nicholson reminded jurors that it was Komisarjevsky who spotted
Hawke-Petit and Michaela at the supermarket hours before the home
invasion. Nicholson said that Komisarjevsky stalked the family and took
Hayes to the house. Komisarjevsky "saw a beautiful young girl,
attractive mother, a nice car and he wanted to know more. … He wanted
what they had," Nicholson said. "Make no mistake, this intrusion was
Mr. Komisarjevsky's idea."
State medical examiners testified during both trials that the girls
died of smoke inhalation. Testimony showed that there was soot in their
voice boxes, airways and lungs, meaning that they were inhaling smoke
while they were still alive. Michaela died in her bed. Hayley, who was
also tied to her bed on the home's second floor, managed to free
herself but collapsed and died at the top of the stairs.
Nicholson asked jurors to imagine what was going through the minds of
Hayley and Michaela, who lay tied to their beds as gasoline was poured
on them.
"Ask yourselves, what terror they felt … they knew the end was near,"
Nicholson said. "Hayley and Michaela knew they were going to die a
horrible death. They were screaming for their lives. They were
screaming for mercy, any help they could get."
Nicholson reminded jurors that Komisarjevsky didn't untie them. "What
did the defendant say he did? He closed the door. … Was he in a
situation where he didn't want to hear their screams?"
'A Damaged Lad'
In his defense arguments, Donovan called Komisarjevsky a "damaged lad,"
troubled by a history of sexual child abuse, concussions and illegal
drug abuse. A psychologist's report said that Komisarjevsky turned to
self-mutilation in his adolescence, carving the word "hate" into his
arm because he told the psychologist that it was "soothing."
"I hated everything about my life. I had been abused and I wanted
others to know what it was like to hurt, to lose something,"
Komisarjevsky told New York psychologist Leo Shea, who wrote the report.
Shea testified that the mild traumatic head injuries and sexual abuse
that Komisarjevsky said he suffered — coupled with his drug use —
created "a perfect storm" that battered Komisarjevsky's cognitive
ability, making it difficult for him to make decisions in stressful
situations. Shea's report said that Komisarjevsky told him that a
15-year-old boy, whom his family took in as a foster child, sexually
and physically abused him from about the age of 3 until 6.
"My earliest memories were of anal sex, oral sex, cigarette burns,
etc.," Komisarjevsky told Shea, according to the report.
Under cross-examination, Shea agreed with prosecutors that such a
"perfect storm" does not necessarily lead to criminal behavior.
Komisarjevsky is the father of a daughter. The child is now being cared
for by a maternal relative after authorities deemed her mother unfit to
have custody.
Connecticut judge rejects delay in
home invasion trial
DAY
Associated Press
Article published May 17, 2011
NEW HAVEN (AP) — A Connecticut judge has rejected a request by
attorneys for a Connecticut man charged with a deadly home invasion to
delay his trial for three months because of a lawmaker's comments,
according to The Hartford Courant.
Prosecutors and defense attorneys are choosing jurors for Joshua
Komisarjevsky's trial in September.
Komisarjevsky's attorneys last week cited comments by Sen. Edith Prague
saying Komisarjevsky should be hung by his genitals from a tree.
New Haven Superior Court Judge Jon C. Blue called Prague's remarks
"obviously inappropriate by any measure."
Prague said she wasn't sorry.
Prague said last week she would oppose repealing the state's death
penalty after speaking with the lone survivor of the 2007 attacks in
Cheshire, in which a mother and two daughters were killed. The other
defendant in the case was sentenced to death last year.
Cheshire Defense Attorney Cites
Senator's Death-Penalty Comments, Asks For Trial Delay
The Hartford Courant
By ALAINE GRIFFIN, agriffin@courant.com
11:18 AM EDT, May 12, 2011
NEW HAVEN — Sen. Edith Prague's comments about a legislative bill to
repeal of the death penalty emerged as an issue this morning during
jury selection at the trial of Joshua Komisarjevsky in Superior Court.
Holding a copy of The Courant with a story about Wednesday's
developments in the death penalty debate at the Capitol, defense
attorney Jeremiah Donovan asked the judge to delay the trial for three
months.
Donovan noted the news article's reference to Dr. William Petit Jr.'s
meetings with legislators about the death penalty. But before Donovan
could get into details of Prague's comments, Judge Jon C. Blue
suggested the newspaper be entered as an exhibit and said the matter
would be discussed at a later hearing.
"I'd like to hear you out, but we have five citizens waiting," Blue
said, referring to five potential jurors who are scheduled to be
interviewed individually as part of jury selection.
It was not immediately clear if the newspaper was, in fact, entered as
an exhibit.
Blue said individual questioning of potential jurors could give lawyers
the opportunity to ask potential jurors what they knew about Prague's
comments and other recent publicity about the death penalty debate.
Blue then ordered that the first prospective juror be brought into the
courtroom.
Prague, a Democrat from Columbia, said Wednesdays that, after speaking
with Petit, she had decided to oppose a bill seeking to repeal the
death penalty
"I don't care what anybody says,'' Prague said. "I want to give this
man a little ounce of consideration here and that's my reason at this
point in time to not support repeal. I have to live with myself. ... I
could not for one second cause this family any more stress.''
The legislature had passed a bill eliminating the death penalty in
2009, but it was vetoed by then-Gov. M. Jodi Rell. Her replacement,
Dannel P. Malloy, has pledged to sign a repeal bill.
The Courant story in Thursday's newspaper also reported that Prague
told CT NewsJunkie, an online political newspaper, that Komisarjevsky
should be hung "by his p---- from a tree out in the middle of Main
Street.''
Twelve jurors have been chosen for the trial of Komisarjevsky, who
faces the death penalty if convicted of the killings of Jennifer
Hawke-Petit and her daughters, Hayley and Michaela. Lawyers are now
picking alternates for the trial, which is expected to begin in
September.
The first defendant in the case, Steven Hayes, last year was convicted
and sentenced to death.
As the Brooklyn
Dodgers used to say, "Wait 'til next year..."
Senators change minds on death penalty
By JC Reindl, The Day
Published 05/12/2011 12:00 AM
Updated 05/12/2011 04:12 AM
Hartford - State Sen. Edith Prague, D-Columbia, doesn't believe in the
death penalty. She says she would like to see it abolished in
Connecticut, and until last week, was ready to lend her vote to the
latest repeal bill in the legislature. But Prague said she
changed her mind after an emotion-filled meeting last Friday at the
Capitol with Dr. William Petit, the lone survivor of the 2007 Cheshire
home invasion that left his wife and two daughters dead.
She and fellow senator Andrew Maynard, D-Stonington, reversed their
pro-repeal positions after sitting down on separate occasions with
Petit and his sister, Johanna Chapman, and his lawyer, Jeffrey Meyer,
the son of Sen. Edward Meyer, D-Guilford.
"I just feel that if there is anything I could do to help this man at
all, I've got to do it," Prague said Wednesday. "This man has been
through enough without us making it more difficult on him."
Maynard said he was particularly convinced to change his vote after he
heard Petit, Chapman and Meyer detail their experience with the legal
system. At one point during legal proceedings, the defendants
were referred to as "gentlemen" while Petit's wife and two daughters
were called the "alleged victims," Maynard said.
"That statement stung me as I thought about being in his place,"
Maynard said Wednesday night. "I know that is not a reason to change
your mind on the position, but you're suddenly confronted with: What in
the world are we doing to people that have suffered these kinds of
horrific experiences?"
Proponents of capital punishment declared a victory Wednesday afternoon
after learning that the two senators from southeastern Connecticut had
changed their minds. Several legislators said that without the
Prague and Maynard votes, they no longer expect the capital punishment
repeal bill to pass the Senate. Prague, a senator since 1994, said it's
rare for her to flip her stance like this on an issue.
"I don't think I've ever changed my mind on something that I had made
up my mind to vote for," she said.
The last effort to abolish Connecticut's death penalty squeaked through
the Senate with a 19-17 vote in 2009. The bill also passed the House
but was vetoed by then-Gov. M. Jodi Rell, a Republican. The
current bill, which last month passed the Judiciary Committee, would
end the death penalty in Connecticut for future murders, making life
imprisonment without parole the new maximum sentence. Gov. Dannel P.
Malloy, a Democrat, has indicated that he would sign such a bill.
Prague said she would still vote to end the death penalty at some later
date, just not now before the second accused killer in the Petit triple
homicide stands trial. Petit's wife, Jennifer Hawke-Petit, 48, and his
daughters, Hayley, 17, and Michaela, 11, were all killed during the
invasion and the family's house was burned. The wife and one of the
daughters were also sexually assaulted.
"I did not realize that I was that 18th vote," Prague said of her
swing-vote position. "Even if I am, I can't do it to the Petit family."
Steven Hayes was sentenced to death last year for the Petit murders.
The trial of the second man, Joshua Komisarjevsky, is scheduled for
September.
"We don't think the timing is particularly good for Dr. Petit and what
he's going through," Maynard said of the bill. "I won't vote for a
repeal and I hope we don't actually call it up for a vote this year."
Maynard and Prague also said they shared the concerns of Petit's lawyer
that a new state ban on capital punishment could be used by defense
attorneys to obtain a more lenient sentencing for the second accused
killer. Maynard said he does support revamping the habeas corpus
appeals process in Connecticut for death penalty cases so that it is
easier on victims' family members and doesn't turn killers into media
celebrities.
State Rep. Steve Mikutel, D-Griswold, a leading proponent of keeping
capital punishment, praised the two senators for supporting "Dr Petit's
quest for justice."
"This is a victory for justice if this holds - justice for all of
Connecticut's innocent victims of murder," Mikutel said. "The majority
of the people of Connecticut want to keep the death penalty for
cold-blooded killers like Steven Hayes and Michael Ross."
State Rep. Gary Holder-Winfield, D-New Haven, who introduced the repeal
bill in the Judiciary Committee, said he doesn't think the bill has the
votes to pass the Senate. However, he said he hopes that death
penalty opponents can still sway some lawmakers' opinions before the
regular legislative session ends next month.
Ten people are on death row in Connecticut.
Don't
worry, next year the bill will pass and it will be signed into law...or
just be an election issue?
At Petit's request, two senators stop
repeal of death penalty
Mark Pazniokas, CT MIRROR
May 11, 2011
Two senators opposed to capital punishment said Wednesday they are
refusing to vote to repeal the death penalty this year at the request
of Dr. William A. Petit, sole survivor of a home invasion that left his
wife and two daughters dead. Their switch ends the repeal effort for
2011.
Sen. Edith G. Prague, D-Columbia, told Senate leaders she would not
vote for repeal until next session, after the trial of the last of two
defendants in the Cheshire home invasion case, in which Petit's wife
was strangled and his daughters bound and left to die in their burning
home.
Sen. Andrew Maynard, D-Stonington, who voted for repeal two years ago,
said he also has reconsidered as a result of conversations with Petit.
Prague also voted for repeal in 2009.
"I actually believe in repealing the death penalty," said Prague, a
senator for 16 years. "For Dr. Petit, for me to do one more thing to
cause him some kind of angst, I can't do it."
Prague and Maynard said Petit, a sister, Johanna Chapman, and a lawyer,
Jeffrey Meyer, who is the son of Sen. Edward Meyer, D-Guilford, told
them in separate meetings that repeal could complicate the capital
trial of Joshua Komisarjevsky, one of two men charged in the Cheshire
case. Another defendant, Steven Hayes, was convicted and sentenced to
death.
The repeal legislation was written as a prospective law, to affect only
crimes committed after the effective date. But opponents have said it
could be grounds for appeal by Komisarjevsky, if sentenced to death, or
others to fight a death sentence, and Petit made that case to Prague in
a legislative conference room last week.
Prague's voice broke today as she recounted her visit from Petit.
"I can still see Dr. Petit's face in front of me. Oh, my god in heaven.
I'm doing it because that's what they came in for," Prague said. "They
brought their lawyer and said, 'If you vote for the repeal, it would
make it more difficult."
Kimberly Harrison, a lobbyist for the repeal campaign, said she
understands that Petit has been a powerful and sympathetic figure at
the Capitol, though a similar bill passed in 2009, while the crime
still was fresh in the minds of legislators. Gov. M. Jodi Rell vetoed
the measure.
Petit has testified at public hearings on on crime bills, as has his
sister.
"He has every right to influence legislators," Harrison said.
With Maynard and Prague on board, the repeal legislation would have
passed on an 18 to 18 vote, with Lt. Gov. Nancy Wyman breaking the tie.
The House has ample votes for passage, and Gov. Dannel P. Malloy is
willing to sign the bill into law.
The Senate Democratic majority held a caucus on the death penalty
Wednesday, concluding passage was impossible this year. The bill would
have made life in prison without possibility of parole the maximum
criminal penalty in Connecticut.
The Connecticut Network Against the Death Penalty acknowledged that the
repeal effort had failed for 2011.
"This merely puts off for another year the inevitable end of the death
penalty in our state, another year of failing victims' family members
and another year of wasting limited state resources," said Ben Jones,
the group's executive director.
Prague, one of many senators visited by Petit in recent days, told her
colleagues she would not change her mind. If the bill was to pass this
session, proponents would have to find another 18th vote. With
Maynard's defection, they needed a 17th and an 18th vote.
"I've been lobbied by everybody to change my mind. I just can't do it,"
she said.
Maynard said a vote this session would cause the Petits anguish. "It
just seems ill-timed to me," he said.
Next year, Prague said, she would vote for repeal after the last
Cheshire trial is over, but not this year, not with Petit asking her to
wait.
"You know something, I just felt I just wanted to do a little something
to help him," she said. "I can't vote for it this session. I can't do
it. I can't do it."
Death penalty foes gear up:
Political debate likely to coincide with Komisarjevsky Cheshire
triple-slaying trial
New Haven REGISTER
By Michelle Tuccitto Sullo, Naugatuck Valley Bureau Chief,
mtuccitto@nhregister.com
Published: Monday, January 03, 2011
State lawmakers who oppose the death penalty will try again in the
coming legislative session to get a bill passed that would abolish it,
with debates likely to coincide with the trial of Joshua Komisarjevsky,
who potentially faces the death penalty in connection with the deadly
2007 Cheshire home invasion. Rep. Gary Holder-Winfield, D-New
Haven, now vice chairman of the Judiciary Committee, said he
reintroduced the bill shortly after the November election.
An earlier bill that would have abolished the state’s death penalty,
which had the same language as the latest version, passed the General
Assembly, but Gov. M. Jodi Rell vetoed it in 2009. If it were to
pass, the latest bill would replace the death penalty as the state’s
severest punishment with life in prison without the possibility of
parole.
“I don’t see the value of having a death penalty,” Holder-Winfield
said. “The arguments for it don’t hold up. If you can incarcerate
someone for life, you have met the burden of keeping people safe. One
argument is that it deters people, but violent crime in Texas hasn’t
decreased. I think the argument that it is justice is even more
tenuous.”
If the latest bill is successful, it would only affect crime suspects
convicted after the time of passage, according to Holder-Winfield.
Therefore, the 10 men currently on death row in Connecticut, including
Komisarjevsky’s co-defendant, Steven Hayes, would not be affected by
any change and “would remain on death row,” Holder-Winfield said.
Supporters of the bill are hopeful it will pass, especially since
Gov.-elect Dan Malloy has taken an anti-death penalty stance.
However, the election and changes in the membership of the legislature,
along with publicity on the Komisarjevsky case, are also going to play
roles, Holder-Winfield said.
“If we can get it to the governor, then it has a better chance of
passing,” Holder-Winfield said. “We are rejoicing to have Dan Malloy.
But there is a new batch of people, new legislators. I don’t operate
under the assumption that it will happen.”
Hayes was convicted of capital felonies for his role in the 2007
Cheshire home invasion that ended in the deaths of Jennifer Hawke-Petit
and her two daughters, Michaela Petit, 11, and Hayley Petit, 17.
The state also is seeking the death penalty for Komisarjevsky, 30, of
Cheshire. Jury selection for his trial is scheduled to begin in late
February.
“I do think the timing of that trial will be a factor,” Holder-Winfield
said. “Some (legislative) discussions will be around the time of jury
selection. It will color whether we can actually get this bill moved.”
Dr. William Petit Jr., formerly of Cheshire, the sole survivor of the
home invasion, has urged lawmakers to keep the death penalty.
“People want to be respectful of Dr. Petit,” Holder-Winfield said. “It
may be difficult for people because of that — you don’t want to seem
callous.”
But the timing of the Komisarjevsky trial didn’t deter him from
reintroducing the bill.
“I think the death penalty is wrong, and the right time to do the right
thing is always now,” Holder-Winfield said.
The Judiciary Committee’s new chairmen, Sen. Eric Coleman,
D-Bloomfield, and Rep. Gerald Fox, D-Stamford, both voted in favor of
the bill in 2009.
Connecticut’s last execution was May 13, 2005, when serial killer
Michael Ross was put to death after he willingly halted his appeals.
Before Ross, the state had not executed anyone since Joseph Taborsky in
1960.
Rep. Themis Klarides, R-Derby, who voted against the 2009 anti-death
penalty bill, said she’d vote against any new bill seeking to abolish
the death penalty. Klarides said it is hard to predict if it
would have enough votes with the new legislature.
“It is difficult to anticipate,” Klarides said. “It is not necessarily
a party-line vote. The problem is the new governor said he would sign
the bill. I do believe the (death penalty) should remain intact. There
are some crimes that are so heinous, like the Petit murders. People who
were on the fence, once they saw something like this happen, supported
the death penalty. A majority of the people in the state support it.”
Klarides, who is an attorney, said she does have a problem with the
state’s current death penalty law, because of the length of the appeals
process. She noted that Ross was only executed when he decided to end
his appeals.
Rep. Linda Gentile, D-Ansonia, also voted against the 2009 bill that
would have abolished the death penalty. Gentile said that with
the change in the legislature and governor, there is a possibility a
new bill could pass.
“I will keep my vote the same — the majority of my constituents are in
favor of the death penalty,” Gentile said. “Though I am personally
against it, I’m not there to represent myself, but my constituents.”
Results of a Quinnipiac University Poll released in October show 65
percent of those surveyed favored the death penalty. However, when
offered a choice of the death penalty or life in prison with no chance
of parole, 46 percent of voters chose the death penalty, while 41
percent preferred life in prison.

Could
the new Governor commute the death sentence to life in prison in the
Chershire home invasion case? And/or could the new Legislature
change the law retroactively? Will the second perpetrator
recieive a fair trial if the death penalty is no longer legal (not
being tried in the same way his co-conspiritor was for the same crime)?
Ex-Justice Criticizes Death Penalty
NYTIMES
By ADAM LIPTAK
November 27, 2010
WASHINGTON — In 1976, just six months after he joined the Supreme
Court, Justice John Paul Stevens voted to reinstate capital punishment
after a four-year moratorium. With the right procedures, he wrote, it
is possible to ensure “evenhanded, rational and consistent imposition
of death sentences under law.”
In 2008, two years before he announced his retirement, Justice Stevens
reversed course and in a concurrence said that he now believed the
death penalty to be unconstitutional. But the reason for that
change of heart, after more than three decades on the court and some
1,100 executions, has in many ways remained a mystery, and now Justice
Stevens has provided an explanation. In a detailed, candid and
critical essay to be published this week in The New York Review of
Books, he wrote that personnel changes on the court, coupled with
“regrettable judicial activism,” had created a system of capital
punishment that is shot through with racism, skewed toward conviction,
infected with politics and tinged with hysteria.
The essay is remarkable in itself. But it is also a sign that at 90,
Justice Stevens is intent on speaking his mind on issues that may have
been off limits while he was on the court. In the process, he is
forging a new model of what to expect from Supreme Court justices after
they leave the bench, one that includes high-profile interviews and
provocative speeches. He will be on “60 Minutes” on Sunday night.
Earlier this month, he weighed in on the controversy over the proposed
Islamic center near ground zero in a speech to the National Japanese
American Memorial Foundation. During World War II, Justice
Stevens served as a Navy cryptographer at Pearl Harbor for more than
two years. On returning to Hawaii in 1994, he said he had an emotional
reaction to seeing Japanese tourists at a memorial there. “We shouldn’t
allow them to celebrate their attack on Pearl Harbor,” he remembered
thinking.
He added that he understood why some New Yorkers would have a similar
reaction to the proposed Islamic center near ground zero.
“But then, after a period of reflection, some of those New Yorkers may
have second thoughts, just as I did,” he went on. “The Japanese
tourists were not responsible for what some of their countrymen did
decades ago; the Muslims planning to build the mosque are not
responsible for what an entirely different group of Muslims did on
9/11.”
The two other retired justices have been active, too, but they have
largely limited their public comments to more traditional matters like
judicial independence and constitutional interpretation. Justice Sandra
Day O’Connor, who is 80, speaks frequently on what she says are the
problems inherent in electing state court judges. Justice David
H. Souter, 71, in a commencement address in May at Harvard, gave a
detailed critique of the mode of constitutional interpretation
associated with Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas, who rely
on the text and original meaning of the Constitution.
Justice Souter said those tools are inadequate given the “open-ended
language” in the Constitution, which, moreover, “contains values that
may well exist in tension with each other.”
But that sort of abstract discussion is nothing like the blow-by-blow
critique in Justice Stevens’s death penalty essay, which will be
published in The New York Review’s Dec. 23 issue and will be available
on its Web site on Sunday evening. The essay is actually a review
of the book “Peculiar Institution: America’s Death Penalty in an Age of
Abolition,” by David Garland, a professor of law and sociology at New
York University. The book compares American and European approaches to
the death penalty, and Justice Stevens appears to accept its major
conclusions.
Professor Garland attributes American enthusiasm for capital punishment
to politics and a cultural fascination with violence and death.
In discussing the book, Justice Stevens defended the promise of the
Supreme Court’s 1976 decisions reinstating the death penalty even as he
detailed the ways in which he said that promise had been
betrayed. With the right procedural safeguards, Justice Stevens
wrote, it would be possible to isolate the extremely serious crimes for
which death is warranted. But he said the Supreme Court had instead
systematically dismantled those safeguards.
Justice Stevens said the court took wrong turns in deciding how juries
in death penalty cases are chosen and what evidence they may hear, in
not looking closely enough at racial disparities in the capital justice
system, and in failing to police the role politics can play in
decisions to seek and impose the death penalty. In Payne v.
Tennessee in 1991, for instance, the court overruled a 1987 decision,
Booth v. Maryland, that had banned statements from victims at
sentencing because of their tendency to inflame juries.
“I have no doubt that Justice Lewis Powell, who wrote the Booth
opinion, and Justice William Brennan, who joined it, would have adhered
to its reasoning in 1991 had they remained on the court,” Justice
Stevens wrote. “That the justices who replaced them did not do so was
regrettable judicial activism and a disappointing departure from the
ideal that the court, notwithstanding changes in membership, upholds
its prior decisions.”
Justice Stevens did not name those new justices. One was Justice
Anthony M. Kennedy, lately the court’s swing justice, who replaced
Justice Powell. The other was Justice Souter, who replaced
Justice Brennan and in other cases generally voted with Justice Stevens
and the rest of the court’s more liberal wing.
Justice Stevens also had harsh words for the 5-to-4 decision in 1987 in
McCleskey v. Kemp, which ruled that even solid statistical evidence of
racial disparities in the administration of the death penalty did not
violate the Constitution. He said the decision effectively allowed
“race-based prosecutorial decisions.”
“That the murder of black victims is treated as less culpable than the
murder of white victims provides a haunting reminder of once-prevalent
Southern lynchings,” Justice Stevens wrote.
Here, too, Justice Stevens wrote, the decision turned on changes in the
court’s membership. Justice Potter Stewart “surely would have voted
with the four dissenters,” Justice Stevens said. Justice Stewart was
replaced by Justice O’Connor, who voted with the majority. The
problems with the administration of capital punishment extend beyond
the courthouse and into the voting booth, Justice Stevens said.
“Local elections affect decisions of state prosecutors to seek the
death penalty and of state judges to impose it,” he wrote.
He was also critical of decisions allowing prosecutors to exclude
jurors with qualms about the death penalty, tilting the legal playing
field toward conviction. The better approach, he said, is one in which
“a jury composed of 12 local citizens selected with less regard to
their death penalty views than occurs today — in that respect, a truer
cross-section of the community — would determine individual defendants’
fates.”
Robert B. Silvers, the editor of The New York Review of Books, said the
idea of asking Justice Stevens to contribute occurred to him after he
read passages from the justice’s dissent in Citizens United, the
January decision that lifted restrictions on campaign spending.
“It was clear that he was a very strong writer,” Mr. Silvers said. “We
simply sent him the book, and we got back a letter saying he’d be
delighted to review it.”
Judge Refuses To Delay Steven Hayes'
Sentencing
Lawyers Cited Need
For 'Extensive' Investigation
By ALAINE GRIFFIN, agriffin@courant.com
3:28 PM EST, November 17, 2010
NEW HAVEN —
Judge Jon C. Blue this afternoon rejected a defense bid to postpone
Steven Hayes' sentencing and gain more time to file post-verdict
motions. Hayes, 47, will be sentenced Dec. 2. At that time, Blue will
set an execution date.
Judge Jon C. Blue this afternoon rejected a defense bid to postpone
Steven Hayes' sentencing and gain more time to file post-verdict
motions.
Hayes, 47, will be sentenced Dec. 2. At that time, Blue will set an
execution date.
In legal papers filed in Superior Court this morning, Hayes' defense
team cited several reasons for the request, including the need to
conduct "investigations" into whether Hayes "federal and constitutional
rights to a fair trial and the due process of law" were denied him.
Defense lawyers still plan to pursue its investigations despite being
denied a delay in sentencing.
A 12-member jury earlier this month deliberated for 17 hours over parts
of four days before returning a verdict of death on all six counts
against Hayes for the murder of Jennifer Hawke-Petit and her daughters,
Michaela, 11, and Hayley, 17, during a home invasion in Cheshire in
July 2007.
Hayes' lawyers say they needed to look into the extensive publicity
that surrounded the case, "possible juror (s) improprieties" that
occurred during deliberations, and political discussions and literature
that discussed the Hayes' trial and the death penalty. The motion does
not elaborate on what those "improprieties" might be.
Hayes' lawyers had asked the judge to postpone sentencing until Feb. 2.
They said they needed the extra time to conduct "extensive"
investigations surrounding the publicity of the case.
"They will require attempting to conduct interviews with numerous
persons associated with the media — reporters and managing editors of
print and television news departments; with the authors of publishers
of blogs; with documentary film production personnel who are known to
have been present at the trial, and with persons who attended the trial
and engaged in 'tweeting' their observations, impressions and random
thoughts to the world at large via the Internet," Hayes' lawyers wrote.
Hayes' lawyers cited "the daily bombardment of news stories, unceasing
Internet material, the visible presence of numerous media personnel,
vehicles and equipment, and the contemporaneous political discussions
of whether or not the defendant should be sentenced to death that
occurred publically in print and on television and in Internet material
during the trial in several Connecticut campaigns."
The motion specifically mentioned the senatorial campaigns of Richard
Blumenthal and Linda McMahon and the gubernatorial campaigns of Dan
Malloy and Tom Foley. Hayes' lawyers say political campaign fliers were
distributed "by some candidates for legislative offices calling for the
death penalty" for Hayes.
During the trial, Hayes' lawyers had raised concerns that jurors may
have seen such fliers in the mail.
"The sum total of which may very well have created or caused the result
of the jury's verdicts being the product of passion and prejudice or
was otherwise arbitrary and capricious," the legal filing stated.
"The jurors daily entered and exited the courthouse via the public
front entrance and exit doors thereby exposing them daily to the sight
and presence of several media vans and trucks with their crews and
equipment that was set up on the sidewalk," the motion said.
Lame duck Congress might act as well?
Van de Velde pushes lawsuit:
Judge regrets delay in ex-Yale teacher’s battle over ‘branding’ in
Jovin slaying
New Haven Register
By Randall Beach
Monday, August 16, 2010
NEW HAVEN — James Van de Velde, the only person ever publicly named as
a suspect in the slaying of Yale student Suzanne Jovin, is persisting
in his legal bid to hold university officials and members of the city
Police Department accountable for “branding” him more than 10 years
ago. But Van de Velde, who long ago left Yale and moved to
suburban
Washington, D.C., for government security-related work and consulting,
is frustrated by how long it has taken U.S. District Court Judge Robert
N. Chatigny in Hartford to rule on his case.
“My lawsuit is the only tool I have to shed light on the cold case and
pressure the authorities to try to solve the case,” Van de Velde said
in an e-mail message to the Register.
As he ponders his decision, Chatigny is in a sensitive stage of his
career. In February, President Barack Obama nominated him to serve on
the influential 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. But the nomination
met strong opposition from Republicans, who charged he exceeded his
authority when he postponed
the execution of serial killer Michael B.
Ross in 2005. Ross was later executed. The Judiciary Committee
approved Chatigny’s nomination and sent it to
the full U.S. Senate, which did not vote on it by the summer recess.
This means Obama will have to renominate him, but the Judiciary
Committee probably won’t reconsider it until after the November
election, when Republicans might have more votes.
Nothing seems to have moved quickly — except for the initial events
surrounding Van de Velde’s name — since Jovin, 21, was found lying near
the corner of East Rock and Edgehill roads the night of Dec. 4, 1998.
She had been stabbed 17 times. Van de Velde apparently came under
police suspicion because he was
Jovin’s teacher and adviser. He also lived about a half-mile from the
crime scene.
Within a few days of the slaying, the Register and other media said
city police had interviewed him about his possible involvement.
But police never charged him in the case, and Van de Velde, who has
consistently maintained his innocence, has challenged authorities to
present any evidence against him. A month after Jovin’s death,
Yale officials canceled Van de Velde’s
spring semester classes, saying police had informed the school he was
in “a pool of suspects” and that his presence would be “a major
distraction for students.” Yale officials allowed him to remain on the
faculty and do research, but he decided to leave town. He said his
reputation had been ruined.
Van de Velde’s original complaint, written by attorney David Grudberg
of New Haven, was filed April 16, 2003. Chatigny dismissed the federal
portion of the lawsuit 11 months later, saying Van de Velde did not
charge that Yale officials knew the names of other suspects.
Chatigny also said the claim against the police was not valid because
there was no charge that police officials were asked to confirm the
names of other suspects.
Grudberg quickly filed a motion for Chatigny to reconsider. Four years
later, Chatigny agreed to do so.
Oral arguments were heard Jan. 13. According to a transcript, near the
conclusion of that hearing, Chatigny said to representatives of both
sides, “I want to take this opportunity to sincerely apologize to you
and especially to you, Mr. Van de Velde, for allowing this case to sit
for so long.”
Chatigny added the pace of the legal case was “a source of deep concern
to me.” He also said, “I intend to have a decision for you soon.”
When Chatigny’s office was called last week to ask when he will rule, a
representative checked with Chatigny and relayed this message: “He
expects to issue his decision soon.”
Chatigny’s comments during the hearing indicate he is not indifferent
to Van de Velde’s position.
“If you accept the plaintiff’s allegations,” Chatigny said, “we have a
set of facts that are troubling, and we all acknowledge that they’re
troubling, including the defendants. I mean, I gather that the
defendants, if they had it to do over again, wouldn’t do it the same
way. ... I gather that this would not be held out as a model of good
practice.”
But in his arguments that day, Yale attorney Aaron Bayer said it was
reasonable for Yale officials to cancel Van de Velde’s classes. He
noted the officials publicly stated Van de Velde was presumed innocent.
Bayer added, “Suspects are identified publicly all the time.” He also
said, “There is no recognized right not to be identified as a suspect
in an ongoing investigation.”
But in his arguments, Grudberg said Van de Velde “was thrown to the
wolves.” Grudberg charged the defendants labeled Van de Velde the prime
suspect. Grudberg said, “The message conveyed at that time, which
continues to this day to have profound and injurious impact on Mr. Van
de Velde, was ‘We’ve got our man.’”

Time
running out on Chatigny nomination
Deirdre Shesgreen, CT MIRROR
November 22, 2010
WASHINGTON-As the clock runs out on Congress' lame duck session, the
fate of a controversial Connecticut judicial nominee, Robert Chatigny,
appears increasingly in doubt. His nomination remains in limbo even
though the court he hopes to join is operating under a "judicial
emergency," with three long-pending vacanies waiting to be filled.
Chatigny, now a District Court judge in Hartford, was first nominated
nine months ago for a seat on the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals. In a
blistering statement on Friday, the Senate Judiciary Committee's top
Democrat decried the legislative gridlock that has stalled 20 judicial
nominees, citing Chatigny's name among others.
But one day earlier, the committee skipped over Chatigny's contentious
nomination. The judge's name was at the top of the panel's agenda last
Thursday, but Democrats swept by him to tackle a gamut of other
legislative business.
The Senate could still confirm Chatigny when lawmakers return after
this week's Thanksgiving break. But the decision by Sen. Patrick Leahy,
D-Vt., the committee's chairman, to pass over Chatigny last week has
dimmed the judge's prospects for a promotion to the region's court of
appeals.
In the meantime, the 2nd Circuit is currently operating with three of
its judicial slots empty; each has been vacant for more than 400 days.
The judicial emergency designation by the Administrative Office of the
U.S. Courts essentially means the court's current roster of judges have
too many cases to wade through.
Karen Greve Milton, the Circuit Executive, said the 2nd Circuit has had
to ask visiting judges to help out with the caseload while they wait
for the Senate to act.
"The challenge is that you're just kind of in a holding pattern here,
as are the nominees," Milton said. She said the judges have worked
under "compressed schedules" to make sure that no cases have been
delayed or backlogged, but "it's hard all around."
President Barack Obama nominated Chatigny, who has served as a District
Court judge in Hartford since 1994, for the appeals court in February.
The 2nd Circuit hears appeals in terrorism, criminal, and myriad other
cases from Connecticut, New York, and Vermont.
Chatigny was tapped to fill a vacancy created when then-Circuit Judge
Sonia Sotomayor was elevated to the Supreme Court. But his candidacy
quickly hit a snag amid a partisan battle over Chatigny's handling of
the death-sentence appeals in the Michael Ross case.
During Chatigny's confirmation hearing this spring, Republicans sharply
questioned the judge about his conversations with the attorneys in the
Ross case to determine whether the convicted rapist and killer was
mentally competent to waive his right to appeal his execution.
GOP critics said that move, along with Chatigny's order temporarily
postponing Ross's execution, illustrates that the judge is soft on sex
offenders and hesitant to impose the death penalty. Ross, who had
confessed to raping and murdering a series of young women in the early
1980s, was eventually executed in 2005, becoming the first prisoner to
be put to death in New England in more than four decades.
"I've never seen a circumstance in which a judge went so far in a case
in which there is no doubt about the guilt... to actually frustrate the
lawful Connecticut sentence of death," said Sen. Jeff Sessions, R-Ala.,
the top Republican on the panel. "He should not be elevated to the 2nd
Circuit."
Chatigny said at the confirmation hearing that he was trying to protect
the "integrity of the system," but conceded that he would handle the
case differently if he had it to do over again. Democrats came to
Chatigny's defense, saying that his actions showed he carefully
considered all the evidence "before imposing the ultimate penalty," as
Leahy put in during the April 28 hearing.
In June, the committee approved Chatigny's nomination on a party-line
vote. But because the full Senate failed to vote on him before their
summer break, Chatigny's candidacy was kicked back to the starting line.
Now, he is one of more than dozen judge candidates stuck in a partisan
stand-off, as lawmakers scramble to wrap up the 111th Congress. In his
statement on Friday, Leahy accused Republicans of stalling at least 20
judicial nominees.
"I welcome debate and a vote on those few nominees that some Republican
Senators would oppose," Leahy said, naming Chatigny and six others.
"But that is not what is happening .... What is happening is that
judicial confirmations are being stalled virtually across the board."
Sessions has sharply rebutted such complaints, noting during last
week's meeting that the committee has acted on 47 candidates for the
nation's district courts, 18 for circuit courts, and 2 for the Supreme
Court.
"We've moved nominations I think very expeditiously," said Sessions.
"[But] where there are concerns, we're not just going to rubber stamp
them."
And at last week's session, it was a crunched schedule more than GOP
opposition blocking action on Chatigny's candidacy.
Erica Chabot, a spokeswoman for Leahy, said the chairman knew he wasn't
going to have a quorum for very long, so he skipped over Chatigny
because he wanted to get through less-controversial legislative
business before too many senators left to attend to other matters.
"Rather than just talking about Bob Chatigny and not voting on
anything, we did the things we were able to do," she said. Chatigny's
nomination will likely be taken up at the committee's next session in
early December, she said.
The nomination of another 2nd Circuit candidate, Susan Carney, deputy
general counsel at Yale, could also come up at that session. Carney has
not sparked controversy so far.
But it's unclear if the full Senate will make time for a full vote on
either Chatigny or Carney before the end of the year. Republicans are
certain to oppose a quick vote on Chatigny, and Democrats may want to
spend their political capital on other matters, such the
about-to-expire Bush-era tax cuts and the long-overdue 2011 spending
bills.
Obama could re-nominate Chatigny in January, when the next Congress
convenes. But by then, the judge's biggest supporter, Sen. Chris Dodd,
will be retired from the Senate.
Sen. Joseph Lieberman, an independent who caucuses with the Democrats,
will take the lead in recommending judges to Obama in the next
Congress. A spokesman for Lieberman noted that the senator has
supported Chatigny's nomination, but declined to say who he might
recommend if this post remains vacant come January.
"As the senior Senator from Connecticut, Senator Lieberman will take
the lead on such nominations and will consult with Senator-elect
Blumenthal next year," said the spokesman, Marshall Wittmann.


Fein sworn in
as U.S. Attorney; Connecticut has a new U.S. Attorney.
DAY
May 10, 2010
David B. Fein, 49, of Old Greenwich, was sworn in Monday morning in New
Haven by U.S. Circuit Judge Jose A. Cabranes.
President Barack Obama nominated Fein in February and the U.S. Senate
confirmed him May 4.
A graduate of Dartmouth College and the New York University School of
Law, Fein had served as a partner at the law firm of Wiggin and Dana
since 1997. From 1995 to 1996, Fein served as an associate White House
counsel to President Bill Clinton. From 1989 to 1995, he was as an
assistant U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York.
The U.S. Attorney's Office is charged with enforcing federal criminal
laws in Connecticut, and with representing the federal government in
civil litigation in the district. Fein will supervise a staff of more
than 60 assistant United States Attorneys and about 55 staff members at
offices in New Haven, Hartford and Bridgeport.
Fein is the 50th U.S. Attorney for the District of Connecticut. He
replaces Kevin J. O'Connor, who resigned in 2008 to serve as chief of
staff for former U.S. Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales.
Nora R. Dannehy, who has been serving as the U.S. Attorney since April
4, 2008, will resume serving as the deputy United States Attorney.
Ross Case Dominates Hearing On Obama
Nominee From State
By EDMUND H. MAHONY The Hartford Courant
8:01 p.m. EDT, April 28, 2010
Federal appeals court nominee Robert N. Chatigny was battered Wednesday
by U.S. Senate Republicans, who subjected him to nearly two hours of
criticism over his handling of a legal hearing five years ago that
postponed the execution of serial killer Michael Ross.
It wasn't until the end of Chatigny's confirmation hearing before the
Senate Judiciary Committee in Washington, D.C., that the subject
shifted from Ross. At that point, Sen. Tom Coburn, R-Okla., said that
Chatigny's decisions in seven other cases could create the impression
"that you are soft on sexual crimes."
"I understand that a narrative has developed that depicts me in this
way," said Chatigny, who has been nominated by President Obama to the
U.S. 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals in New York. He added that he
considers sex-based crimes "abhorrent" and believes analysis of his
record in more than 4,000 cases over 15 years as a federal district
judge in Hartford would not support Coburn's assertion.
The exchange was typical of Chatigny's appearance before the committee,
which must approve his nomination before it is sent to the full Senate
for a vote. He was peppered with hostile questions and defended his
record, retaining his composure and providing self-effacing answers. He
apologized repeatedly for using intemperate language during the Ross
case.
Chatigny was questioned primarily by three Republicans viewed as
skeptical of Obama judicial appointees: Coburn, John Kyle of Arizona,
and ranking member Jeff Sessions of Alabama. The hearing was chaired by
the only other senator present, Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., whose questions
seemed designed to give Chatigny an opportunity to expand answers that
the ohters occasionally cut off.
After Kyle asserted in a question that statements Chatigy made during
the Ross case indicated he may lack the "judicial temperament" for the
appellate bench, Klobuchar asked about a letter from supporters that
characterized him as "even tempered, thorough and without agenda."
Chatigny is likely to receive a better reception before the full
committee, which Democrats control 12-7. He has the support of
Connecticut Senators Christopher Dodd and Joseph Lieberman, who
introduced him to the committee Wednesday, as well former senior
Republican Justice Department appointees and 17 former federal
prosecutors from Connecticut and New York.
Nearly all questions during Chatigny's committee appearance were
devoted to Ross, the first person executed in New England in 45 years
on May 13, 2005.
Chatigny, presiding over an emotional hearing as the execution
approached, was accused of arrogance and threatening behavior. He later
admitted and apologized for pressing Ross's lawyer to delay the
execution by submitting Ross to a competency hearing. Ross previously
had been found competent in state court and had decided to submit to
execution.
Chatigny told the committee that he believed a new hearing was
necessary because new evidence had surfaced concerning Ross's mental
health. A half-dozen state prosecutors complained of Chatigny's
behavior and two opposed his nomination.
Sessions said Chatigny's behavior reflected what he believes is a
disturbing pattern of federal courts second-guessing state courts.
"I don't think this is a matter that is lightly going to go away,
judge," Sessions said. "I think it evidenced a lack of proper
understanding of your role in the matter."
Chatigny replied, "I was terribly concerned that an execution was about
to occur when the issue of competence had not been fully contemplated."
The only questions not focused squarely on the Ross case involved
Chatigny's record in sexual crimes.
Chatigny ruled in a highly publicized case that certain persons
convicted of sex-related crimes are entitled to hearings before their
names are published on sex offender registries. He was upheld by the
2nd Circuit but overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court. He also imposed
prison sentences shorter than those recommended in federal sentencing
guidelines in about a half-dozen cases involving child pornography
offenses.
"You put all these together and it creates a story that appears that
you are soft on sexual crimes," Coburn said. Coburn quickly added that
he doesn't personally believe Chatigny is soft on sex offenders but is
concerned by the appearance of his record.

Hayes Sentenced To Death
By ALAINE GRIFFIN, The Hartford Courant
11:54 AM EST, November 8, 2010
NEW HAVEN --
A Superior Court jury decided today to sentence Steven Hayes to death
for the murders of Jennifer Hawke-Petit and her daughters, Hayley and
Michaela, during a seven-hour home invasion, robbery and arson at their
Cheshire home in July 2007.
Hayes stood by as the jury of seven women and five men sentenced him to
death row.
The jury sentenced Hayes to death on all six possible death-penalty
counts: killing Hawke-Petit and Michaela and Hayley in the course of a
single action; killing a child under the age of 16; killing Hawke-Petit
in the course of a kidnapping; killing Hayley in the course of a
kidnapping; killing Michaela in the course of a kidnapping; and killing
Hawke-Petit in the course of a sexual assault.
Hayes, 47, of Winsted, was convicted Oct. 5 of breaking into the Petit
home, beating Dr. William Petit Jr., tying up and torturing the family
as Hayes and another man ransacked the home for cash and valuables and
tortured the family for seven hours. Testimony during Hayes' trial
showed that at one point in the break-in, Hayes forced Hawke-Petit to
go to the bank to withdraw money. During that time, according to
testimony, the other defendant in the case, Joshua Komisarjevsky,
sexually assaulted Michaela Petit, 11.
When Hawke-Petit and Hayes returned from the bank, Hayes raped and
strangled Hawke-Petit. The house was doused with gasoline and set on
fire as the intruders fled, testimony showed. Hayley, 17, and Michaela
died of smoke inhalation.
Komisarjevsky, 30, of Cheshire, is scheduled to go to trial next year.
He also faces the death penalty if convicted of the killings.
At his conviction after the evidence phase, the jury convicted him on
six capital felony charges which meant Hayes automatically faced a
death penalty hearing in which jurors would decide whether Hayes should
be sentenced to death by lethal injection or life in prison without the
possibility of release.
During the penalty phase, Hayes lawyers portrayed him as a
drug-addicted follower and a bumbling petty thief, raised in an
abusive, troubled houeshold who uncharacteristically was persuaded by
Komisarjevsky to go along with the plan to invade the Petit's home.
Komisarjevsky played a major role in Hayes' defense. They told jurors
Komisarjevsky was an evil schemer and longtime burglar who masterminded
the attack on the Petit family.
To bolster their claims, the defense had excerpts of Komisarjevsky's
prison journals read to jurors that included chilling details of the
crime and long bragging passages of his alleged work as a serial
burglar.
They also used the testimony of an expert witness who interviewed Hayes
over several hours. He said Hayes told him that Komisarjevsky told
Hayes he had killed the Petit family after Hayes had returned from the
bank with Hawke-Petit. The expert said Hayes became enraged and as a
result, raped and strangled Hawke-Petit.
The expert said that this extreme emotional reaction was the type that
a jury considering the death penalty could view as a mitigating
factor. The defense argued that Hayes was so determined to kill
himself, Hayes planned to feign no remorse in front of the jury at his
trial so jurors would vote for execution.
During closing arguments, New Haven Public Defender Thomas J. Ullmann
urged jurors to spare Hayes' life and give him life in prison where he
could think for the rest of his life about the murders - thoughts,
Ullmann said, that already plague a suicidal Hayes with guilt and
nightmares.
"If you want to end Steven Hayes' torment, you should kill him. If you
want to end his misery, you should execute him. If you want to end his
despair, you should sentence him to death," Ullmann said to the jury.
But prosecutors rejected the defense arguments, saying the Hayes'
account of the crime as told to the expert differed from what Hayes
told police shortly after his arrest. They painted a much different
portrait of Hayes: that of a self-aware, manipulative inmate shrewd to
how his self-professed suicide attempts - and the prison system's
reporting of them - could affect whether he received life in prison
without the possibility of release or death.
Prosecutors used the words of Hayes' younger brother Matthew to counter
testimony that home-invasion crime was an aberration in Hayes otherwise
troubled but basically nonviolent life.
Matthew Hayes portrayed his brother as a conniving, sadistic, violent
thief who saw Matthew take countless beatings from his brutal father
for Steven Hayes' misdeeds. At one point, Steven Hayes held a gun to
Matthew's head, according to the statement, which was given to state
police after the home invasion.
Examples of Hayes' sadistic behavior toward his brother included
hooking Matthew to the garage door by his belt and raising the door up
and down, and holding Matthew's hand to a red-hot burner. Matthew said
his brother's life of crime was not a result of bad parenting or poor
childhood. He said Hayes never learned to take responsibility for his
actions.
"Steven is what Steven is because he's a coward," Matthew Hayes wrote.
Jurors can impose the death penalty in 35 states throughout the
country. In Connecticut, where nine inmates sit on death row,
executions are rare.
The last person to be executed in Connecticut was serial killer Michael
Ross in 2005. The execution occurred only after Ross waged a legal
fight to end his appeals and to have the sentence imposed. Before Ross,
the last execution in Connecticut was in 1960, when the state
electrocuted Joseph "Mad Dog" Taborsky for a robbery spree that
resulted in six murders.
Copyright © 2010, The Hartford
Courant
Judge Rejects Defense Request In
Hayes Case
By ALAINE GRIFFIN, agriffin@courant.com
11:27 AM EDT, October 14, 2010
NEW HAVEN
A judge has rejected a defense request to allow an expert to testify
about what it would cost the state and taxpayers to execute Steven
Hayes versus sending him to prison for the rest of his life.
"A jury in the penalty phase of a capital case is charged with the task
of using reasoned moral judgment, not counting dollars and cents,"
Judge Jon C. Blue wrote in his four-page decision.
Hayes has been found guilty of killing a Cheshire woman and her two
daughters in July 2007. The penalty phase of his trial begins Monday.
He has been found guilty of 16 charges — six of them capital felonies
that are punishable by death.
Blue said case law is clear that economic evidence may not be submitted
to the jury "either for or against the general imposition of the death
penalty."
"Economic arguments tailored to specific individuals are not only
irrelevant but perverse," Blue said, explaining that the cost of life
imprisonment will be more for a younger defendant than an older one
because the younger will have a longer life expectancy.
"From an economic view, it will thus be more expensive to incarcerate
the younger defendant for the remainder of his life and — in strict
economic terms — more cost-effective to execute him. ... This argument
plainly makes no moral sense," Blue wrote.
The defense wanted to call an expert who has written a report about
what Connecticut spends on executions compared with life sentences. In
papers filed last week, defense attorneys said the testimony could be
"for purpose of mitigation or as support" for Hayes' pretrial offers to
plead guilty "or for re-butting the intuitive common understanding by
the public, and therefore jurors that the imposition of the death
penalty … is less expensive than life without the possibility of
release."
New Haven Public Defender Thomas J. Ullmann said in court Wednesday
that state law outlining what is allowed as evidence in death penalty
hearings is broad, and that this argument might not be the strongest to
put before jurors.
"Whether we use this as a mitigating factor, it may be rather crass to
stand up and argue in a case of this magnitude that you should consider
the cost," Ullmann said. However, he said, it is a decision that the
defense needs to make.
Wednesday's hearing was in preparation for next week's penalty phase,
in which jurors will decide whether Hayes, 47, of Winsted, lives or
dies for the July 23, 2007, killings of Jennifer Hawke-Petit and her
daughters, Hayley, 17, and Michaela, 11, during a break-in, robbery and
arson at their Cheshire home.
Conn.
jury convicts man in deadly home
invasion
YAHOO
By JOHN CHRISTOFFERSEN, Associated Press Writer
5 October 2010
NEW HAVEN, Conn. – A paroled burglar was convicted Tuesday of killing a
mother and her two daughters in a 2007 home invasion in an affluent
Connecticut town and faces the possibility of being sentenced to death.
Steven Hayes, 47, was convicted of capital felony, murder, sexual
assault and other counts by a jury that heard eight days of gruesome
testimony about the July 2007 attacks on Jennifer Hawke-Petit and her
daughters, 17-year-old Hayley and 11-year-old Michaela. The sole
survivor, Dr. William Petit, appeared to hold back tears as the verdict
was read. His head down, he sucked in his bottom lip.
The verdict triggers a second phase of the trial, beginning Oct. 18, in
which the same jurors will decide if Hayes should be executed or face
life in prison. Hayes' defense admitted his involvement in the
fatal
home invasion but blamed his co-defendant, Joshua Komisarjevsky, for
being the aggressor. Komisarjevsky faces trial next year and also could
be sentenced to death.
Komisarjevsky spotted the mother and her two daughters at a
supermarket, followed them to their Cheshire home, then returned later
with Hayes, authorities say.
The men broke into the Petit house in the New Haven suburb of Cheshire,
beat William Petit with a baseball bat and forced Hawke-Petit to
withdraw money from a bank before raping and strangling her, according
to testimony. The men, both paroled burglars who met at a halfway
house, tied the girls to their beds, put pillow cases over their heads
and poured gas on or around them before setting the house on fire,
authorities say.
The girls died of smoke inhalation. Authorities say the men were caught
fleeing the scene. Hayes' attorneys conceded most of the evidence
on
the first day and spent much of the trial focusing on Komisarjevsky's
role. They pointed to graphic photos of Michaela found on
Komisarjevsky's cell phone, and Hayes' attorney, Tom Ullmann, said
Komisarjevsky escalated the violence at every critical point, starting
with William Petit's beating.
Prosecutors rejected that argument, saying the two men were equally
responsible for the crime. The jurors' deliberations totaled
about
five hours. Hayes was convicted of 16 counts total, including two
charges of sexually assaulting Hawke-Petit. He was acquitted of one
count — arson.
Conn.
Home Invasion Survivor Faces
Long Court Case
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
July 26, 2009, Filed at 3:29 p.m. ET
NEW HAVEN, Conn. (AP) -- At 52, Dr. William Petit faces years --
perhaps decades -- of emotionally draining court hearings before the
two men charged with murdering his family in a 2007 home invasion may
be convicted and executed.
He'll have to listen repeatedly to the horrific details of the crimes
against his wife, who was strangled, and two daughters, who were tied
to their beds. All three died of smoke inhalation from a fire police
say the intruders set as they fled Petit's house after holding the
family hostage for hours. Petit, a prominent physician who was beaten
during the ordeal, will sit feet away from the defendants as they
assert their rights and file appeal after appeal.
As lawmakers weigh the future of the death penalty in some states,
officials are giving greater weight to the effect of prolonged death
penalty cases on victims' families. Petit realizes that the case might
drag on for years, but he remains committed to seeing defendants Steven
Hayes and Joshua Komisarjevsky put to death.
Defense attorneys said this week in court that their offer to plead
guilty in exchange for life in prison could have ended it all. But they
said prosecutors refused because they want to win death sentences.
A trial could begin in January.
Petit countered that an attorney for Hayes was trying to shift blame to
him and prosecutors for not accepting a plea bargain, ''when it was his
client who helped kill three innocent people.''
Commissions in New Jersey and Maryland in recent years found that death
penalty cases are more harmful to the families of victims than cases
that end with life sentences.
''The commission finds that regardless of whether or not a survivor
supports an execution, years of court dates, reversals, appeals and
exposure to the killer is harmful to the family members of murder
victims,'' the Maryland commission wrote in its report last year.
New Jersey repealed its death penalty in 2007, while Maryland has had a
moratorium since 2006.
Across the country, relatives of murder victims say the plodding pace
of a death penalty case in court is difficult.
Phyllis Bricker of Baltimore has sat through 26 years of court hearings
since her parents were murdered in 1983. Their killer, John Booth-El,
remains on death row.
''It's hard on the family, very hard,'' Bricker said. ''Your life is on
hold because you never know when another trial is coming up, another
appeal is coming up.''
One time, Bricker said, the defendant turned to her family and said,
''See you next year.''
Despite the protracted battle, Bricker said she does not favor a
sentence of life without parole. She said that option did not exist at
the time of the crime and she's skeptical prisoners would be kept
behind bars for life.
The Rev. Cathy Harrington's daughter, Leslie Ann Mazzara, was killed in
2004 in California. A 2007 plea agreement was reached in which her
convicted killer, Eric Copple, got life in prison.
''I could see us exhaling,'' Harrington said of her family at the
sentencing. ''I hadn't realized how tense we were. I didn't have any
room to really grieve properly. I was so busy trying to get through
this, never knowing when the phone rang who it was going to be.''
Harrington has written an essay about her daughter for a book and is
studying for a doctorate focusing on restorative justice. Her sons are
building a cottage for abused children in Leslie's memory.
''I'm so busy. I'm tired, but I feel like I can maybe start to live my
life now,'' Harrington said.
She said Petit has the right to favor the death penalty in his case.
Hayes and Komisarjevsky, who were on parole after serving prison time
for burglary, are accused of breaking into Petit's home, beating him
and forcing his wife to withdraw thousands of dollars from a bank
before they strangled her. They've pleaded not guilty to capital felony
murder, sexual assault, kidnapping and arson.
Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell in June vetoed a bill to abolish the death
penalty, saying the state cannot tolerate people who commit
particularly heinous murders.
Petit has taken on an active role, participating in fundraisers in
memory of his family that benefit the causes they championed and
lobbying lawmakers not to repeal the death penalty.
He thanked Rell for her veto and called capital punishment ''what is
required to maintain the fabric of our society.''
A Quinnipiac poll released Nov. 7, 2007, less than four months after
the killings found that 73 percent of Connecticut voters believed the
two suspects in the Cheshire murders should be executed, while 23
percent said they shouldn't.
Gun permit applications in Cheshire, about 14 miles north of New Haven,
jumped substantially after the Petits were attacked.
The General Assembly passed new laws that lengthen sentences for repeat
offenders, revamp the parole system and create a new crime of home
invasion.
Connecticut has 10 men on death row, including a few sentenced 20 years
ago. Besides appeals, a lawsuit alleging racial disparity in death
sentences is delaying executions.
If Hayes and Komisarjevsky are convicted and sentenced to die, their
appeals could easily continue for decades. In 2005, Connecticut serial
killer Michael Ross was the first person executed in New England in 45
years -- even after waiving his appeals, Ross was behind bars for more
than 20 years before he was put to death.
''It was a load off of our shoulders,'' said Edwin Shelly, whose
daughter was Ross' seventh victim. ''The hate is gone because there is
no one to hate.''
Raymond Roode, whose daughter also was killed by Ross, said he is glad
Ross was executed.
''The finality of the death penalty is the thing that appeals to me,''
Roode said. ''It doesn't matter how long it takes.''
Petit
reiterates support for capital
punishment, calls public hearing a sham
By Amanda Falcone, Meriden Record-Journal
Published: Thursday, May 28, 2009 11:58 AM EDT
Dr. William A. Petit Jr. believes that in certain situations the death
penalty is the only real punishment...link here
to other reports we have collected on the death penalty.
Poll: 3 in 5 Conn.
residents support death penalty
DAY
Published on 5/28/2009
HARTFORD, Conn. (AP) _ Three of every five Connecticut residents want
the state to keep its death penalty despite legislative attempts to
abolish it, according to a poll released Thursday.
The Quinnipiac University Poll found 61 percent of those surveyed
supported capital punishment and did not want it replaced with life in
prison without parole for convicted murderers.
The Democrat-led General Assembly this month approved legislation
abolishing the death penalty, but Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell has
vowed to veto it. She has said capital punishment is appropriate for
certain heinous crimes, a sentiment shared by many in the new poll.
The percentage of Connecticut residents who support the death penalty
has changed little over the past several years.
The last poll, in November 2007, found that 63 percent supported the
death penalty for convicted murderers. In 2001, 60 percent supported it.
Director Douglas Schwartz said the new poll shows public opinion is on
Rell's side as she prepares to veto the bill that sharply split
Connecticut's General Assembly this month.
Overall, support for the death penalty ran 61 percent to 34 percent in
the newly released poll. Republicans supported it 77 percent to 20
percent, compared to 64 percent to 31 percent for independent voters
and 50 percent to 43 percent for Democrats.
Among those who favored capital punishment, 23 percent said in response
to an open-ended question that the death penalty provides retribution
and/or fair punishment. Another 22 percent said it is appropriate for
severe or heinous crimes.
Among its opponents, 23 percent said no one has the right to take a
human life, and 15 percent said they fear the possibility that an
innocent person could be executed.
Ten convicted murderers currently sit on Connecticut's death row.
Connecticut's last execution occurred May 13, 2005, when serial killer
Michael Ross was put to death by lethal injection after he willingly
halted his appeals. It was New England's first execution since 1960.
Quinnipiac's poll, taken between May 20 and 25, surveyed 1,575
registered Connecticut voters and has a margin of error of plus or
minus 2.5 percentage points.
Rell: State death
penalty 'warranted'
DAY
By Ted Mann
Published on 5/23/2009
Hartford - Gov. M. Jodi Rell vowed Friday to veto a legislative
proposal to abolish capital punishment, hours after it narrowly passed
the Senate, saying that some crimes can only be fittingly punished with
a sentence of death.
”I appreciate the passionate beliefs of people on both sides of the
death penalty debate,” Rell said in a statement released Friday
afternoon.
The Senate had voted to approve the abolition bill early the same
morning, after a nearly 11-hour debate riven by both philosophical and
partisan disputes.
”I fully understand the concerns and deeply held convictions of those
who would like to see the death penalty abolished in Connecticut.
However, I also fully understand the anguish and outrage of the
families of victims who believe, as I do, that there are certain crimes
so heinous - so fundamentally revolting to our humanity - that the
death penalty is warranted.
”I will veto this bill as soon as it hits my desk,” the statement
concluded.
Rell's veto pledge came just hours after the Connecticut Network to
Abolish the Death Penalty held a rally at the Capitol to highlight
families of murder victims who support eliminating capital punishment.
Lawmakers who backed the abolition bill had also held out hope that
pressure from clergy, including the Connecticut Catholic Conference,
and international attention might pressure Rell into reversing her
longtime support for the death penalty.
Much of this year's debate on capital punishment in Hartford has turned
as much on the practical application of the death penalty - whether,
with all the safeguards required by the Constitution, it can ever
realistically be applied - as on its morality.
With Rell espousing a moral obligation to seek retribution against
those guilty of extreme crimes, sponsors of repeal, like Rep. Michael
Lawlor, D-East Haven, are still trying to sway her on practical grounds.
Rell should ask state prosecutors and judges for “their off-the-record
opinions on whether anyone will ever be executed in Connecticut,” said
Lawlor, the co-chairman of the Judiciary Committee, after Rell
announced her intention to veto the repeal bill. “I believe that she
will be told what many of us have been told - the Connecticut death
penalty is a false promise.”
Lawmakers would need two-thirds majorities in both chambers of the
legislature to override Rell's veto, far more support than the bill
received over the past two weeks.
The bill, H.B. 6578, passed the House of Representatives by a vote of
90-56, well short of an override but a larger margin of victory than
some had anticipated. But it only squeaked through the Senate, 19-17,
after the longest debate in either chamber of the current legislative
session.
Rell's veto vow immediately provoked calls to reconsider from
supporters of abolition, including Rep. Gary Holder-Winfield, D-New
Haven, who said Rell's statement “seems to indicate that all family
members of murder victims agree with her stance,” just hours after some
family members who disagree rallied at the Capitol.
”I respectfully call on the governor to reconsider her stance as she
looks at this issue in its complete context,” Holder-Winfield said.
Rell's veto pledge was “predictable,” Lawlor said in a brief interview,
but he added, “it's not over yet.”
Senate leaders did not immediately transmit the passed bill to the
governor Friday morning - anticipating it might lead her to veto it on
the spot - and have hoped that in the period of codification before the
bill formally reaches Rell, she might have a change of heart. It will
be several days before the bill reaches Rell, perhaps as many as 10,
lawmakers said...
Late in the day, a representative for William Petit, a doctor from
Cheshire whose wife and two daughters were murdered in a home invasion
nearly two years ago, and whose case was repeatedly invoked by
Republicans in defense of capital punishment, e-mailed a message from
the doctor to reporters.
”The legislators want to take years to talk about the killers and allow
them to utilize our resources when these animals have broken a
sacrosanct law of our society,” Petit's rambling message read in part.
“Once you have broken this rule you have forfeited your right to live
among us.”
Death penalty
opponent wins Democrat primary :
”... I will give everyone the best representation that they deserve,”
she said.
All but one primary challenge falls
short; Bridgeport attorney defeats incumbent in legislative
primary, but she's the only one
DAY
By Susan Haigh
Published on 8/14/2008
Hartford - A Bridgeport lawyer who is defending a suspect in the
Cheshire home invasion killings was the only challenger to beat an
incumbent in Tuesday's Connecticut legislative primaries.
Auden Grogins said Wednesday that the state's new public financing
system and six months of intense campaigning helped her to defeat
Democratic Rep. Robert Keeley, who is serving his 25th year in the
House of Representatives representing Bridgeport.
”It's astonishing,” she said of her 732-to-638-vote victory. “I'm
thrilled, but it was an uphill battle and it was a lot of hard work and
I had to stay unbelievably focused and I'm still absorbing it right
now.”
Messages were left seeking comment with Keeley.
There were 12 state House and three Senate primaries held on Tuesday.
Of those, eight current state lawmakers, including Keeley, faced
challenges. There also was a primary for the U.S. House in the 4th
Congressional District, where the party-endorsed candidate, Jim Himes
of Greenwich, easily defeated challenger Lee Whitnum.
All the winners of the legislative primaries participated in the
state's voluntary Citizens Election Program, according to the State
Elections Enforcement Commission. The program provides grants to
qualified candidates for state offices. The commission says 238
legislative candidates have signed up.
Grogins, 46, who runs a solo law practice in Fairfield, faces
Republican Phillip Young in November's general election.
Grogins said she doesn't expect her work on the Cheshire case will pose
any professional conflicts if she is elected. The July 23, 2007 home
invasion, which left a mother and her two daughters dead, sparked
numerous reforms to the state's criminal justice system and several new
laws, including one that established a new crime of home invasion.
”I will represent the best interest of Bridgeport. What I do for a
living is separate and apart,” she said.
Grogins said she plans to vote on any bills that might relate to the
Cheshire killings.
”I can vote on new laws. That doesn't mean I'm not in favor of new
laws,” she said. “It means I have probably a more expansive
perspective.”
Grogins is one of two private attorneys appointed by the court to
represent Joshua Komisarjevsky, one of the two Cheshire suspects who
face a possible death sentence. She is working with attorney Jeremiah
Donovan. The second suspect, Steven Hayes, is being represented by
state public defenders.
It's unclear when the cases might go to trial.
Grogins said should be able to balance her work on the high-profile
home invasion case with her legislative duties.
”And I will give everyone the best representation that they deserve,”
she said.
Grogins has nearly 20 years of trial experience, including work on
other capital felony cases. She said she's among a dozen private
attorneys on a rotating list used by the state when it needs to hire
outside counsel as special public defenders in death penalty
cases.
Jury deliberations to begin in
Cheshire
killings
DAY
Associated Press
Article published Oct 4, 2010
New Haven (AP) — A Connecticut jury will be starting deliberations in
the trial of a man charged in the home invasion killings of a woman and
her two daughters.
The New Haven Superior Court jury on Monday is expected to begin
discussing the case of Steven Hayes, one of two men charged with
capital felony, murder and sexual assault in the 2007 killings in
Cheshire.
The 12 jurors heard eight days of gruesome testimony about a night of
horror suffered by the family. Jennifer Hawke-Petit and her daughters,
11-year-old Michaela and 17-year-old Hayley, were killed and
Hawke-Petit's husband, Dr. William Petit, was beaten but survived.
The other suspect, Joshua Komisarjevsky, faces trial next year. Both
men face the possibility of the death penalty
if convicted.
Sensible
Criminal
Reform
DAY editorial
Published on 1/24/2008
The Legislature meeting in special session this week chose wisely in
approving substantive reforms to improve the parole system and reduce
the chances of more home invasions like the one in July that ended with
the brutal murders of a Cheshire mother and her two daughters.
The majority of lawmakers also chose wisely in rejecting a Republican
legislative proposal to implement a “three strikes” policy that would
have provided for an automatic life sentence upon a third conviction.
Both the Democratic leadership in the Senate and a special task force
appointed by Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell had come up with similar
reform proposals. The public had the right to expect quick action and
they got it. If only the General Assembly could act so expeditiously
all the time.
Penalties for home-invasion burglaries become tougher. Classified as a
Class A felony, the crime becomes punishable by a minimum sentence of
10 years, a maximum penalty of 25 years. Those convicted of home
invasion must now serve at least 85 percent of their sentences.
The likelihood of violence increases exponentially when burglars invade
an occupied dwelling. Faced with the prospects of lengthy prison
sentences, perhaps some would-be burglars might think twice now. And
those who do the crime will rightly face very long prison time.
The law also requires the state to update the criminal justice computer
data system assuring that parole officials know the full history of
criminals seeking early release. The bill creates full-time positions
on the Board of Pardons and Parole, reorganizing the board and giving
it the staff needed to operate as a truly professional organization.
To better supervise released prisoners the bill adds 10 new parole
officers to the system and expands and upgrades GPS monitoring. These
are good first steps, but also needed are support programs to give
ex-cons every reasonable chance to find jobs and access the counseling
they may need. The necessity to provide a support system for released
prisoners going back into the community was rightfully noted by Rep.
Ernest Hewett, a New London Democrat. He should revisit the subject
during the upcoming regular session.
Even given every chance some former inmates, of course, will choose to
return to a life of crime, but by helping provide other choices — such
as assistance in obtaining a paying job — the state can reduce the
numbers who do. The result would be long-term savings for the public
and a safer society.
Conversely, a three-strike felony law would have been bad policy and,
by the way, would not have applied to the two alleged Cheshire
attackers, who had a long history of non-felonious crimes. A
three-strike law would have only aggravated an already crowded prison
system and almost certainly resulted in more costly prison
construction.
Judges and prosecutors are best suited to evaluate the unique
circumstances of each case. A one-size-fits-all approach to sentencing
distorts the justice system. Prisoners looking at third-strike
convictions would have no motivation to plea bargain. The result would
have been more trials resulting in more acquittals and further bogging
down the court system.
A tough on crime, three-strikes law makes for good press releases and
campaign slogans, but the experience in other states illustrates that
such laws create more problems than they solve. The Connecticut General
Assembly was right on focusing instead on fixing those flaws in the
system highlighted by the Cheshire tragedy.
And the House followed after
midnight...story here.
Senate Approves New Home Invasion Law
Hartford Courant
The Associated Press
7:28 PM EST, January 22, 2008
The state Senate on Tuesday
approved legislation intended to toughen laws against home invasions
and improve how the judicial system handles prisoners on parole.
The 36-0 vote was the first legislative action in response to a
burglary in Cheshire last July in which Jennifer Hawke-Petit and her
daughters, Hayley and Michaela, were killed.
The legislation was immediately sent to the House which was expected to
approve it.
The arrest of two paroled burglars who were charged in the killings
prompted debate about how to make state law stronger and improve
Connecticut's parole system. The bill is a compromise between
Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell, who convened a task force to study the
issue, and Democrats who control the General Assembly.
"The people in my district have had it. They're done." Sen. Thomas
Gaffey, D-Meriden, said during Senate debate. "When you don't feel safe
in your home what else do you have?"
The legislation would establish a new crime of home invasion and
increases the penalty for burglary of a home at night by making it a
first-degree burglary instead of second-degree.
Anyone who is convicted of second-degree burglary or home invasion
would not be eligible for parole until after serving at least 85
percent of the sentence under terms of the legislation.
The bill would require global positioning system monitoring of an
additional 300 parolees. It also would require the criminal justice
system to develop a comprehensive information technology system to
improve information sharing among state agencies, board, commissions,
local police departments and other law enforcement officials.
Legislative leaders agreed to Rell's demand that they drop a provision
requiring prosecutors to prove a suspect knew a home was occupied to
charge that suspect with home invasion.
"The governor wanted the tough language, not allowing an alleged
criminal to say he didn't know that no one was home," said Chris
Cooper, Rell's spokesman.
The Senate defeated an amendment, supported by the governor, that would
have kept offenders convicted of three violent crimes in prison for at
least 30 years.
Sen. Andrew McDonald, the Senate chairman of the Judiciary Committee,
said lawmakers acted to achieve a compromise and Cooper said Rell is
satisfied with the legislation.
Many of the Republican governor's reform ideas were similar to
proposals put forward by the majority Democrats, such as creating a
full-time Board of Pardons and Paroles and retooling the state's
persistent felony offender law.
But Rell and the Democratic leaders differed on how to handle
persistent offenders.
The so-called "three-strikes" amendment called for a Superior Court
review of a third-time offender's sentence after 30 years or after the
inmate is eligible for release, whichever is later.
"We don't want people going into corrections on the installment plan
and being cycled out and committing these horrible crimes," said Sen.
John Kissel, R-Enfield.
Democrats, acknowledged that the Republican proposal was a tempting
law-and-order issue, but argued that judges need flexibility went
imposing sentences on violent criminals.
"I urge you not to take that discretion away," said Sen. Edward Meyer,
D-Guilford.
Cheshire
Dispatch Log Released; Nearly
5 Minutes Elapsed Between 911 Call And Police Broadcast
By DAVE ALTIMARI And COLIN POITRAS | Courant Staff Writers
January 22, 2008
Newly released dispatch records show a nearly five-minute gap between
the time Cheshire police received an initial 911 call last July about
an "incident" at the home of Dr. William Petit and the time officers
were dispatched to the scene. It took seven minutes from the time
of the 911 call for police to broadcast a detailed description,
including a license plate, of a possible suspect's car that may have
been driving in the area, records indicate.
A Cheshire officer was only a few blocks away on Higgins Road when the
call to respond to the Petit home at 300 Sorghum Mill Drive went out.
But the officer was ordered to stay back and not approach the house.
Instead he parked out of view of the house and hid in some nearby woods
watching the back of it.
That first officer was outside the Petit home for at least 26 minutes
before the two men who allegedly murdered Jennifer Hawke-Petit and her
two teenage daughters were captured fleeing the horrific scene.
The heavily edited dispatch log and transcript of the police response
was released to The Courant Monday as part of a freedom of information
request.
The documents describe police officers setting up for a long hostage
situation by attempting to establish a secure perimeter and waiting for
SWAT team members and equipment to arrive rather than trying to contact
the possible suspects or attempting to rescue family members trapped
inside. Investigators now know that Jennifer Petit, 48, and her
two daughters, Hayley, 17, and Michaela, 11, were alive while officers
were outside the home and were killed in the final minutes of their
seven-hour ordeal. The two suspects are accused of strangling the
mother and leaving the girls to die, tied to their beds as the pair
fled the flaming house.
Joshua Komisarjevsky, 27, and Steven Hayes, 44, were captured by
Cheshire police at 9:58 a.m. when they used the Petits' SUV to ram
through a roadblock only a block from the house. Both men face capital
felony charges.
Dr. William Petit Jr. escaped, despite being bound and severely beaten.
He hopped out the basement bulkhead to a neighbor's yard less than two
minutes before the suspects were seen running from the home.
Cheshire police were close enough to the home to see Petit escaping,
according to dispatch records.
"We got an 18 [Cheshire police code for a person] somewhere out ... it
sounds like it's coming from your direction, so just be aware of it.
Sounds like he's outside, somebody's outside anyhow," an officer said
on the dispatch tape.
As one officer was yelling for a dispatcher to call an ambulance for
Petit, others were alerting each other that the suspects were fleeing
the house and still others were reporting the house was on fire. That
chaotic, rapid-fire radio traffic occurred in a little over a minute
while police were still trying to set up a nearby command post.
Cheshire police Monday declined to comment on their response to the
triple killings, citing a gag order imposed by New Haven Superior Court
Judge Richard Damiani on all parties involved in the case.
The department's response has been the focus of Internet chat groups
and radio talk shows ever since the July 23 incident. Cheshire
Police Department spokesman Lt. Jay Markella has defended the officers'
actions in interviews with The Courant. Sources have said that police
were not sure about what was happening at the Petit home because the
information they received in the initial 911 call was not clear.
"The Cheshire Police Department's officers acted properly and according
to their training," Markella said in a recent phone interview. "Based
on the information that was received, the officers followed procedure
and protocol."
Police have declined to release the initial 911 call from the manager
of a local Bank of America and also would not release the second 911
call made by a neighbor after Petit had hopped over to his yard
screaming for help because they said the doctor himself can be heard on
the tape. Damiani has also ruled that disclosing the 911 call from bank
officials could be prejudicial to the defendants. Police also
have declined to turn over statements and reports of police officers
that are part of a more than 300-page incident report, claiming the
officers are potential witnesses at future trials.
Some other materials released Monday make veiled references to a
half-dozen tips from confidential informants, the existence of letters
written by one of the accused and a previously undisclosed injury to an
unnamed officer. Police would not release supporting information about
any of those issues. The police became aware of the Petits'
ordeal with the 911 call from the Bank of America manager at 9:21 a.m.
Police believe the two career criminals broke into the Petit home about
3 a.m. and took members of the family hostage. Shortly after 9 a.m.,
police believe, Jennifer Hawke-Petit went to the bank with Hayes to
withdraw $15,000 from her account in a last-ditch effort to save her
family. While she was in the bank, Petit somehow informed bank
employees her family was being held hostage. Records show that
dispatchers several times put the bank manager on hold during the
initial 3-minute 911 call. The bank manager was then told to call back
police headquarters on another line to get a further description of
what took place in the bank.
The back and forth phone calls took nearly five minutes. A radio
dispatch of an "incident" at 300 Sorghum Mill Drive occurred at 9:26
a.m. and a description of the Petits' car used for the trip to the
bank, including the license plate number, was broadcast to police at
9:28 a.m.
The bank, located in the Maplecroft Plaza, is between seven and 10
minutes from the Petit home. The first officer who responded to the
radio dispatch call to head to Sorghum Mill Drive was on Higgins Road
just past Oak Avenue, which is no more than a minute from the Petit
home. Law enforcement sources have said privately that they
wonder how Hayes was able to beat the first officer back to the Petit
home. Dispatch records show that police responded first to the Petit
house, not the bank.
The officer who was on Higgins Road was the first to arrive within
sight of the Petit house at 9:32 a.m., records show.
Within seconds of his arrival, a shift commander not identified in the
police records warns officers not to approach the house. The shift
commander orders cruisers to stay back and gets a detective in an
unmarked car to drive by the Petit house to assess the scene. The
dispatch tape describes officers trying to determine if people were in
the Petit house and if indeed the car had returned home from the bank.
A decision was made quickly to call in the SWAT team, and some of the
members were already at the scene. Some of the radio traffic is from
the officer on Sorghum Mill Drive asking headquarters to bring rifles
and bulletproof vests and helmets to the scene.
Police on the scene were given the phone numbers for the Petit home by
9:44 a.m., but sources familiar with the incident said no one from
Cheshire police ever tried to call the house and make contact with
Hayes or Komisarjevsky.
Lawmakers
to meet in special session
on crime bills
DAY
Posted on Jan 21, 5:24 PM EST
;
HARTFORD, Conn. (AP) -- Legislators say they expect lengthy debate on
ways to strengthen the state's laws against home-invasion crimes and
violent repeat offenders when they meet in a special session Tuesday.
Republican and Democratic state leaders say they have reached a
compromise on most topics on the agenda, but that those two final items
remained unresolved late Monday. Many of the proposals came in
the
wake of the deadly Cheshire home invasion in which Jennifer Hawke-Petit
and her daughters, Hayley and Michaela, were killed last summer.
Two
paroled burglars have been charged with the crimes and, if convicted,
face the death penalty.
Dr. William Petit, the sole survivor of the July 23 crime, has urged
lawmakers to overhaul the parole board and make other law changes. He
has also asked them to put politics aside in order to fix the problems.
One unresolved question that legislators will face at Tuesday's General
Assembly session is how to define "home invasion," and whether it
matters if the offender knew someone was home when he or she broke in.
Gov. M. Jodi Rell and Republican leaders say the draft bill to tighten
those laws is weakened by a provision they call a loophole, in which
someone could not be convicted of home invasion unless prosecutors
could prove the criminal knew the house was occupied.
"The governor's feeling is that if someone's in the home, that's a home
invasion no matter what, and she thinks a night burglary should also be
classified as a home invasion," Christopher Cooper, a Rell spokesman,
said Monday.
Derek Slap, a spokesman for Senate President Pro Tem Donald Williams,
D-Brooklyn, said Williams agrees the bill's wording should be changed.
"The Senate president feels strongly that if you break into somebody's
home, and they are home, it's home invasion," Slap told The Hartford
Courant. "In addition, he doesn't have a problem with the governor's
proposal that if you break into somebody's home at night - whether they
are home or not - that's home invasion."
State Democrats and Republicans also have not reached consensus on how
to update the state's laws on repeat offenders of violent crimes, and
what effect it would have on the state's already-crowded prisons.
Rell has said she wants Tuesday's session to focus on changes that
don't have an immediate budgetary impact. She also said she hopes
lawmakers will wait until the regular legislative session - which opens
on Feb. 6 - to handle bills with financial ramifications.
Lawmakers are scheduled to convene in the special session starting at
10 a.m. Tuesday.
Dr. Petit Writes to Legislators
Hartford Courant
Capitol Watch, November 28, 2007
Dr. William A. Petit, Jr., the only survivor of the horrific slayings
of his family at their Cheshire home this summer, is asking state
legislators to set aside partisan politics as they try to close various
loopholes in the state's criminal laws in an attempt to prevent any
similar tragedies from occurring.
The six-paragraph letter was addressed to the leaders of the
legislature's judiciary committee, and copies were sent to the governor
and top legislative leaders.
"My life changed profoundly 126 days ago,'' Petit said in his opening
sentence. "From the thousands of communications I have received from so
many people inside and outside of Connecticut, I understand that
others' lives have also been changed. Those horrible events not only
took the lives of my beautiful and wonderful wife and daughters, but
they also exposed some glaring defects in our laws and their inability
to adequately ensure our public safety. Every resident of Connecticut
deserves to have those glaring deficiencies in our public safety laws
corrected fully and promptly.''
Petit added, "I firmly believe that political considerations should
have no place in this debate. From my perspective, the sole issue and
the only legitimate focus should be public safety and the protection of
the citizens of Connecticut from those who do not respect them or our
laws.''
Lawmakers vote to call
special session on criminal justice reform
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Brian Lockhart
Published December 6 2007
HARTFORD - The General Assembly voted yesterday to open a special
session to act on criminal justice reforms before the next regular
session begins in February. The open-ended session is to begin
this
morning, but no date has been set for a vote on bills that are
proposed. Leaders of both parties sent mixed signals over whether
there would be a vote before February.
State Rep. Michael Lawlor, D-East Haven, co-chairman of the Judiciary
Committee, said he was "100 percent" certain that a date would be
scheduled in January to vote on criminal justice and parole reform
bills.
"It would just be too complicated to do it in a regular session,"
Lawlor said.
But the co-chairman, state Sen. Andrew McDonald, D-Stamford, told
colleagues there was much to do before a bill would be ready for a vote.
"There are no promises," McDonald said.
The Judiciary Committee has been considering changes in the parole
system and other criminal justice practices since three members of a
Cheshire family were murdered in a home invasion in July. Two paroled
burglars are charged with killing Jennifer Hawke-Petit and her 17- and
11-year-old daughters.
In late summer, the General Assembly's Republican minority began
pressuring Democratic colleagues to immediately schedule a special
session to enact reforms. But Lawlor and McDonald and their
caucuses
argued for a review that would examine all options, the effects on the
prison system and the costs. The committee held a 12-hour public
hearing Nov. 27 on 15 proposals from Lawlor, McDonald, Republican
leaders, other legislators and criminal justice professionals.
The House of Representatives was the first yesterday to take up the
Democrats' resolution to schedule an open-ended special session.
Proponents said it allows for the General Assembly to be called to
Hartford once legislation is ready for a vote.
"As soon as legislation's ready, we'll move without delay," said House
Majority Leader Christopher Donovan, D-Meriden.
Republicans, including Minority Leader Lawrence Cafero, R-Norwalk, and
state Rep. John Hetherington, R-New Canaan, unsuccessfully proposed a
resolution calling for a special session no later than Jan. 16.
"The resolution before us has painfully little meaning," Hetherington
told the House. "It's hard to understand why we can't set a date."
Donovan said the Judiciary Committee was waiting for a task force
established by Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell to conclude its examination
of the criminal justice system. The task force is not expected to
submit a report until the end of the month.
Cafero said the two weeks between Dec. 31 and Jan. 16 is plenty of time
for lawmakers to consider the task force report, incorporate its
recommendations into the Judiciary Committee's proposals and vote.
"We've done it in two hours, let alone two weeks," he said.
Senators were less optimistic.
McDonald told the group there is plenty to do besides collaborate with
the task force.
"We will have to . . . engage in a broader discussion with our
colleagues on the Appropriations Committee" about budget effects, he
said. "This is certainly an aggressive and ambitious agenda for the
Judiciary Committee, and we're trying to work through it as quickly as
possible. . . . There's no promises it will be completed in January."
Senate Republicans did not follow the lead of House Republicans in
proposing a Jan. 16 deadline.
State Sen. John Kissel, R-Enfield, ranking Republican on the Judiciary
Committee, said the hearing on criminal justice reforms was probably
the longest of his career, and it offered many competing views to
consider.
"I think we have our work cut out for us," Kissel said.
Conn.
Minister Struggles With Death
Penalty After Intruders Kill Daughter, Granddaughters
DAY
By John Christoffersen, Associated Press Writer
Published on 11/16/2007
New Haven — It's not easy for Richard Hawke to support the death
penalty. The retired Methodist minister knows that his church opposes
capital punishment. And he knows what scripture says about forgiveness.
But when he looks at a photo of his daughter, Hawke remembers the
intruders who strangled her and killed her two daughters last summer in
their suburban home. Hawke, 76, and his wife have struggled with
the issue, confiding in friends, searching the Bible and praying. He
said he told a prosecutor: “These people had no right to continue to
live in society.”
The United Methodist Church opposes the death penalty, but Hawke said
it allows for individual conscience. He described himself as an
opponent of capital punishment, with some exceptions for cases
involving rape and children. Jennifer Hawke-Petit, 48, and her
daughters were held hostage for several hours before they were killed.
Hawke-Petit's husband, Dr. William Petit, was beaten but managed to
escape the house, which the attackers were accused of setting on fire.
The young girls — Hayley, 17, and Michaela, 11 — were tied to their
beds and died of smoke inhalation. Investigators said gasoline was
poured on and around them. Hawke-Petit and one of her daughters were
allegedly sexually assaulted.
“I don't think people can imagine the terror that went through the
lives of these three women during the hours they were held hostage,”
Hawke said of the July 23 attack.
“Our kids weren't just shot,” he added. “They were tortured and
terrorized. I couldn't get past that.”
Hawke-Petit, who did not know her assailants, was taken to a bank
during the ordeal and forced to withdraw $15,000. Two paroled
burglars — Joshua Komisarjevsky, 27, of Cheshire, and Steven Hayes, 44,
of Winsted — are awaiting trial in the slayings. If convicted, the men
could be executed by lethal injection. The Hawkes said their
daughter's family was generous and socially conscious, often raising
money for multiple sclerosis. Hawke-Petit, a nurse, suffered from the
disease.
“They represented everything that was the opposite of those that took
their lives,” Richard Hawke said by telephone from his home in Venice,
Fla. “They were the epitome of good, and the others were the epitome of
evil.”
Jennifer's mother, Marybelle, said she is opposed to the death penalty
but worries that the suspects could eventually be released from prison.
“I think the crimes they committed have merited the loss of their lives
or lifetime punishment,” she said. “I would always prefer for there to
be lifetime punishment, but I don't have enough faith in the justice
system that they would be held to lifetime in prison.”
Richard Hawke said he could accept a life sentence, noting that the
death penalty would take years to carry out. Hawke-Petit's church
in Cheshire has actively opposed the death penalty, handing out
so-called “declarations of life” that members can sign to express their
opposition to capital punishment, even if they themselves were slain.
The Hawkes believe their daughter picked up a declaration, but they are
unsure if she signed it.
“No one can positively say they saw her sign that and give it back to
anyone,” Richard Hawke said, adding that she may have taken it home.
“It's probably burned up in the fire.”
The Hawkes are focusing on fond memories, including visits by their
granddaughters to their Florida home. The family enjoyed trips to a
wild animal park.
“We're really grateful we had the number of years we had with them,”
Richard Hawke said. But, he added: “We will be in a type of prison for
the rest of our lives because of the loss of our loved ones.”
SORT OF LIKE AN "O.J.
DEFENSE" - take pity on my client for he is an orphan (having just
taken an axe to his parents...)
Cheshire 'Admissions' Cited - Defense
Attorneys Argue Against Unsealing Of Affidavits In Triple Slaying
By ALAINE GRIFFIN And COLIN POITRAS | Courant Staff Writers
September 18, 2007
NEW HAVEN - Search warrant affidavits used by police in the
investigation of the July triple slaying in Cheshire contain "purported
alleged admissions" by the suspects in the case, defense attorneys for
one of the suspects said Monday.
The revelation came as defense attorneys argued in Superior Court to
keep secret 11 search warrant affidavits used to investigate the July
23 beating of Dr. William Petit and the killing of his wife, Jennifer
Hawke-Petit, and their daughters, Hayley, 17, and Michaela, 11.
The Courant is arguing to release the documents. Defense attorneys
argue that the release of the affidavits and widespread media coverage
of their contents could make it difficult for attorneys to find
impartial jurors for the trials of Joshua Komisarjevsky and Steven
Hayes. Prosecutors did not object Monday to the unsealing of the
affidavits.
Police sources have said both Hayes and Komisarjevsky gave statements
to police about the events of July 23. On Monday, Public Defender
Thomas J. Ullmann, an attorney for Hayes, went a step further by
calling Hayes' statements in the search warrant affidavits
"inflammatory and prejudicial."
In a motion filed to extend the court's seal on the affidavits, Ullmann
said the warrants contain "purported alleged admissions by either
defendants." He did not elaborate on the statements.
Both Ullmann and Auden C. Grogins, an attorney for Komisarjevsky, said
widespread media coverage could jeopardize their clients' rights to a
fair trial.
Ullmann submitted as evidence a box containing a 6-inch thick notebook
filled with about 350 newspaper articles on the case and a thick folder
containing the results of Google searches of "visual media"
presentations about the Cheshire case. He also submitted a taped copy
of an hourlong "Dateline NBC" episode about the case that aired on
Sept. 10 and a front page story in People magazine.
"So far, the press coverage in this case has been overwhelming, and one
could argue right now it would be hard to believe there could be a jury
pool that could give a fair trial," Ullmann said. "To release
statements [by the defendants] that the media can actually quote that
are highly inflammatory and prejudicial that could never be erased in
people's minds will permanently damage our ability to get a fair trial
in this matter."
In the event Judge Richard A. Damiani chooses to release some but not
all of the search warrant material, Ullmann asked if Damiani would
consider redacting certain parts of the affidavits that contained the
potentially inflammatory or prejudicial statements by the defendants.
Damiani said that he had reviewed all the search warrants and that
redacting certain statements would make the affidavits meaningless.
Ullmann acknowledged that without the suspects' statements, the
affidavits would be "gutted."
Damiani has said police used the search warrants to obtain DNA samples
and phone records - including contents of text messages - for their
investigation. Two search warrants "dealing with DNA," Damiani has
said, were signed July 23, and a warrant signed July 27 let police
seize two vehicles - a 1998 Chevrolet truck and a GMC Sierra pickup -
tied to Hayes and Komisarjevsky.
Damiani said warrants signed July 30, July 31 and Aug. 7 were for
various phone records, the suspects' clothes and a computer. Police
also used those warrants to search Komisarjevsky's home in Cheshire.
Damiani said he would decide by Oct. 16 whether to make the search
warrant affidavits public. David P. Atkins, an attorney for The
Courant, urged Damiani on Monday to unseal the affidavits.
"When there is a criminal investigation that leads to an arrest and
prosecution, the manner in which the investigation is handled, the way
it is prosecuted and the way the courts handle the case is something
the public should know about," Atkins said. "Taxpayers pay for the
prosecution of criminal cases. From The Courant's standpoint, it is of
vital importance to its readers that documents that are routinely made
part of the public file are made available to the public."
G. Claude Albert, a managing editor for The Courant, added: "The
Courant's objective is to provide the most complete and accurate
information possible as the public monitors the administration of
justice in this critically important case."
Komisarjevsky and Hayes both face capital felony and multiple murder,
kidnapping, sexual assault and arson charges in connection with the
killings.
New Haven State's Attorney Michael Dearington has said he would pursue
the death penalty if the two suspects are convicted.
On Monday, Damiani agreed to postpone today's scheduled probable-cause
hearings for the suspects until Nov. 6. The defense last week filed
motions for a postponement, saying they needed more time to review
material submitted by the state.
CHESHIRE HOME
INVASION CHRONOLOGY
Fallout Over Parole; System Seen
As Flawed; Rell, Others Seek Changes
By MARK PAZNIOKAS And COLIN POITRAS | Courant Staff Writers
August 1, 2007
One of the defendants in the Cheshire triple slaying was described at a
sentencing five years ago as mentally abnormal with a predilection for
burglarizing occupied homes at night.
Knowing that prison was inevitable for 22-year-old Joshua
Komisarjevsky, his lawyer looked to the future in December 2002 and
pleaded for "a stringent mental-health regimen upon his release."
"I have a feeling, Judge, he's either going to be a career criminal or
never come back here again," said William T. Gerace, his lawyer. "I
don't think there's any middle road here."
But parole officials never saw the sentencing transcript before
releasing Komisarjevsky this year, despite the passage of a law in 1997
requiring prosecutors to provide transcripts before parole hearings.
The requirement was routinely ignored for 10 years, a lesson that Rep.
Michael P. Lawlor said Tuesday his colleagues should keep in mind as
they rush to pass new laws in response to the Cheshire killings.
Gov. M. Jodi Rell and Republican legislators called Tuesday for a
special session to consider crime legislation such as tougher penalties
for some burglaries, while Democratic leaders ordered the co-chairmen
of the judiciary committee to investigate the state's parole system.
Rell also ordered immediate changes in how burglars are treated for
parole, including electronic monitoring for 38 burglars now on parole.
Current law already allows the monitoring.
Komisarjevsky, now 26, and Steven Hayes, 44, were free on parole when
arrested last week fleeing the home of Dr. William Petit Jr.
Authorities say they beat Petit and killed his wife, Jennifer
Hawke-Petit, and their daughters, 17-year-old Hayley and 11-year-old
Michaela.
Hawke-Petit was raped and strangled; one of the girls was raped; and
both girls were left to die in a fire set by the men before they fled
the house, authorities say.
Lawlor, a Democrat from East Haven who will help lead that inquiry as a
judiciary co-chairman, said many of the legislative proposals raised in
recent days would not necessarily have stopped the attack. But Lawlor
agrees with Rell in reclassifying some burglaries as violent crimes.
Tools placed by legislators at the disposal of prosecutors, such as
enhanced penalties for career offenders, were not employed against
Hayes, who Lawlor said fit the definition of a "persistent offender."
Connecticut Victim Advocate James Papillo praised Rell and legislators
for exploring taking a tougher stance on repeat offenders. Papillo said
that many individuals have been victimized by former inmates out on
probation or parole.
"How many bites of the apple do you get?" Papillo said. "I think if you
look hard enough, you will see that many of these individuals get more
than a few bites of the apple."
Papillo said he recently spoke to the former head of the state Board of
Pardons and Paroles and was told the board rarely, if ever, had
sentencing transcripts available when making decisions over the past
four or five years, despite a state law requiring them to be part of
the record.
"More outrageous is that [the board has] not been screaming for that
information," Papillo said.
Chief State's Attorney Kevin Kane said Tuesday that prosecutors now
will make sure parole officials not only have sentencing transcripts,
but presentence investigations and relevant police reports.
Kane said prosecutors had not routinely sent the transcripts for
several reasons. A backlog in obtaining trial transcripts had delayed
the appeals process, and sentencing transcripts rarely offered valuable
insights to parole officials, he said.
Most sentencings resulting from plea agreements - the manner in which
most criminal cases are resolved - are pro forma proceedings, he said.
"So getting a sentencing transcript in many cases would not be
helpful," Kane said.
But Lawlor said Komisarjevsky's sentencing Dec. 20, 2002, in Bristol
would be have been illuminating. Komisarjevsky admitted to numerous
burglaries in a single spree, which were prosecuted in Meriden and
Bristol as two cases.
The prosecutor, Ronald Dearstyne, agreed to a plea deal in which
Komisarjevsky was exposed to no more than 10 years, a reward for his
confession and his extensive cooperation with police.
But then Dearstyne sought the maximum, arguing to Judge James
Bentivegna that the young burglar fit no recognizable pattern.
Komisarjevsky had a drug habit, but he came from a family with money
and did not appear to need the burglaries to feed a drug habit.
Komisarjevsky meticulously planned each burglary. He wore latex gloves
and eventually obtained night vision goggles. More alarming, in the
prosecutor's view, was that Komisarjevsky only hit houses at night,
when they were likely to be occupied.
"This is a cool, collect[ed] person who is not showing, in the state's
view, any nervousness breaking into these houses," said Dearstyne, a
former police officer.
Komisarjevsky appeared unafraid at the prospect of being confronted.
One victim was a state trooper. In another case, the young burglar
described standing in one darkened house, listening to the breathing of
a homeowner, then quietly escaping. In yet another case, he spent hours
removing belongings while his victims slept.
"He endangered the lives of many, many people," Dearstyne said.
Gerace did not deny that his client's habit for burglarizing occupied
houses was alarming.
"It's just a bizarre and erratic thing to do," Gerace said. "So what
I'm trying to suggest to the court is that there's a mental abnormality
here or psychiatric problem that needs to be addressed, over and above
the drug abuse and drug addiction."
The judge said that Komisarjevsky did not strike him as a desperate
junkie, stealing for a quick fix.
"What you do seem like is somebody who is a predator, a calculated,
cold-blooded predator that decided nighttime residential burglaries was
your way to make money," Bentivegna said.
Between the cases in Meriden and Bristol, the judge counted 17
convictions for burglary stemming from the same spree.
"That's definitely a multiple offender," he said. "And I would - I
think it's fair to characterize your course of conduct as predatory."
He imposed an effective sentence of nine years, plus six years of
special parole.
"So what that means is for the next, basically the next 15 years of
your life, from 22 to 37, you're going to be either incarcerated or on
special parole," the judge said. "So, if you can't turn your life
around in the next [15] years, there's really no hope for you."
He was arrested in Cheshire only a few months after his parole.
Robert Farr, who took over the parole system in February, recognized
the shortcoming of sentencing transcripts and has been asking how
parole officials could obtain transcripts, presentence investigations
and police reports, Kane said.
Earlier this week, House Speaker James A. Amann, D-Milford, and Senate
President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn, scheduled a
meeting with Lawlor and his co-chairman, Sen. Andrew McDonald,
D-Stamford, to talk about a legislative response to the crime.
But the Republicans struck first, as Rell ordered the parole board to
tighten its handling of burglars up for parole and Senate Minority
Leader John McKinney, R-Fairfield, asked the Democratic majority to
call a special session to impose stiffer penalties on career criminals.
"The Petit home invasion and murders exposed Connecticut's poor record
when it comes to keeping career criminals locked up," McKinney said.
Parole
officials complained of lack of
records
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Zach Lowe, Staff Writer
Published July 28 2007
STAMFORD - Two weeks before two parolees allegedly murdered three
members of a Cheshire family, the chief state's attorney's office
responded to complaints from parole officials who said they rarely saw
police reports before making decisions. The July 6 memo from
Kevin Kane, the state's top prosecutor, instructed prosecutors to send
the reports to correction and parole officials, instead of putting them
in storage.
The parole board had only one police report to review when it granted
parole this spring to Joshua Komisarjevsky, 26, and Steven Hayes, 44,
the two suspects who could face the death penalty in Monday's brutal
home invasion in Cheshire, according to Robert Farr, the board's
chairman. The report documented only one incident on
Komisarjevsky's long criminal record, Farr said.
Farr has said the board did not have access to a 2002 sentencing
transcript in which a state Superior Court judge in Bristol called
Komisarjevsky "a cold calculating predator."
State law requires prosecutors to obtain a transcript of the sentencing
hearing for all suspects sentenced to two or more years in prison, Farr
said. Komisarjevsky was sentenced to nine years in prison for a
string of burglaries. It is unclear whether police reports would
have changed the parole board's decision, Farr said, and the two
ex-cons had nonviolent criminal records.
But the case highlights the lack of documentation usually presented to
the parole board, Farr said.
Prosecutors typically send correction officials a short document
listing the charges, Farr said. But, Kane's July 6 memo said, the
parole board has had trouble getting local police to send
reports. Police reports are not part of the court clerk's case
file, which is open to the public, and Farr said the board spent $4,000
in postage last year trying to collect police reports for parole
hearings.
"It is the biggest frustration I've found since starting my job here,"
said Farr, who was appointed in February. "It is absolutely crucial for
us to know what the nature of the crime is."
Details of a particular crime, even a nonviolent charge, might give the
board greater insight into the offender's personality and the danger he
may present if released, Farr said. Farr met with Kane and a
representative from the state's Judicial Branch to discuss the problem
on June 26, according to Kane's memo. Kane was traveling
yesterday and unavailable for comment, a spokesman said. Kane has
urged prosecutors to send the police reports, though he acknowledged it
would be time-consuming.
"It is in our best interest that Correction and Parole have this
information," Kane wrote. "I told them it might be difficult for some
offices, but we will try to provide them."
Prosecutors have since been sending police reports, according to Farr
and State's Attorney David Cohen, who heads the Stamford-Norwalk
judicial district.
"We don't know if we're getting 100 percent compliance yet," Farr said,
"but it's a major milestone."
Kane also has said prosecutors will order transcripts but has concerns
about the cost of copies and how quickly monitors could type them, Farr
said. Judicial officials said they may help set ground rules for
the cost and where the special requests might fit in line with requests
from private attorneys and the public. Farr said the June meeting
shows he addressed the problem before the Cheshire home invasion.
"All of these things would have happened," he said about police reports
being issued to the parole board. "This tragedy is going to result in
having them happen a little quicker."
Unfathomable
Cheshire
Victims' Relatives See Suspects Charged
By DAVE ALTIMARI, COLIN POITRAS, LYNNE TUOHY And DON STACOM | Courant
Staff Writers
July 25, 2007
A judge getting ready to send Joshua Komisarjevsky to prison in 2002
called him a "cold, calculating predator."
Equipped with night-vision goggles and armed with a knife, he would
slash his way through screens into houses around his hometown of
Cheshire, stealing mostly electronic equipment and petty cash to pay
for a drug habit.
Steven Hayes had a record more noteworthy for its length than the
severity of the crimes - decades of larcenies, burglaries and check
forgeries. Hayes committed most of his crimes in the northwest corner,
near his home in Winsted - far from Sorghum Mill Drive in Cheshire,
where the horrific events that landed him back in court played out
early Monday.
The two met in Hartford in 2006, at a residential drug treatment
center, and then again in a halfway house where they lived for nearly
five months.
This spring, Komisarjevsky and Hayes, listed as nonviolent offenders by
the state Department of Correction, were both paroled - Komisarjevsky,
26, released in April, and Hayes, 44, in May.
On Tuesday they appeared together again, this time in Superior Court in
Meriden to face a litany of charges stemming from a home invasion that
left a mother and her two daughters dead and a community in shock.
Although it is still unclear why they chose the home of Dr. William
Petit Jr., one thing is certain, police say: The "calculating predator"
and the career criminal descended to a level of violence that is almost
unfathomable.
When the ordeal was over, Jennifer Hawke-Petit, 48, and her daughters,
Hayley Petit, 18, and Michaela Petit, 11, were dead. The girls, sources
said, were tied to their beds and raped, then left to burn after
gasoline was poured around their beds and ignited.
Late Tuesday, the state medical examiner's office said Hawke-Petit was
strangled and her daughters died of smoke inhalation. Their deaths were
ruled homicides.
William Petit was beaten almost beyond recognition with a baseball bat,
tied up in the basement and left for dead, only to make his way out of
the house and to a neighbor before his home exploded into flames.
Komisarjevsky and Hayes were arraigned Tuesday. Each is charged with
aggravated sexual assault, arson, robbery, kidnapping and risk of
injury to a minor. Komisarjevsky was also charged with felony assault,
possibly in connection with William Petit's beating. Bail for each was
set at $15 million, and they are being held.
Authorities are believed to be considering whether to bring murder and
capital felony charges against both men, which would make them eligible
for the death penalty.
William Petit is recovering at St. Mary's Hospital in Waterbury.
"Our precious family members have been the victims of horrible,
senseless, violent assaults. We are understandably in shock and
overwhelmed with sadness as we attempt to gather to support one another
and recognize these wonderful, giving, beautiful individuals who have
been so cruelly taken," the Petit family said in a statement issued
Tuesday.
Komisarjevsky lived 2 miles from the victims' home in Cheshire. His
parent's house at 840 N. Brooksvale Road is a small, 1½-story
bungalow with an overgrown front yard and children's toys - a rocking
horse and a plastic slide - on the side.
Associates of the family said Komisarjevsky has a 5-year-old daughter,
Jayda, who has been living with him and his parents. An older man was
seen carrying a small child into the house Tuesday afternoon followed
by several police detectives. Komisarjevsky's family released a brief
statement later:
"This is an absolute tragedy. Our deepest sympathy goes out to the
Petit family (and all those whose lives they touched). We cannot
understand what would have made something like this happen. There is
nothing else we can say at this time."
State police detectives and members of the state fire marshal's office
combed through the Petit home all day Tuesday, and new details of what
happened inside emerged.
William Petit may have confronted the burglars shortly after they broke
in, sources said.
Police recovered $15,000 that Hawke-Petit was forced to withdraw from a
bank that morning while the rest of her family was held hostage. She
told bank officials who balked at giving her the money that she needed
it because her family was being held hostage. Bank officials then
notified police.
About a half-dozen relatives of the victims were in Superior Court as
the suspects made their first appearance before a judge. A blond woman,
who did not give her name, leaned forward and sobbed as the two
prisoners were brought into court. Another relative tried to comfort
her. The family left without speaking to members of the press.
Hayes, a pudgy man with a shaved head, was brought into court first. He
wore an orange prison jumpsuit, his hands clasped to a thick belly
chain around his waist. A bail commissioner rattled off a litany of
criminal charges dating back to when Hayes was a teenager in the '80s.
The court official said Hayes was on special parole in connection with
an October 2003 burglary conviction out of Bantam. He was given a
five-year sentence and his release date from parole was May 4, 2008.
Hayes also has a conviction for possession of marijuana in 2002 and
several convictions in 1996 and 1997 for passing bad checks, forgery,
petty larceny and escape from custody, the latter stemming from an
incident in Hartford in 1996. In 1993, he was convicted of a burglary
charge in Litchfield and given a five-year suspended sentence and five
years of probation.
Hayes was arrested three months later and charged with forgery and
violating his probation. He was sent back to jail but it was unclear
Tuesday how much time he served before being released again. Hayes also
has a record for theft of a firearm and carrying a firearm without a
permit, officials said.
A bail commissioner said Hayes was issued 23 disciplinary tickets
during his times in prison. Three members of the Department of
Correction's special emergency response team accompanied the two
suspects to court.
Judge Christina G. Dunnell set Hayes' bail at $15 million and ordered
him held without chance of release because of his parole status. Hayes'
public defender, Tom Conroy, asked for Hayes to be put on a suicide
watch. Conroy said Hayes was taking pain medication.
Someone in the court hissed, "Scumbag!" as Hayes was led back to the
holding pen. Hayes' case was transferred to Superior Court in New Haven
and continued to Aug. 7.
Komisarjevsky, a slight man with tousled black hair and a thin mustache
and beard, was also out on parole at the time of the home invasion.
Public defender David Smith, Komisarjevsky's attorney, said his client
attended a year of schooling at Asnuntuck Community College in Enfield.
Dunnell set Komisarjevsky's bail at $15 million and transferred the
case to New Haven with an Aug. 7 continuance date.
Attorney Patrick Culligan, head of the state public defender's office
special capital felony unit, was on hand for Tuesday's court
proceedings. Culligan said outside court that it was "conceivable" that
the state could bring more serious charges and it was his department's
policy to be present and prepared in advance.
Nancy Manning, a diabetic patient of Petit's from Rocky Hill, was also
in court. She said she felt compelled to be there.
Manning said she wanted to know "why they didn't get stopped and why
didn't someone throw away the key long, long ago."
"One looks very young, the other very callous and cold-hearted,"
Manning said later outside court.
Komisarjevsky and Hayes met when they were both at Berman House
residential treatment center on Sargeant Street in Hartford in June
2006. They were there from June 13 to July 25, and their stays at
Silliman House on Retreat Avenue in Hartford overlapped from July 31
until Nov. 26, 2006. Between the two places, they spent 51/2 months
together - until Hayes failed a urine test and was sent back to prison
Robert Pidgeon, chief executive officer of Community Solutions Inc.,
which runs Silliman House and six other halfway houses for the
Department of Correction, said he doubted the two men were assigned to
the same employer while at the halfway house, but said, "They certainly
saw each other."
Although Pidgeon said he did not have a detailed report of their
behavior and performance at Silliman House, he said he doubted there
were problems before Hayes failed the urine test. "I can tell you
[corrections] would yank them back quickly if there was a problem,"
Pidgeon said. "They're very good about that."
Correction department records show Komisarjevsky was sentenced in
January 2003 to nine years in prison for second-degree burglary. He was
released to a halfway house in June 2006.
Since his offense was non-violent and the sentence longer than two
years, the Board of Pardons and Paroles considered his parole after he
had completed 50 percent, DOC spokesman Brian Garnett said. He was
granted parole on April 10, 2007.
Hayes was sentenced to five years in prison for third-degree burglary
in 2003. In June 2006 he was released to a halfway house, but was sent
back to prison five months later for drug use. He was granted parole on
May 3, 2007.
Correction department officials say the two men had been reporting to
their parole officers since their release and had full-time jobs.
Officials would not reveal where they worked.
A state senator whose district includes Cheshire called for a review of
the state parole board's decision to release the suspects into the
community despite their lengthy records and prior convictions.
"Issuing judgment and laying blame is counterproductive," said Sen. Sam
Caligiuri, R-Waterbury. "Nevertheless, three people are dead. ... We
owe it to the victims, their families and friends, and to the public to
find out why these suspects were seen as ready for supervised parole
and what action the state can take to prevent such a horrific thing
from happening again."
Komisarjevsky was first arrested in May of 2002 for a series of
burglaries in the Cheshire area. Shortly after, state police linked him
to 11 burglaries in the Burlington area. It was at his sentencing on
those charges that Superior Court Judge James Bentivegna in Bristol
called him a "cold, calculating predator."
State officials said that Komisarjevsky started burglarizing homes when
he was 14 but that most of the crimes occurred during an eight-month
spree between July 2001 and February 2002 after he had bought
night-vision goggles.
Prosecutors said he stole more than $20,000 worth of goods from his
victims.
Several of those victims were stunned to learn Tuesday afternoon that
the man who had broken into their homes is accused of the horrific
Cheshire crime.
"That was him? Really? That just sends chills up my spine," Jamie Maheu
said. "He just escalated from what he did six years ago."
About a month after Maheu and her husband, Paul, were married,
Komisarjevsky broke into the home they owned on Wildewood Run.
Komisarjevsky's home at the time was nearby, on Wilderness Way in
Bristol. The Maheus didn't know until the next day that someone had
sneaked into their house overnight. Cash had been stolen from the
husband's wallet, and papers from the wife's briefcase had been
scattered in the doorway.
"My wife is still nervous about leaving windows open in the evening,
and I agree with that. We stopped using the window air conditioner at
night. This still affects her - it was not a good feeling," Paul Maheu
said.
Another victim, who requested anonymity, said she nearly caught
Komisarjevsky burglarizing her home on Wilderness Way.
"I had gone to bed, shut down the house and heard something, as if a
paperback book had gotten knocked off a kitchen counter downstairs,"
she said. "I immediately woke up and yelled at the top of my lungs `Get
out of here now.'"
The woman ran out the garage door and called 911 from under a
streetlight.
"We found out later that I scared him by yelling and he tripped; he was
carrying my stereo outside and hit his head on the concrete floor," she
said. "I didn't sleep right for at least a year. I was awakened by
fear. I got an alarm system - I'm a big believer in alarms now."
Contact Dave Altimari at daltimari@courant.com.
-------------------------------------
Chronology: Home Invasion
Here is the sequence of events, according to sources and police
statements.
1. Early morning. Two intruders enter family home at 300 Sorghum Mill
Drive, Cheshire.
2 . About 9 a.m. one intruder forces Jennifer Hawke-Petit to drive to
the Bank of America on Route 10. She alerts a bank employee that her
family is being held hostage. Minutes later, Hawke-Petit and the
intruder arrive back at the house.
3. Cheshire police officers arrive and find the home in flames. Fleeing
suspects crash the family's vehicle into an officer's cruiser, then
into two other Cheshire cruisers, before being taken into custody a
block away. At some point, a badly beaten William Petit stumbles from
the burning home and makes it to a neighbor's home. Emergency personnel
find bodies of Jennifer Hawke-Petit and daughters Hayley and Michaela.
Suspects' Records

Joshua Komisarjevsky
26, Cheshire
Began burglarizing homes at age 14
Started a nine-year prison term in 2003 for nearly a dozen burglaries
in Bristol after being called a "cold, calculating predator" by a
judge.
Released to a halfway house in June 2006.
Granted parole on April 10.

Steven Hayes
44, Winsted
Entered the correctional system in 1980, at the start of a criminal
career that included dozens of arrests on charges such as burglary,
larceny and forgery.
Disciplined nearly two dozen times in prison.
Sentenced to five years in prison in 2003 for burglary; released to
halfway house in June 2006.
Returned to prison in November 2006 for using illegal drugs; granted
parole May 3.
Sources: State Department of Correction; state Superior Court
records

Why Nashville's Mission?
Because people involved in music
industry opposed to death penalty? "Let them eat cake" in the
21st Century translates to "...cheese pizza."
Last Wish Multiplies: Pizza For The
Poor
By LYNNE TUOHY, Courant Staff Writer
May 19, 2007
The execution last week of a man convicted of killing a
police officer in Memphis, Tenn., had everything to do with the
delivery
of more than 150 pizzas Friday night to six homeless shelters across
Connecticut - enough to feed about 500 people.
Philip Workman's last words before his death by lethal injection on May
9 won't be remembered by many, but his last meal request just might.
Workman asked that, in lieu of his last meal, a vegetarian
pizza be purchased and given to a homeless person. Prison officials
denied his request; Workman, 53, declined to eat anything. He was
pronounced dead at 1:38 a.m.
By nightfall, the Nashville Rescue Mission had $1,200 in donations for
pizza from around the nation in response to news of Workman's unusual
request. And Ben Smilowitz, a longtime activist and first-year student
at the University of Connecticut School of Law, had an idea.
Juggling final exams and aided immensely by the Connecticut Network to
Abolish the Death Penalty, Smilowitz parlayed donations into pizzas and
negotiated the price with local pizza outlets to maximize the number of
people fed.
Robert Nave, executive director of the Connecticut Network to Abolish
the Death Penalty, said the unusual fundraiser epitomizes the message
his organization and others opposed to the death penalty seek to convey.
"We spend so much money to kill a single individual," Nave said Friday.
"When you look at the resources we waste, and how many people we could
feed, it's just amazing. Where are our priorities? Of course, we
believe they're a little backward."
Smilowitz contacted Nave on the day Workman was executed. Although his
hectic schedule had prevented him from attending any regular meetings
of the coalition, Smilowitz, a West Hartford native, was a member and
sympathizer of the network. A plea for donations went out to the
network's contacts; Smilowitz and his roommate blanketed the law school
and UConn's medical and dental schools.
Donations ranged from one pizza to 10 (from a class at Fairfield Prep.)
Not all the e-mails were generous or kind. Smilowitz received some
snarky e-mails from law school classmates criticizing him for
"politicizing" community service.
"My answer is, community service is always politicized," Smilowitz
said. "Community service, and particularly direct service, like feeding
the homeless, allows the government to avoid [dealing with the issues].
If you're not discussing the political issues, you're not dealing with
the problem."
Smilowitz said he thinks it's ludicrous that Connecticut still has
capital punishment.
"It's hardly ever given out in Connecticut," he said of the death
penalty. "For the amount of money we spend on it, we could supply
homeless shelters with pizzas ever night of the year."
In the end, shelters in Hartford, Waterbury, New Haven, Stamford,
Bridgeport and Middletown had cheese pizzas delivered to their doors,
from Domino's in Middletown, New Haven and Stamford; Vazzy's Pizza in
Bridgeport, Juliannas Pizza in Waterbury; and Parkville Pizza in
Hartford.
Workman was on the brink of execution three times and spared twice due
to questions over whether his bullet killed a police lieutenant
responding to a botched armed robbery attempt at a fast-food restaurant
in Memphis in 1981, or whether the officer was killed by "friendly
fire" by another officer during the chaos of the police response.
He told the press this month he didn't want to be just a visitor to the
death house this time, and that wish was granted. The last words he
spoke were, "I commend my spirit into your hands, Lord Jesus Christ."
Kane Is New Chief State's Attorney
By ALAINE GRIFFIN, The Hartford Courant
1:46 PM EDT, July 21, 2006
ROCKY HILL -- New London State's Attorney Kevin T. Kane was unanimously
appointed chief state's attorney this afternoon by the Criminal Justice
Commission.
Kane, 63, whose career as a prosecutor spans more than three decades,
will serve a five-year term as head of the state's Division of Criminal
Justice. After interviews Friday morning, the commission selected Kane
over Paul E. Murray, deputy chief state's attorney of operations, and
veteran defense lawyer Michael A. Georgetti.
Chief State's Attorney Christopher Morano withdrew his application for
the post Monday after 11 of the state's 13 regional state's attorneys
wrote a letter to the commission opposing his reappointment. Morano
said his withdrawal from the selection process was a way to avoid
public squabbling with the state's attorneys that he said could have
been a distraction for the division.
Though the prosecutors were not specific in their letter, they wrote
that they were distrustful of Morano and critical of his leadership,
accusing him of using "divide and conquer" strategies with the regional
prosecutors instead of "open and purposeful efforts to bring about
consensus." Morano is also accused of seeking the media spotlight to
further his own personal career.
The chief state's attorney's office is staffed with prosecutors but it
lacks the authority to hire or fire state's attorneys. Morano was
appointed by the commission in October 2002 to complete the five-year
term of John M. Bailey, who became ill while serving in the post.
Bailey died in 2003.
Kane was one of only two state's attorneys who did not sign the letter.
Instead, his colleagues in the letter endorsed Kane's candidacy, saying
he "is the most qualified person to reinvigorate" the division of
criminal justice and "reinstill a sense of confidence and pride" there.
Kane has been the state's attorney in New London since January 1995, a
job to which he was promoted after serving five years there as a
supervisory assistant state's attorney. He went to New London as a
prosecutor in 1986 after working in the chief state's attorney's office
for eight years in the special investigation unit. From 1973 to 1978,
he was an assistant state's attorney in Superior Court in Middletown.
Kane has prosecuted a number of high-profile criminal cases, including
the conviction and eventual May 2005 execution of serial killer Michael
Ross, the state's first execution in 45 years.
Other cases he successfully tried were the high-profile kidnapping case
two years ago of popular Mystic schoolteacher Leslie Buck, who died
mysteriously two days after she fled her abductor and the
murder-for-hire trial of Old Saybrook attorney Beth Ann Carpenter who
was convicted in 2002 of conspiring to kill her brother-in-law in a
vicious custody dispute. Kane, who resides in Killingworth with his
wife, Barbara, has four grown children.
The appointed members of the Criminal Justice Commission hire all state
prosecutors, including the chief state's attorney.
Connecticut prison system
dealing with rash of suicides
By PAT EATON-ROBB,
Associated Press Writer
May 20, 4:45
PM EDT
HARTFORD,
Conn. (AP) -- Scott Walsh had been threatening suicide for months.
The 35-year-old
from Boston was awaiting trial in Connecticut for stealing a ring from
a jewelry store. He was a problem inmate, according to court
documents,
and had been diagnosed with paranoia and depression.
On June 6,
2002, he was alone in a cell in a restricted housing unit at the
MacDougall-Walker
prison. As a punishment for misbehaving, he had been denied contact
with
his family for months. He used a sheet to hang himself from the top
bunk.
His sister, Suzanne, has sued the prison system, claiming it fails to
do
enough to protect suicidal inmates. According to her lawsuit, her
brother's last mental health assessment, conducted the day he died,
consisted
of a psychologist asking him through the door of his cell if he was OK.
He did not reply.
"They deprived
him of the help he needed," Suzanne Walsh said Friday. "Just help him.
We're not asking you to give him steak dinners. Just help him."
Since
Walsh died, there have been 17 other inmate suicides in Connecticut
prisons
and jails. There have been 13 suicides since April 2004, and four since
January of this year.
The latest
happened Tuesday, when 23-year-old Adnan Saeed of Meriden killed
himself
at MacDougall-Walker. Like most other inmates who commit suicide,
he tied one end of a bed sheet around his neck and the other to the
upper
bunk in his cell, according to prison officials. Acknowledging a
problem, the Correction Department last fall hired outside experts to
examine
its suicide prevention program. Since then, the department has made
numerous
changes, said Brian Garnett, a spokesman.
Because many
suicides happen within the first 72 hours an inmate is in custody, the
department has set up "orientation units" at its jails and intake
facilities
that are monitored more frequently, Garnett said. Inmates coming
into the system are given more thorough mental health screenings, and
they
wear slip-on sneakers to prevent hangings with shoelaces, he
said.
All state prison cells have also been modified to be more
suicide-resistant,
he said.
"For example,
anything on the wall, like a smoke detector, we've taken off so that
people
can't hang themselves on it," Garnett said.
The state also
has special suicide-watch cells that have nothing in them but
mattresses
on the floor. Instead of regular prison jumpsuits, inmates are given
Ferguson
gowns, thick quilted garments that are collarless and sleeveless and
cannot
be torn or fastened into nooses.
"These experts
told us ours are some of the most progressive policies in the nation,"
Garnett said. But critics say they are not nearly enough. A
recent report on mental health services at the Garner Correctional
Institution
and Northern Correctional Institution, the state's highest security
prison,
found serious problems with the way suicidal inmates are treated.
"In fact, the
`treatment' a prisoner receives after disclosing suicide ideation, on
average,
is more punitive than therapeutic," according to the report written by
Dr. Terry Kupers, a psychiatrist from the Wright Institute in Berkley,
Calif. Instead of receiving one-on-one therapy with mental health
professionals, suicidal inmates are often written up as disciplinary
problems.
They are transferred to observation cells and often kept in restraints
until they say they are no longer suicidal, according to the report.
"At that point,
he will in many cases be deemed a malingerer for having mentioned
suicide
ideation or exhibited suicidal behavior without actually killing
himself,"
according to the report, prepared for the state Office of Protection
and
Advocacy for Persons with Disabilities.
Kupers' report
led to an agreement to overhaul the mental health services at Northern
and Garner. The agreement is awaiting approval in U.S. District
Court.
Attorney Antonio Ponvert III, who represents Walsh and the families of
other inmates who have committed suicide, said he believes the
department
needs more mental health staff and better mental health services.
He said the department also must make it harder for inmates to kill
themselves.
"One is, don't
put suicidal inmates alone in cells with top bunks and sheets," Ponvert
said. "There is no reason to have an inmate alone in a cell with a top
bunk." Garnett said no inmate known to be suicidal is left alone.
He also said the department is adequately staffed does not need more
mental
health workers.
Connecticut's
suicide rate is about 29 for every 100,000 inmates, Garnett said.
Nationally,
it is about 14 for every 100,000 prison inmates and 54 for every
100,000
people in jails. Connecticut is one of the few states where the
Correction
Department is responsible for both jails, which are local facilities
where
people are held after being arrested, and prisons, which house convicts
and those accused of more serious offenses.
David Fathi,
a lawyer with the American Civil Liberties Union's national prison
project,
said Connecticut's inmate suicide rate is still high.
"In such a
controlled environment, where the state controls every movement of
someone's
life, there is no excuse for someone being able to kill himself," he
said.
Ross Executed; Ordeal
Ends For Families Of Eight Young Women
By IZASKUN
E. LARRANETA
Day Staff
Writer, Courts/Social Services
Published
on 5/13/2005
Somers — After
months of legal wrangling over his right to die by lethal injection,
Michael
Ross was executed early today. He was pronounced dead at 2:25 a.m. as
he
lay strapped to a prison gurney.
The death of
the 45-year-old serial rapist and killer, a graduate of Cornell
University
and a native of eastern Connecticut, was the first execution in the
state
and New England in 45 years. It also marked, perhaps, the final chapter
in a bizarre legal case that began with Ross' arrest in June 1984.
Ross was sent
to death row in 1987 for the murders of four girls and young women from
eastern Connecticut. He raped three of them. He also raped and killed
two
others from Connecticut and two young women in New York.
Those who witnessed
his execution included his friends, relatives of his victims and five
reporters.
The death announcement
was made by prison warden Christine Whidden to news reporters who had
waited
hours at the Carl Robinson Correctional Institution, about a mile away
from the prison where the execution occurred.
The last legal
obstacles to the execution appeared to fall shortly after 11 p.m.
Thursday
when word came that the U.S. Supreme Court had denied two appeals by
Ross'
relatives to stop the execution. When that news reached the Robinson
prison
in Enfield, camera crews jockeyed for quick interviews with state
Attorney
General Richard Blumenthal.
“Only Ross
can stop this,” said Blumenthal, “but there is always the possibility
that
something can be filed at the last minute. ... Clearly if anything is
filed
at this point, it is a transparent effort to manipulate the system.”
At 12:30 a.m.
today, a couple hundred protesters started walking the mile from
Robinson
prison to the Osborn Correctional Institution in Somers, where they
were
allowed to stand at the bottom of a long driveway leading to that
prison.
Ross spent
his last 17 hours in a cell next to the execution chamber at Osborn. He
had communion, read from his Bible, had a final meal, and said goodbye
to family and friends, according to a spokesman with the correction
department.
Ross' death
came seven months after a New London Superior Court judge first set a
date
for him to die. That decision in October set off a string of court
fights
to save Ross' life, despite the efforts of the serial killer himself
and
his attorney, T.R. Paulding, to go forward with the execution.
Ross' decision
to give up any voluntary appeals of his death sentence prompted
numerous
court attempts to reverse his course.
The state's
chief public defender, Ross' father and a sister, the American Civil
Liberties
Union of Connecticut and the Connecticut Network to Abolish the Death
Penalty
are among those who have tried to save his life. Many of their
arguments
focused on Ross' state of mind, saying he was not competent to make a
decision
that would end his life.
On Thursday
night, Ross' sister, Donna Dunham, and Antonio Ponvert III, an attorney
representing Ross' father, tried to get the execution stayed. They took
their appeals to the U.S. Supreme Court after their cases were rejected
in the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in New York earlier in the day.
Both Blumenthal
and Chief State's Attorney Christopher Morano said they were prepared
to
carry out the execution.
Ross was sentenced
to death for the murders more than 20 years ago of Leslie Shelley and
April
Brunais, both 14 and from Griswold; Robin Stavinsky, 19, of Norwich;
and
Wendy Baribeault, a 17-year-old from Lisbon. All were walking along
roads
in eastern Connecticut when he snatched them and strangled them to
death.
Three were raped.
About six hours
before the execution, anti-death protesters arrived at the Robinson
prison
to voice their opposition to the death penalty. The prison was the
staging
area for media from throughout Connecticut and neighboring New England
states.
About a dozen
protesters had started a six-mile walk at Somers Congregational United
Church of Christ and ended up at Shaker Field, across the road from the
entrance to the Robinson prison.
They carried
“Abolish the Death Penalty” banners.
“We make a
hero or celebrity out of (Ross),” said Robert Nave, executive director
of the Connecticut Network to Abolish the Death Penalty. “He should
have
been forgotten 20 years ago. The death penalty doesn't work.”
There was only
one demonstrator at Shaker Field advocating the execution.
Late Thursday,
Morano said that a command center was set up at his Rocky Hill office
to
counteract any 11th-hour lawsuits filed with the intention of stopping
the execution.
At midnight,
he operated the command center from Osborn prison.
He said Ross'
execution was needed to end the pain of his victims' families.
“I can guarantee
you it has been the same ripple effect of pain since these acts
happened
so long ago ...” Morano said. “The bottom line is we are going to be
doing
everything we can to carry out a lawful sentence that has been reviewed
again, again and again.”
Blumenthal
said the recent appeals were filed by “intermeddlers” who wanted to
stop
a lawful execution. He said the execution would only be stopped if Ross
requested it.
Speaking to
media Thursday afternoon at the Robinson prison, Brian Garnett, a
spokesman
for the correction department, said Ross woke up early, at 5:45 a.m.,
and
had a light breakfast of oatmeal and grapefruit juice.
Shortly after
8 a.m., he said, Ross was taken to a holding cell next to the room
where
he was to die. He had a Bible, a book of biblical verses, a coffee mug
and some candy.
During the
day, Garnett said, Ross watched television, read newspapers and greeted
visitors through a Plexiglas window. He received communion at around
9:15
a.m. from a department chaplain, Garnett said.
Ross had his
last meal shortly after 3 p.m., Garnett said, and chose to eat what was
being served for dinner to prisoners throughout the state –– turkey a
la
king with rice, mixed vegetables, bread and a beverage.
Correction
Commissioner Theresa Lantz said that, since her department received the
first death warrant back in October and then again in February, it
started
to formulate a plan to carry out the execution safely and lawfully.
The selection
and training of the volunteer execution staff started in November,
Lantz
said. At least 30 simulation drills were carried out in preparation,
she
said.
“In my 29 years
in the field of correction in various positions, I personally never
experienced
a more complex and comprehensive and challenging operation,” she said.
“I can assure you we have done extensive research, networking, planning
and training in carrying out this responsibility.”
As described
by correction department procedures, the execution occurred as follows:
Thirty minutes
prior to his execution, all visits with Ross were ended.
The execution
team escorted him from the holding cell to the execution room, where a
primary intravenous line was put in his left arm and a backup line in
his
right arm.
Ten minutes
later, witnesses were escorted into an observatory room with a large
window
looking into the room where Ross was strapped down.
Ross, who had
a microphone near his mouth, was allowed to give a one-minute statement.
At 2:01 a.m.,
at the direction of the warden, the executioner started the lethal
injection.
Three drugs
were administered: 2,500 milligrams of thiopental sodium, an
anesthetic;
100 milligrams of pancuronium bromide to paralyze his body; and 120
milliequivalent
of potassium chloride to stop his heart.
Ross' body
was to be taken to the state Office of the Chief Medical Examiner in
Farmington.
Ross Awaits
Death; New England's First Execution In 45 Years
Associated Press, Thursday, May
12, 2005 Courant
SOMERS, Conn. -- A serial killer
who struggled to hasten his own death - and was forced to prove he
wasn't
out of his mind - awaited lethal injection early Friday in New
England's
first execution in 45 years. Michael Ross, 45, was scheduled to
be
put to death at 2:01 a.m. after fighting off attempts by public
defenders,
death penalty foes and his own family to save his life.
The
2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals
in New York rejected two last-minute appeals from Ross' relatives late
Thursday afternoon but the U.S. Supreme Court was expected to review
one
if not both cases Thursday night, attorneys in both cases said.
The
appeals court rebuffed a lawsuit brought on behalf of Ross' father that
claimed Ross' execution would lead to a wave of suicide attempts among
Connecticut inmates.
The
court also rejected an appeal
from Ross' sister, who asked to intervene because she claims that Ross
is mentally incompetent to forgo his appeals.
In
Connecticut, prison officials
said Ross made no special request for his last meal, choosing to eat
the
same dinner served to all 18,000 inmates throughout the state prison
system:
turkey a la king, rice, mixed vegetables and fruit.
His
family, friends and attorneys
visited with him after he was moved in the morning to a holding cell
near
the death chamber at Osborn Correctional Institution in Somers. He had
with him a Bible, a book of Bible verses and some candy.
The
Ivy League-educated killer was
sent to death row for the murders of four young women and girls in
Connecticut
in the 1980s, and confessed to four more such slayings in Connecticut
and
New York. He also raped most of the women. Last fall, he
announced
he was abandoning all remaining appeals - which could have kept him
alive
for many years - because his victims' families had suffered enough.
"I
owe these people. I killed their
daughters. If I could stop the pain, I have to do that. This is my
right,"
the former insurance agent and Cornell University graduate said last
year.
"I don't think there's anything crazy or incompetent about that."
Desperate
to save his life, public
defenders and Ross' family argued that Ross suffered from "death row
syndrome"
- that is, he had become deranged from living most of the past 18 years
under a death sentence.
Ross
was hours from death in January
when a federal judge scolded Ross' attorney and threatened to lift his
law license for trying to hasten Ross' execution. The lawyer agreed to
a new hearing on whether Ross was mentally competent.
At
the hearing, two psychiatrists
have testified that he was mentally incompetent. They said he has a
personality
disorder that compels him to choose death to avoid looking cowardly.
Two
other experts disputed the finding of incompetence and said he was
genuinely
remorseful.
Last
month, a judge again found Ross
competent to decide his fate.
The
last execution in New England
was in 1960, when Joseph "Mad Dog" Taborsky went to the electric chair
in Connecticut. Of the six New England states, only Connecticut and New
Hampshire have the death penalty. New Hampshire has no one on death row
and has not executed anyone since 1939.
Death
penalty opponents warned that
Ross' execution could break down a political and psychological barrier
against capital punishment in New England and start a domino effect in
the region.
Some
opponents have spent the week
walking the 25 miles from Hartford to the prison. Bob Nave, the
executive
director of the Connecticut Network to Abolish the Death Penalty, said
they are resigned to the fact that the execution will happen.
"I
have had no doubt about that for
some time," he said. "This has become all about Michael Ross. Capital
punishment
will be wrong long after Michael Ross and it was wrong long before him."
Edwin
Shelley, whose 14-year-old
daughter Leslie was Ross' seventh victim, said he planned to watch Ross
die.
"It's
going to be nice to come home
and realize that the case is finished and that he has received his just
rewards," Shelley said. "I think I will be very relaxed and at ease
with
myself."
Supreme Court upholds use of lethal
injections
DAY
By MARK SHERMAN, Associated Press Writer
Posted on Apr 16, 11:38 AM EDT
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Supreme Court on Wednesday upheld the most
common method of lethal injection executions, likely clearing the way
to resume executions that have been on hold for nearly 7 months.
The justices, by a 7-2 vote, turned back a constitutional challenge to
the procedures in place in Kentucky, which uses three drugs to sedate,
paralyze and kill inmates. Similar methods are used by roughly three
dozen states.
"We ... agree that petitioners have not carried their burden of showing
that the risk of pain from maladministration of a concededly humane
lethal injection protocol, and the failure to adopt untried and
untested alternatives, constitute cruel and unusual punishment," Chief
Justice John Roberts said in an opinion that garnered only three votes.
Four other justices, however, agreed with the outcome.
Roberts' opinion did leave open subsequent challenges to lethal
injection practices if a state refused to adopt an alternative method
that significantly reduced the risk of severe pain.
Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and David Souter dissented.
Executions have been on hold since September, when the court agreed to
hear the Kentucky case. There was no immediate indication when they
would resume, but prosecutors in several states said they would seek
new execution dates if the court ruled favorably in the Kentucky case.
Forty-two people were executed last year among more than 3,300 people
on death row across the country. Another roughly two dozen executions
did not go forward because of the Supreme Court's review, death penalty
opponents said.
The argument against the three-drug protocol is that if the initial
anesthetic does not take hold, the other two drugs can cause
excruciating pain. One of those drugs, a paralytic, would render the
prisoner unable to express his discomfort.
The case before the court came from Kentucky, where two death row
inmates did not ask to be spared execution or death by injection.
Instead, they wanted the court to order a switch to a single drug, a
barbiturate, that causes no pain and can be given in a large enough
dose to cause death.
At the very least, they said, the state should be required to impose
tighter controls on the three-drug process to ensure that the
anesthetic is given properly.
Roberts said the one-drug method, frequently used in animal euthanasia,
"has problems of its own, and has never been tried by a single state."
Kentucky has had only one execution by lethal injection and it did not
present any obvious problems, both sides in the case agreed.
But executions elsewhere, in Florida and Ohio, took much longer than
usual, with strong indications that the prisoners suffered severe pain
in the process. Workers had trouble inserting the IV lines that are
used to deliver the drugs.
Roberts said "a condemned prisoner cannot successfully challenge a
state's method of execution merely by showing a slightly or marginally
safer alternative."
Ginsburg, in her dissent, said her colleagues should have asked
Kentucky courts to consider whether the state includes adequate
safeguards to ensure a prisoner is unconscious and thus unlikely to
suffer severe pain.
Justice John Paul Stevens, while agreeing with the outcome, said the
court's decision would not end the debate over lethal injection. "I am
now convinced that this case will generate debate not only about the
constitutionality of the three-drug protocol, and specifically about
the justification for the use of the paralytic agent, pancuronium
bromide, but also about the justification for the death penalty
itself," Stevens said.
Stevens suggested that states could spare themselves legal costs and
delays in executions by eliminating the use of the paralytic.
Ty Alper, a death penalty opponent and associate director of the Death
Penalty Clinic at the University of California-Berkeley School of Law,
said he expects challenges to lethal injections will continue in
several states.
Connecticut's
Fateful
Path
Thursday, May 12, 2005 Hartford
Courant editorial:
Barring
last-minute legal complications,
convicted serial killer Michael Ross will be executed by lethal
injection
a couple of hours after midnight tonight.
It
will be the first execution in
New England in nearly half a century - putting Connecticut on a path
out
of step with much of the world and even the nation, where public
opinion
is slowly shifting and juries increasingly are reluctant to impose
capital
punishment.
Understandably,
there is little public
sympathy for Mr. Ross, a twisted psychopath who admitted killing eight
girls and young women and has been on death row for nearly two decades.
Even some people who oppose capital punishment favor it in this case.
Mr.
Ross will be led to the death
chamber because he has abandoned all appeals and, in effect, has
volunteered
to die. But should such a momentous decision be his to make? Will
Connecticut
effectively be pushed into a legal corner, where it executes only
prisoners
who abandon their appeals? Another death row inmate, Sedrick Cobb,
recently
announced that he, too, wants to die.
Gov.
M. Jodi Rell and the General
Assembly have reaffirmed their support for capital punishment in the
belief
that they are in sync with majority opinion. Poll results, however,
show
a preference among Connecticut residents for life imprisonment without
possibility of parole over the death penalty.
Nationally,
dozens of people have
been freed from death row because of wrongful convictions. Jurors also
are aware of the arbitrary application of the penalty. As a result,
death
sentences declined last year to the lowest level since the U.S. Supreme
Court reinstated capital punishment in 1976.
When
the state Supreme Court ruled
this week that Mr. Ross was competent to abandon his appeals, Justice
Flemming
L. Norcott Jr. issued a stinging rebuke to his colleagues, asking, "Has
our thirst for this ultimate penalty now been slaked, or do we, the
people
of Connecticut, continue down this increasingly lonesome road?"
Some
politicians assumed that they
could appear tough on crime by embracing the death penalty - believing
that Connecticut would never actually execute anyone.
We
now know that their assumption
was wrong. The execution of Mr. Ross should spur lawmakers to take
another
look at a discredited penalty, which one day likely will be declared
"cruel
and unusual" punishment barred by the U.S. Constitution.
Killer's sister is latest
to be rejected by court
By PAT EATON-ROBB.
Associated Press Writer
May
11, 9:59 AM EDT
HARTFORD, Conn.
(AP) -- The state Supreme Court planned to convene Wednesday afternoon
to consider hearing an appeal of serial killer Michael Ross' sister,
who
wants to intervene and stop what would be New England's first execution
in 45 years.
The state has
asked the high court to dismiss the appeal of Donna Dunham, who claims
her brother is mentally incompetent to drop his appeals and accept his
death sentence, scheduled to be carried out by lethal injection early
Friday.
The high court earlier this week upheld Ross' mental competence in
another
appeal. It has also previously rejected requests by Ross' father and
the
state's public defenders to intervene and file appeals against Ross'
wishes.
Ross' attorney,
T.R. Paulding said Tuesday that because the court has left no doubt
that
Ross is competent, others will have a hard time stopping the lethal
injection.
"The issue
of competence was the only potentially valid issue that would allow any
of these interlopers to get their foot in the door," he said. "That
mechanism
for them to get their foot in the door seems to be closed."
Citing that
ruling, Rockville Superior Court judge Jonathan Kaplan ruled Tuesday
that
Dunham has no standing to act on her brother's behalf. But
Dunham's
attorney, Diane Polan argues that Ross is not able to make a voluntary
decision to die. The harsh conditions on death row, and Ross'
narcissism
coerced him into thinking that death is a noble choice, and have made
it
impossible for him to recant, she said. Polan said Tuesday she
expects
the issue will end up in the federal courts.
"The constitutional
validity of Mr. Ross's waiver of his appellate rights is a legitimate
and,
indeed, crucial issue," Polan said. "We believe the federal courts are
obligated to consider these issues, which requires that the rush to
execution
be derailed."
Paulding said
he was preparing for the possibility that others will attempt to
intervene
before the execution, scheduled for 2 a.m. Friday, but believes the
courts
will be highly suspicious of any new claims. "I assume those
claims
could have been filed a long time ago," he said.
Ross, 45, was
sentenced to death for murdering four young women in eastern
Connecticut
in the early 1980s and has confessed to four other murders in
Connecticut
and New York. Last year, he decided to end his appeals and accept
his death sentence. He was hours away from being put to death in
January,
when Paulding, under pressure from a federal judge, asked for a new
hearing
to examine his competency.
Edwin Shelley,
whose 14-year-old daughter Leslie was killed by Ross in 1984, said he's
hopeful it will happen this time.
"None of the
people who are filing these appeals have standing," he said. "These are
all frivolous lawsuits brought by uninterested parties. They should be
made to repay the state of Connecticut for the money wasted defending
against
them." Dunham is one of Ross' three siblings and lives in Texas.
Ross has no relationship with her, and has not heard from her in years,
Paulding said.
On Tuesday,
attorney Thomas Groark, who was hired as a special counsel to argue at
a competency hearing that Ross is mentally incompetent, said he would
file
no further appeals following Monday's Supreme Court ruling. In
addition
to the court fights, the state Department of Public Health has received
formal complaints from at least four doctors asking it to investigate
the
planned execution.
The department
rejected complaints from three Connecticut physicians alleging numerous
medical, ethical and legal problems with the state's lethal injection
procedures.
A fourth doctor, from Ohio, alleges that the Department of Correction
and
its clinical director improperly volunteered to train Ross' execution
team
in the medical procedures needed for lethal injection.
The Department
of Correction, citing safety concerns, has refused to say who will
administer
the lethal injection or how they are trained. The department also
refused
to say how it determined the dosages of the drugs being used or how it
will ensure they are properly administered. The state Freedom of
Information Commission is expected to order the department on Wednesday
to make some of that information public. But the department will have
several
weeks to appeal any such order.
Judge refuses to let
serial killer's sister file appeal
New Haven Register
By PAT EATON-ROBB, Associated Press
Writer
May 10, 12:41 PM EDT
HARTFORD, Conn. (AP) -- A Superior
Court judge Tuesday rebuffed an attempt by a sister of serial killer
Michael's
Ross to intervene in the case and stop her brother's execution, which
would
be the fist in New England in 45 years.
Rockville
Superior Court Judge Jonathan
Kaplan ruled Tuesday that Donna Dunham has no standing to act on her
brother's
behalf.
Ross,
45, was sentenced to death
for murdering four young women in eastern Connecticut in the early
1980s
and has confessed to four other murders in Connecticut and New York.
Last
year, he decided to end his
appeals and accept his death sentence. He is scheduled to die by lethal
injection just after 2 a.m. Dunham's attorney, Diane Polan had
argued
that Ross is not mentally competent to make a voluntary decision to
die.
The harsh conditions on death row, and Ross' narcissism coerced him
into
thinking that death is a noble choice, and have made it impossible for
him to recant, she argues.
Those
were similar to the arguments
used in failed attempts by Ross' father and the state's public
defenders
to intervene and file appeals against Ross' wishes. Judge
Kaplan's
decision, which calls the complaint "wholly frivolous," came a day
after
the state Supreme Court upheld a ruling that Ross is mentally competent.
Judge
Kaplan wrote that in light
of the high court ruling, he cannot find that Dunham's claims "even
remotely
amount to meaningful evidence" that Ross cannot act for himself.
Ross'
Attorney T.R. Paulding, who
has been helping clear the path to execution, said he believes Monday's
Supreme Court ruling removed the last major hurdle.
"The
issue of competence was the
only potentially valid issue that would allow any of these interlopers
to get their foot in the door," he said. "That mechanism for them to
get
their foot in the door seems to be closed." Paulding said he
believes
the courts will be highly suspicious of any new claims being brought in
the remaining hours before the lethal injection.
"I
assume those claims could have
been filed a long time ago," he said.
Dunham
is one of Ross' three siblings
and lives in Texas. She was not in court Monday, and a call to her home
was not returned. Paulding said Ross has no relationship with her, and
has not heard from her in years. Polan has said she plans to take
her case to the state Supreme Court and federal courts if necessary.
The
petition to intervene was brought in Rockville Superior Court because
Ross
is incarcerated in Somers, which is in the Rockville judicial district.
State's
High Court Again Delays
Ross Execution; Date Moved Back To Allow Arguments On Lower
Court's
Decision On His Competency
By IZASKUN E. LARRANETA, New London
DAY
May 3, 2005
For
the seventh time, the execution
of serial killer Michael Ross has been delayed.
The
state Supreme Court announced
Monday that Ross cannot be put to death before 12:01 a.m. May 13. He
was
last scheduled to die May 11. A new execution date is expected to be
announced
today.
The delay will allow the high court
to hear arguments Thursday on whether a lower court erred when it found
Ross competent to forgo his appeals and proceed to his execution.
It
is not certain, however, how the
delay will affect the death warrant, which is worded so that it expires
five days after the execution date is set. Brian Garnett, a
spokesman
for the Department of Correction, said the DOC is in the process of
reviewing
the ruling and its implications on the death warrant.
In
February, New London Superior
Court Judge Patrick Clifford appointed special counsel Thomas Groark
Jr.
to play devil's advocate to Ross' assertions that he is competent and
able
to waive his right to appeal the death sentence. Clifford made the
appointment
after Ross' attorney, T.R. Paulding Jr., filed a motion Jan. 31 to stay
Ross' scheduled execution and reopen a hearing on his competency.
Paulding
has been an advocate for Ross in his effort to move forward with the
execution.
Paulding
made the request to reopen
the hearing after U.S. District Judge Robert Chatigny threatened to
take
his law license if Chatigny found that Paulding had not adequately
explored
his client's state of mind.
Groark's
appointment enabled Paulding
to stay on the case and argue that his client is competent while Groark
took the opposing position. Following a six-day competency
hearing
last month, Clifford for a second time found Ross competent.
Groark
appealed Clifford's ruling.
In
response to Groark's complaint,
prosecutors on Monday asked the high court to reject the appeal on the
grounds that Groark has no standing to file one. The state claims
Groark
was appointed to argue the issue of competency only, and that his role
in the case ended when Clifford rendered his decision.
“Special
counsel's role at the trial-court
level in this case was extremely limited and it was never intended to
authorize
special counsel to participate in any litigation before this court, let
alone allow it to initiate such litigation,” wrote Harry Weller, a
supervisory
assistant state's attorney at the Office of the Chief State's Attorney.
The
state also argued that Paulding,
not Groark, has the right to file appeals on his client's behalf.
Groark,
however, wants the high court
to determine whether the lower court erred when it concluded that Ross
did not suffer from a mental disease that substantially affected his
ability
to make rational choices.
Four
psychiatrists took the witness
stand during the competency hearing. Two found Ross competent, two did
not. Neither Paulding nor Groark could be reached for comment
Monday.
Ross
was sentenced to death for the
kidnapping and murder of Leslie Shelley and April Brunais, both 14,
Robin
Stavinsky, 19, and Wendy Baribeault, 17. Brunais, Stavinsky and
Baribeault
were also raped. Ross was given two life sentences for the rapes and
murders
of two other young women in Windham County.
Ross Found Competent To
Decide His Own Fate; Judge: Serial Killer's Wish To Be Executed
Is
Rational
By IZASKUN E. LARRANETA
Day Staff Writer, Courts/Social
Services
Published on 4/23/2005
Convicted
serial killer Michael Ross
drew closer to becoming the first person executed in New England in 45
years Friday when a New London Superior Court judge found him competent
to forgo his appeals and proceed to his May 11 execution.
Judge
Patrick Clifford found Ross
competent for the second time. Before reaching his decision, Clifford
had
to decide if Ross suffered from a mental disease, defect or disorder
that
substantially affected his capacity to understand his legal options and
to make a rational decision. He also had to find that Ross' decision
was
voluntary and not coerced.
“This
court finds by a fair preponderance
of the evidence that Ross suffers from mental disorders but those
disorders
taken individually or together do not substantially affect his
understanding
of his legal position and the options available to him,” Clifford wrote
in his 23-page ruling. “... Michael Ross' decision to waive his right
to
further post-conviction relief is knowing, intelligent and voluntary.”
Ross
has repeatedly maintained that
he wants to go ahead with his execution to spare his victims' families
the pain of added court appeals and hearings.
Clifford
found that Ross' reason
for not pursuing his appeals was legitimate.
“His
decision is the product of a
rational intellect and an unconstrained will,” Clifford wrote. “Ross
had
indicated that he is only doing what he feels is right and his only
other
choice is to do the wrong thing. Ross' mental condition is not coloring
his free will and dictating the outcome.”
Both
Chief State's Attorney Christopher
Morano and New London County State's Attorney Kevin Kane said, “The
state
will proceed in accordance with today's decision to carry out the
sentence.”
“It's
a very hard time for the families,
and I am glad for their sake that we have a decision now and hope the
proceedings
are coming to a close,” Kane added.
Clifford's
decision is expected to
set off another flurry of appeals. It's not certain, however, where
those
appeals will come from.
For
now, it appears that Thomas Groark
Jr., an attorney Clifford appointed to play the role of devil's
advocate
to Ross' assertions of competence, is the only one who can appeal
Clifford's
ruling, attorneys said. They also wondered whether Groark's status as
special
counsel will carry forward into the appellate process.
“The
only person with standing to
appeal is Groark,” said Antonio Ponvert III, who represents Ross'
father,
Dan Ross. “Depending on what he does, I will know what to do. I am on
instruction
to do everything humanly possible to prevent this execution.”
Ponvert,
however, would not provide
specifics.
Chief
Public Defender Gerard Smyth
said his office will assist Groark if he decides to appeal Clifford's
ruling.
“We
are certainly disappointed with
the decision,” Smyth said. “Credible experts testified that he was
incompetent.
We remained hopeful that the court would find him incompetent. We have
to accept the results.”
Groark
said he would not comment
on the decision but was “considering all options.”
Ross'
attorney, T.R. Paulding Jr.,
said his client was relieved at the decision.
“He
certainly feels that it was the
correct decision,” Paulding said. “He's hoping that everything will
stop
so he could have some private time to get emotionally ready.”
Paulding
said he is not sure if more
appeals will be filed but that it would not surprise him.
“...
Right now we're taking it one
day at a time,” he said.
•••
Clifford's
decision came a week after
a six-day competency hearing that he ordered after Paulding filed a
motion
Jan. 31 to stay Ross' execution and reopen the competency hearing. By
that
time, Ross' execution had been postponed five times.
Paulding
made the request after U.S.
District Judge Robert Chatigny threatened to take his law license if
Chatigny
found that he had not adequately explored his client's state of mind.
Groark's
appointment enabled Paulding
to stay on the case and argue his client's desire to go ahead with the
execution.
Ross
was sentenced to death for the
kidnapping and murder of Leslie Shelley and April Brunais, both 14,
Robin
Stavinsky, 19, and Wendy Baribeault, 17, the last three of whom he
raped.
He was given two life sentences for the rapes and murders of two other
young women in Windham County.
He
also confessed to killing two
young women in New York in the early 1980s, one of them a fellow
student
at Cornell University.
Four
psychiatrists took the witness
stand during the competency hearing. Two found Ross competent, two did
not.
Groark
introduced the testimony of
Drs. Stuart Grassian and Eric Goldsmith, who argued that Ross suffers
from
narcissism, a personality disorder that causes him to have a grandiose
sense of self, an inability to have empathy and bouts of depression.
The
mental disease prevents Ross
from making a competent decision, they argued.
The
doctors also said the harsh conditions
of death row have contributed to Ross' decision to proceed with the
execution.
But
Drs. Michael Norko and Suzanne
Gentile both said Ross is making a rational decision. He has weighed
the
pros and cons of that decision — an action that only a competent person
can make, they said.
The
doctors said that Ross' decision
not to pursue his appeals because he wants to spare the victims'
families
from further pain is logical and not being made because he wants to
commit
suicide. They found that his narcissism was under control and was not
the
catalyst for his decision.
Clifford
found the Norko-Gentile
testimony more credible. He also noted that no evidence was presented
to
show that the conditions on death row contributed to Ross' decision
“This
court finds the testimony of
Norko and Gentile more persuasive concerning Ross' actual motivations
for
ending his appeals,” Clifford wrote. “Although part of his decision or
motivation may be to satisfy his narcissistic personality traits, this
court does not find that he has absolutely no empathy as suggested by
Grassian
and Goldsmith.”
Ross Painted As A Fraud;
Quest To Die Tied To `Narcissism'
April 12, 2005
By LYNNE TUOHY, Courant Staff Writer
NEW LONDON -- A psychiatrist hired
by lawyers arguing why serial killer Michael Ross should not be
executed
next month painted him and his motives as frauds Monday, likening him
to
notorious killers who wanted to go out "in a blaze of glory."
Dr.
Stuart Grassian included Ross
in the ranks of infamous figures such as Jim Jones, who in 1978
convinced
912 followers to drink cyanide-laced punch at his People's Temple in
Jonestown,
Guyana; David Koresh, who died along with 74 Branch Davidians during
the
siege of their Waco, Texas, compound in 1993; and the two students who
opened fire on classmates and teachers six years ago this month at
Colorado's
Columbine High School.
"Obviously
[Ross'] desire to be noble,
to die a martyr - a victim - is entirely consistent with his
narcissism,"
Grassian said. "He's trying to go down in a blaze of glory like these
people
did."
Grassian
said Ross' sundry mental
illnesses - predominantly narcissism - drove his decision to forgo
further
appeals and opt for execution. Grassian refuses to buy Ross' purported
desire - stated publicly for more than a decade - to spare the families
of his victims the additional emotional torment of further appeals.
"I
don't think he has the capacity
to empathize with the families whatsoever," Grassian said. "He has
never
attempted to really come to grips with the horrible things he's done."
Playing
out in the courtroom of Superior
Court Judge Patrick Clifford is an odd - and for Connecticut,
unprecedented
- tug-of-war over the state of Ross' mind and what truly motivates
him.
Clifford must decide, for the second time in four months, whether Ross'
decision to die is knowing, intelligent and voluntary - free of
coercion
from other people or mental illnesses that might rob him of his ability
to make rational choices.
Clifford
appointed lawyer Thomas
Groark as special counsel to argue Ross' incompetence, thus adding an
adversarial
element to offset what in December was an amiable agreement between New
London State's Attorney Kevin Kane and Ross' lawyer, T.R. Paulding,
that
Ross be granted his wish to die.
The
focus this time is heavily on
the "voluntary" aspect of Ross' decision. This is the first time the
issue
of whether his harsh conditions of confinement - living locked most
hours
in an 8-by-10 concrete cell with a solid steel door - are being
considered
as the underlying cause of his desire to die. Grassian has
maintained
it was Ross' despair over his living conditions that prompted him to
seek
his execution, and the inflated ego borne of his narcissist personality
disorder that will not permit him to reconsider.
"It's
clear from the evidence this
is a man who couldn't bear the humiliation of backing down, the utter
humiliation
of that," Grassian said. "He can't do it. He can't."
Ross,
45, could become the first
convict executed in New England in nearly 45 years if he is put to
death
by lethal injection May 11 as scheduled. He saw a series of execution
dates
in late January come and go amid a maelstrom of legal appeals filed by
his former public defenders and members of the bar. Ross was
arrested
in June 1984 for killing six young women in eastern Connecticut in 1983
and 1984. He has admitted to killing eight women in all, including two
in New York, when he attended Cornell University.
Grassian
was dismissive of Ross'
assertions that his deep religious beliefs have only reinforced his
decision
to opt for death, and Paulding's portrayal of Ross' choice as the
product
of a spiritual and moral journey.
"It
isn't valid," Grassian said.
"I took a careful look at the evidence and it isn't valid."
Paulding
noted that Ross has consulted
seven clergy or experts on the laws of the church on whether his
"volunteering"
to be executed equated to the mortal sin of committing suicide.
Paulding
said Ross was reassured by the seven, including former Norwich Bishop
Daniel
Hart, that accepting a lawfully imposed sentence was not a sin.
Paulding
asked Grassian a hypothetical
that seemed to make the psychiatrist uncertain: If Ross were to receive
a letter from a newly appointed pope who said his actions did amount to
a mortal sin, and tomorrow opted to pursue further appeals, would
Grassian
still consider him incompetent?
"I
don't know," Grassian said. "I'd
have to evaluate him then. I'd have to know what's actually going
through
his mind when he makes that decision."
Paulding
appeared indignant, almost
angry, during portions of his cross-examination of Grassian. "You say
it's
a facade, a sham, that he doesn't want to put the families through
this?"
Paulding challenged.
"I
think the evidence is pretty overwhelming
that he is not basing this on moral conviction," Grassian replied.
Grassian
pointed to Ross' prolific
writings - published articles and group mailings - as the source of the
real reason he is opting for death. It is, Grassian said, Ross' desire
to escape an environment that has become more restrictive since he was
first incarcerated in 1984 and sentenced to death row in 1987.
"As
he said over and over again -
`I can't stand another day of it. I can't take it any longer.' It's a
desperate
act of a desperate man," Grassian said.
Grassian
was highly critical of court-appointed
psychiatrist Michael Norko's determination that Ross is competent,
saying
Norko and others take Ross' assertions at face value.
Ross
"made it very clear he's never
let anyone know what he thinks and feels," Grassian said. "He said that
to me. He said he's never revealed what goes on in his head."
Grassian
said one question Ross has
never answered is how his assaults escalated from rape to the so-called
sexual sadism in which the killing - and not the rape - is the
addiction.
The inconsistencies in what Ross has said at various moments are
profound,
Grassian said.
"He'll
say he doesn't remember the
crimes," Grassian said. "Yet, he's told people he compulsively
masturbated
while reliving the crimes.
"If
you look into the cracks of what
he says, there are a lot of lies, a lot of fabrications," Grassian said.
Grassian
even mocked the book Ross
next plans to read and discuss with his girlfriend, Susan Powers. It is
Charles Dickens' "A Tale of Two Cities," which ends with the now-famous
line, "It is a far, far better thing I do than I have ever done; it is
a far, far better rest that I go to than I have ever known." The
psychiatrist
cast it as reflecting the veneer of nobility in which Ross wraps his
decision.
Kane
asked Grassian whether he is
an opponent of the death penalty. Grassian said he doesn't have a
stance, but when pressed, said his feelings about it are "very mixed,
very
confused."
Paulding,
asked after court if Ross
is upset that his religious devotion is being questioned, said, "I
think
he sees this for what it is - part of a bigger picture. Far more than
Michael
Ross' faith is being challenged. There are a lot of things about
Michael
Ross that are being questioned."
The
fourth day of the hearing is
scheduled to resume today at 10 a.m.
Psychiatrists In Ross Case
Have Varied Experiences
April 7, 2005
Lynne Tuohy,
The Hartford Courant
At least
four psychiatrists are expected to testify during hearings that begin
today
in Superior Court in New London on whether serial killer Michael Ross
is
making a knowing, intelligent and voluntary decision to forgo further
appeals
and proceed to his scheduled execution May 11.
COURT-APPOINTED
Dr. Michael
Norko, medical director of Whiting Forensic Institute in Middletown,
first
deemed Michael Ross mentally competent in 1995, when Ross wanted to
stipulate
to a death sentence rather than go through a second penalty phase
hearing.
A judge ultimately trumped his efforts to do so. Superior Court Judge
Patrick
Clifford turned to Norko last December, when the public defenders who
no
longer represent Ross were insisting he is incompetent to opt for
lethal
injection rather than wage further appeals. Norko, after a nearly
four-hour
interview with Ross in mid-December, testified Dec. 28 that Ross is
mentally
competent, even under the stricter standard required when a convict
seeks
to "volunteer" for execution. Norko is a past president of the
Connecticut
Psychiatric Society, and deputy training director of Yale's forensic
psychiatry
program.
HIRED BY
T. R. PAULDING, LAWYER FOR MICHAEL ROSS
Dr. Suzanne
Gentile since last November has been the chief psychiatrist in charge
of
restoring the mental competence of criminal defendants at Whiting
Forensic
Institute in Middletown. Prior to that she worked in correctional
health
care in both Connecticut and Texas. Between 1983 and 1990 she was a
second
lieutenant with the U.S. Air Force Reserve and was chief of aerospace
medicine
and chief of professional services during a 1990 posting to Taegu Air
Base
in Korea. From November 1990 through July 1992 she was director of
emergency
services at Laughlin Air Force Base in Texas. She has taught psychiatry
at Baylor University in Texas and at the University of Connecticut
Health
Center in Farmington.
HIRED BY
ATTORNEY THOMAS GROARK, COURT-APPOINTED COUNSEL
Dr. Stuart
Grassian taught psychiatry at Harvard Medical School for 25 years and
specializes
in the psychological effects of close confinement and solitary
confinement.
He has testified as an expert witness on that subject in more than a
dozen
cases, and has been hired as a consultant by correction departments in
Florida and Massachusetts. When he testified before Chief U.S. District
Judge Robert N. Chatigny in January, Grassian was critical of Norko's
findings
that Ross is competent, saying the 17 years Ross has spent on death row
have robbed him of his ability to make rational decisions. In an
affidavit
submitted in the Ross case by the public defenders, Grassian stated,
"In
my opinion, the conditions of confinement which inmates typically
experience
on death row, coupled with the ordeal of the vagaries and uncertainties
of the appeal process, are often so oppressive and coercive, they
greatly
tax any individual so situated, and are often the underlying basis of
inmates'
decisions to drop their appeals and thus `volunteer' for execution."
Dr. Eric Goldsmith
is a clinical assistant professor of psychiatry at New York University
Medical Center, and is co-director of the NYU training program in
psychiatry
and the law. He is currently vice president of the Tri-State Chapter of
the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law. In an affidavit
submitted
by the public defenders to the state Supreme Court, Goldsmith said he,
too, had questions about Norko's assessment. Goldsmith said there was
no
testimony or discussion about the voluntariness of Ross' decision.
Goldsmith
said the bipolar type mood condition Ross has been previously diagnosed
as having would worsen with stress and "could essentially lead Mr. Ross
to be deflated, emotionally exhausted and to give up hope."
Legislative panel Votes
To abolish State's death Penalty; Passage In House Unlikely, But
Supporters See Bill As Step In The Right Direction
By TED MANN,
3-10-05 DAY
Hartford— In
a first for opponents of capital punishment, the General Assembly's
Judiciary
Committee voted Wednesday to abolish the death penalty in Connecticut
and
establish life imprisonment with no possibility of release as the
state's
harshest criminal punishment.
The bill, with
strong support from the co-chairmen of the committee and some in the
legislature's
Democratic leadership, passed on a vote of 24-15 after more than two
and
a half hours of sometimes impassioned debate.
Supporters
of the legislation conceded that its chances were not good in the House
of Representatives, where a majority of members, including House
Speaker
James Amann, are presumed to favor capital punishment.
Still, they
said they were optimistic that a full legislative debate could only
help
efforts to eventually repeal the law.
“It's a long
shot, but clearly you can see there's some movement,” said Rep. Michael
Lawlor, D-East Haven, a former state prosecutor and a co-chairman of
the
committee. “The death penalty is losing confidence in Connecticut.”
Rather than
spend years and millions trying to execute killers, he said, courts
could
achieve a quick finality by locking up the guilty and throwing away the
key.
“We're saying,
‘Let 'em rot,' ” Lawlor said.
While the legislature
has considered proposed changes in the death-penalty statute over the
years,
and entertained amendments to eliminate it, a bill specifically seeking
its elimination has never been approved by the judiciary panel,
according
to Lawlor and others who support the change.
The issue of
capital punishment has continually resurfaced in state politics since
October,
when serial killer Michael Ross announced that he would pursue no
further
appeals and seek to be put to death by lethal injection for the murders
of eight women and girls in Connecticut and New York in the early 1980s.
Ross was scheduled
to die in January, but his execution was called off at the last minute
after his attorney, T.R. Paulding Jr., announced that a conflict of
interest
precluded him from representing Ross in his quest to die. Paulding was
referring to a federal judge's threat to revoke his law license if it
was
shown that he had not adequately investigated Ross' mental competency
to
make such a decision.
Ross is to
undergo a new psychiatric examination, and his execution has been
tentatively
scheduled for May 11. It would be the first execution in the state —
and
all of New England — since 1960.
But while Ross'
case and the death penalty in general riveted much of the state this
winter,
it has not dominated the Capitol, largely because Gov. M. Jodi Rell
announced
early on that she would not offer Ross a reprieve and would veto any
attempt
by the legislature to repeal the law.
Persuading
a majority to repeal the law is highly unlikely, even according to
Lawlor
and death-penalty opponents, and attaining the two-thirds majority
needed
to override a veto is seen as nothing short of impossible.
But other measures
have come close; an amendment to impose a moratorium on executions
failed
by just five votes.
The bill approved
Monday would commute the sentences of all seven death-row inmates to
life
without any possibility of parole.
“That means
exactly what it says,” Lawlor told the committee. “No possibility of
parole,
no possibility of furlough. You would serve every day of your natural
life
in prison.”
The death penalty
not only fails to deter murders, supporters of repeal said, but proves
torturous to families of victims who wait, sometimes for decades, for a
closure that may never come.
Waking up on
the morning after Ross' execution was halted, Lawlor said, “The only
thing
I could think of ... was, ‘It's our fault, the legislature, for
allowing
this fraud of a public policy to remain on the books for 45 years.' ”
Opponents of
the bill, however, were just as critical of repeal.
“This bill
is a fraud,” said Sen. John Kissel, R-Enfield. “... I think it is not
accurate
to state that just because it is difficult to impose we should throw it
out.”
And the bill,
he said, would spare the life of Ross, who terrorized southeastern
Connecticut
as he seized women and girls on the region's rural highways, raping all
but one of his victims before strangling them with his bare hands.
“And we're
going to commute his sentence?” Kissel said. “I don't want to be a
party
to that.”
“I don't believe
he's a human being,” said Sen. David Cappiello, R-Danbury, adding that
he felt the same about the six others on death row. “I believe they
gave
up every one of their rights when they committed their crimes.”
The issue is
a thorny one for area lawmakers such as Rep. Melissa Olson, D-Norwich,
a lifelong opponent of capital punishment, who also represents a
community
from which some of Ross' victims hailed.
Olson voted
against the death penalty.
“Certainly,
it's very different with Michael Ross, and that's something that I've
been
struggling with, because he's evil,” Olson said afterward. “We know
he's
a horrible individual, that he committed horrible crimes. And there's
no
amount of sympathy we can feel for the families of the victims that
will
be enough.”
But proponents
conceded that the death penalty would deter no murders, would save no
money
and would necessarily compel the families to relive their loss through
Ross' appeals, Olson said.
“What does
the death penalty achieve?” she said.
The only other
local legislator on the committee, Rep. Lenny Winkler, R-Groton, missed
the vote. She had shown up for the morning meeting originally
scheduled,
but it was delayed by foul weather.
Winkler said
she would have supported capital punishment.
“In cases where
there is absolutely no question (of guilt or innocence), I support the
death penalty,” Winkler said. But she added that she understands the
arguments
against it, more than in previous years.
“I'm not as
strong a proponent as I was when I went to the legislature,” she said,
“and I think it's from sitting and listening to the debate. I can
certainly
see both sides of the issue.”
Lawlor said
he sees colleagues and the public increasingly eager for just such a
debate,
but he has many left to convince, both in his party and not.
“I'm not surprised
at it,” said Rep. Steve Mikutel, D-Griswold, whose constituents include
the families of Ross' two youngest victims. “I don't believe this
reflects
the will of the people of Connecticut or the majority views of
legislators.
I think in this particular case, the Judiciary Committee wants to take
the people of Connecticut down a road that they do not care to go.”
GOP
Legislators Seek Action Against
Chatigny
February 3, 2005
By JON LENDER, CHRISTOPHER KEATING,
And EDMUND H. MAHONY Courant Staff Writers
Top
legislative Republicans in Hartford
Wednesday asked a congressional committee to investigate what they
called
"a grievous example of judicial misconduct" by Chief U.S. District
Judge
Robert N. Chatigny - whose actions last week led to the postponement of
serial killer Michael Ross' execution.
"We
strongly urge your committee
to investigate the matter fully, and to commence proceedings to redress
this misconduct, including the [judge's] possible removal from office,"
state Republican General Assembly leaders wrote in a letter to U.S.
Rep.
F. James Sensenbrenner Jr., R-Wis., chairman of the House Judiciary
Committee.
The
letter - written by Senate Minority
Leader Louis C. DeLuca, House Minority Leader Robert M. Ward and three
others - complained of "explicit instances of Judge Chatigny's bias,
bullying
and abuse of judicial authority" last Friday when the judge delivered a
verbal dressing-down to Ross' lawyer. Chatigny's harsh remarks, during
a telephone conference, proved pivotal in leading to indefinite
postponement
of the execution.
Meanwhile
Wednesday, state Attorney
General Richard Blumenthal and Chief State's Attorney Christopher
Morano
were planning their own moves - including a potential effort to remove
Chatigny, or get him to disqualify himself, from further involvement in
the case, sources said. Blumenthal's office issued a statement saying
he
would have no comment. Morano also refused to comment.
During
Friday's phone conference,
Chatigny assailed lawyer T.R. Paulding's representation of Ross, who
had
given up appeals of his death sentence and was ready for last week's
scheduled
lethal injection. Chatigny told Paulding, "I'll have your law license,"
if it later proved that Ross' mental condition had been impaired by his
years on death row.
Hours
later, Paulding asked state
authorities to delay the execution so he could consider whether he had
a conflict of interest in the case. Paulding said he wants to look
further
into whether Ross suffers from "death row syndrome" after living there
so long.
The
Republicans said in Wednesday's
letter that Chatigny's extraordinary conference with Paulding and other
lawyers - which came after a federal appeals court and the U.S. Supreme
Court overturned two earlier attempts to delay Ross' execution -
represented
"conduct designed to undermine and circumvent" laws and court
decisions.
The judge's "threats and insults" to Paulding "are irresponsible and
improper
conduct," they wrote.
House
Majority Leader Christopher
Donovan, D-Meriden, said Chatigny does not deserve the blasts being
hurled
at him.
"Judge
Chatigny upheld the law,"
Donovan said. "He was courageous in upholding the law. It would have
been
easy to just let it go. ... I was surprised how quickly the attorney
backed
down, as if he felt there was a realization that he was wrong. If he
felt
so strongly that he had a good case, why did he back down?"
However,
DeLuca, the Senate Republican
leader from Woodbury, went further than his four co-writers of the
letter,
calling Chatigny's behavior so outrageous that he should be removed
from
the bench.
"My
personal point of view - he's
gone way beyond and ... I don't think he should be able to sit on a
court,"
DeLuca, a non-lawyer, told reporters at the Legislative Office Building
in Hartford. "That goes beyond anything I've ever heard a judge doing.
I believe he should be removed from the bench, yes."
"Can
anyone remember a judge ever
acting like this - on any case?" DeLuca asked. "It's absurd."
Another
of the letter's co-authors,
Rep. Lawrence Cafero, a deputy House Republican leader, said he was
dumbfounded
by Chatigny's comments included in a transcript of the 55-minute
teleconference.
"To
say, `I'll take away your law
license' is the most incredible utterance from a judge I've ever heard
in 22 years of practicing law," said Cafero, a Norwalk attorney.
Deputy
House Republican leader Claudia
"Dolly" Powers of Greenwich, who also signed the letter, said that her
constituents keep asking her the same question: "Who does this guy
think
he is?"
"And
that's a very good question,"
said Powers, who is not a lawyer. "And you can get all the lawyerly
explanations,
but that's fundamentally the question: Who does this guy think he is?"
Ward,
the House minority leader from
North Branford, said Chatigny's words were unusual for a federal court
judge, particularly the direct statements to Paulding.
"He
oddly suggested that [Paulding]
ought to have a court reporter present when he meets with his client,"
said Ward, a lawyer. "I don't know whatever happened to privilege. ...
The judge doesn't have a right to call a lawyer after the U.S. Supreme
Court has ruled and say, `Change your mind in the case or I'll take
your
law license.'"
The
five Republicans, who also included
Senate Minority Leader Pro Tempore John McKinney of Fairfield,
transmitted
their letter to U.S. Rep. Rob Simmons, R-2nd District, asking him to
hand-deliver
it to Sensenbrenner, the powerful judiciary committee chairman.
Simmons,
whose district was home
to most of Ross' victims, was happy to do so, said his chief of staff,
Todd Mitchell.
"He
commends his colleagues in the
Connecticut General Assembly in their efforts to seek reasonable
closure
in this terrible matter," Mitchell said. "He's supportive of what
they're
doing."
Republicans
at the congressional
committee's offices in Washington Wednesday did not commit themselves
on
what action they might take or how far it would go. They said they were
still researching the matter.
The
five Republican legislative leaders
said they recently became aware of Chatigny's political affiliations.
Chatigny
was named to a lifetime appointment on the federal bench by President
Clinton
on the recommendation of U.S. Sen. Chris Dodd, D-Conn. Dodd and
Chatigny
have been personally close, and Chatigny performed Dodd's 1999 outdoor
wedding at Dodd's home along the Connecticut River. Chatigny has been
listed
as an unaffiliated voter in records at the Simsbury Town Hall.
Gov.
M. Jodi Rell was not nearly
as opinionated about the judge's actions as her fellow Republicans.
"I've
read many of the accounts, of course," she said. "And I don't know
whether
he's overstepped his bounds or not. I'll leave that to the legal minds
to determine."
A
Different Conclusion?
February 1, 2005 Hartford Courant:
Dr.
Michael A. Norko evaluated serial
killer Michael Ross on Dec. 15 and testified on Dec. 28 that Ross was
mentally
competent to make his own decision to forgo all further appeals of his
death sentence. Norko signed an affidavit on Sunday saying he might
have
reached a different conclusion had he seen certain documents, including
two letters written by Ross, and had an opportunity to question Ross
about
them. Some excerpts from Norko's affidavit:
"...
In the last two days, I have
reviewed documentation that was not provided to me prior to rendering
the
above opinion [that Ross was competent]. ...
"Had
I been provided with these documents
prior to conducting my most recent interview and evaluation of Michael
Ross, it is possible that my eventual conclusions and opinions would
have
been different. ...
"As
such, I can not rule out the
possibility that the answers given by Mr. Ross may have led me to a
somewhat
different opinion, or might have influenced me to think about this case
in a different way."
Excerpts
from the two letters written
by Ross:
From
a letter dated May 24, 1998:
"...
Publically I have always maintained
that I am not suicidal and that I do not wish to die. However, the
truth
is probably not quite that clear-cut.
"...Do
you have any idea what it
is to hate who you are, and to live daily with that hatred? Do you have
any idea what it is like to live in a place where every single day
someone
reminds you of who you are and what you have done? Do you have any idea
what it is like to live in a place where you are constantly judged by
your
absolute worst deed? ... It is a living hell. It is my life.
"So
the thought of my being actually
executed was not unpleasant to me. ... The truth is I was driven more
by
a desire to end my own pain than out of any noble cause. ..."
From
a letter dated June 2003:
"...
I've been doing this for 19
years now - 16 on death row - and it gets harder every year. I honestly
don't think that I can do much more of this. I now understand why 12%
of
the men executed in this country were men who gave up their appeals and
`volunteered' for execution.
"...
It looks like the issues in
my current appeal are strong enough to send me back for a third penalty
hearing. Round and round we go on the never ending merry-go-round - a
horrible
ride that never ever stops. People show more mercy to a rabid dog, for
at least they take him behind the barn and put a bullet in his head,
instead
of locking him in a cage and torturing him for years on end. ..."
Judge
in Ross case unswayed by
public opinion
By MATT APUZZO
Associated Press Writer
January 24, 2005, 7:05 PM EST
NEW
HAVEN, Conn. -- Serial killer
Michael Ross wants to die, and Connecticut residents overwhelmingly
think
he should. So it would have been easy for U.S. District Judge Robert N.
Chatigny to walk away on Monday from a last-minute appeal of Ross'
scheduled
execution.
Instead,
Chatigny delayed Wednesday
morning's planned lethal injection and ordered a new hearing to decide
whether Ross is competent in deciding to call off his appeals. Those
who
know the judge best were not surprised.
In
2001, Chatigny ruled that the
state's sex offender registry violates criminals' due process rights,
even
though lawmakers and the public overwhelmingly supported the registry.
On
Monday, Chatigny again took an
unpopular stance: 81 percent of people surveyed recently by the
University
of Connecticut supported Gov. M. Jodi Rell's decision to not delay
Ross'
execution.
"Am
I surprised he'd say, 'Wait a
minute. Let's not rush into this without considering whether there's a
legal basis for this?"' former U.S. Attorney Stanley Twardy said. "Not
at all."
The
U.S. Supreme Court ultimately
determined that sex offender registries are constitutional, but the
case
only reinforced Chatigny's reputation as someone willing to tackle
thorny
issues.
Hartford
defense attorney Ross Garber,
who worked for Chatigny's law office during law school and later
clerked
for him, said Chatigny is known for being meticulous.
"He's
very, very careful," Garber
said. "In this case, as in every other case, he's going to do what he
thinks
is correct, regardless of public opinion."
Chatigny,
52, a married father of
two boys, was nominated to the bench by President Clinton in 1994. A
graduate
of Brown University and the Georgetown Law Center, he previously was a
partner in the Hartford firm of Chatigny and Cowdery.
Chatigny
wasn't scheduled to hear
Monday's appeal, filed by Ross' former lawyers. But Judge Christopher
Droney,
who has already ruled in favor of the execution, was serving on an
appeals
panel in New York. With Droney absent, the appeal fell to Chatigny.
As
chief judge, Chatigny has had
to make some tough legal calls recently.
He
ruled that then-Gov. John G. Rowland's
former legal counsel must testify against him in a grand jury
investigation,
a decision that was later overturned. He also settled a dispute between
defense attorney Hugh Keefe and federal prosecutors, who subpoenaed his
client's records.
"He
has strength in his convictions,
and that's exactly what you look for in a federal judge," Keefe said.
"That's
why we give them lifetime appointments, so they can do what's right,
not
what's popular."
High Court
Lifts Stay In Execution
The Associated
Press (1-27-05)
The U.S. Supreme
Court on Thursday lifted a stay of execution for serial killer Michael
Ross.
The decision,
on a 5-4 vote, does not affect a 10-day restraining order issued on
Wednesday
by a federal judge, but brings Ross another step closer to becoming the
first person executed in New England in 45 years.
The action
was opposed by the court's more liberal members -- Justices John Paul
Stevens,
David H. Souter, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer.
The decision
was made without comment.
Chief Public
Defender Gerard Smyth said the ruling ends his office's attempts to
block
the execution.
"There will
be no hearing on his mental competency," Smyth said. "It appears he
will
be executed without anyone hearing all the evidence that we have that
he
is mentally incompetent."
The Department
of Correction scrapped plans to execute Ross by lethal injection at
2:01
a.m. Friday after postponing the execution twice this week. The 2nd
U.S.
Circuit Court of Appeals scheduled a hearing for 10:30 a.m. Friday to
review
the restraining order issued Thursday by U.S. District Judge Robert
Chatigny.
But a clerk at the court said that could change depending on the
actions
of the U.S. Supreme Court.
"A new date
for the execution may be set later today depending on a ruling
anticipated
from the United States Supreme Court on an earlier stay," Department of
Correction spokesman Brian Garnett said Thursday.
Judges planned
to review the Supreme Court decision Thursday afternoon and decide
whether
to hold the Friday morning hearing, a clerk said. They had not received
the decision by 3:30 p.m.
Robert Nave,
head of the Connecticut Network to Abolish the Death Penalty,
criticized
the decision.
"I'm mildly
surprised and deeply disappointed the Supreme Court wouldn't give time
because there is no rush after 20 years," he said. "There's no reason
why
we couldn't take some time to give a close examination of the law."
The group will
now pin its hopes on Chatigny's temporary restraining order. "That
could
stop the state murder," he said. "We're hopeful that will stand."
Smyth said
he was disappointed that a competency hearing would not be held.
"What would
be the harm in postponing this for a reasonable period of time to hold
a hearing and determine his mental competency?"
Ross is on
death row for strangling four young women and girls in eastern
Connecticut
in the early 1980s. He also has admitted murdering four other young
women
in Connecticut and New York. He raped most of the victims.
8
Lives Cut Short: Families,
Friends Share Their Memories Of The Young Women Killed By Michael Ross
Two Decades Ago
January
23, 2005
By LYNNE TUOHY And ALAINE GRIFFIN,
Courant Staff Writers
Michael
Ross' killing spree began
May 12, 1981, on the campus of Cornell University, with the rape and
murder
of Dzung Ngoc Tu, a diminutive and brilliant economics graduate
student.
It continued for three years, one month and one day.
He
killed eight young women in all,
ranging in age from 14 to 25. He left eight families shattered by grief
and horror at the gruesome nature of his crimes. He concealed his
victims
so well in secluded or wooded areas, and one inside a stone wall, that
their families first suffered the anguish of not knowing, of suspecting
the worst but holding out a shred of hope that they had merely run
away.
They hadn't, of course.
They
were snatched by a man who first
made small talk with them, then forced them into his car or into the
woods.
He has admitted to raping all but one. After the rapes he forced them
to
roll over on their stomachs. Then he would straddle them and strangle
them
from behind.
The
siblings of each of these young
women lost not only a sister, but in a sense their parents for a time
to
grief and the emotionally grueling court proceedings that continue even
now, with Ross' scheduled execution only three days away. Holidays for
two families were ruined beyond the empty chair and pall cast by murder.
Ross
killed Robin Stavinsky, 19,
of Columbia on Nov. 16, 1983, and carefully hid her body. Her mother
was
confident she would come home on Thanksgiving. Instead, two officers
came
to her door that day, asking if she would come with them to identify
her
daughter's remains.
Leslie
Shelley and April Brunais,
both 14 and best friends, were kidnapped and killed by Ross on Easter
Sunday
1984. Leslie's older sister, Robin, said the holiday is still difficult
for their families to endure.
How
does one measure the loss of
these eight young women? There is no way to know what they would have
done
with their lives - the careers they would have pursued, the people they
would have loved, the children they might have had. Had they lived,
they
would have ranged in age today from 35 to 49.
They were, in the order Ross killed
them:
#1
- Dzung Ngoc Tu
Dzung
Ngoc Tu came to the United
States from Vietnam when she was 10, mastered English almost
immediately
and was a high honors student at Walt Whitman High School in Bethesda,
Md. She went on to Vassar, where she was quiet and studious but far
from
reclusive.
"We
went to Bloomingdale's and bought
these matching work shirts. She lived in that!" recalled her freshman
roommate,
Victoria Balfour. Maria, another close friend in college who did not
want
her last name used, described Dzung as "very bright, sweet and kind.
And
she had a wry sense of humor."
Dzung
was an economics major, and
Maria said she spent her junior year at the London School of Economics.
"She
loved her time in London," Maria
said. "She went to the theater quite a bit while she was there. I think
that was a real turning point for her. Going to London really made her
branch out and come out of herself more."
Balfour
recalled that Dzung had a
large, extended family that was so proud of Dzung and her attending
Vassar
"they all came in carloads" at the end of the year to pick her up. "She
was a big source of pride."
Dzung
graduated from Vassar in 1977
and won the economics department's honors prize.
Her
friends described Dzung as very
petite, maybe 5 feet 1 and 90 pounds at most. "It angers me that he
picked
on someone so small, and so polite," Balfour said.
Dzung's
body was found at the bottom
of Fall Creek Gorge in Ithaca, N.Y., near the fraternity house where
Ross
lived. She had had an evening class with him the night she was last
seen
alive. Campus and Ithaca police initially listed her death as a
suicide,
which angered her friends.
"A
mutual friend called" with news
of Dzung's death, Maria said. "We both agreed it was not possible. I
don't
think I ever heard of her having a single bout of depression. She was
not
that kind of person. She enjoyed living too much. She enjoyed
everything
too much."
#2
- Tammy Williams
Tammy
Williams was the only child
of Norma and Everett Williams. She loved to figure skate and play
basketball
and would probably be alive today if she hadn't looked at Ross after he
raped her and said that she knew who he was.
Tammy
lived in Brooklyn, Conn., barely
a mile from where Ross grew up and his family had a large egg farm -
Eggs
Inc. When she disappeared Jan. 5, 1982, her father and uncle and other
relatives organized search parties, crisscrossing the wooded areas and
marshes surrounding her home. The found no clues or sign of her. She
was
17.
"She
was missing almost 21/2 years,"
said Steve St. John, Tammy's uncle. "It was really devastating. We all
went out and searched. Come to find out two years later I could have
walked
right over her body."
"Tammy
was a sweetheart," St. John
said. "She was a typical teenager, with a family that was separated and
she hoped they would eventually get back together. She was a very
outgoing
person."
Her
mother got remarried, to a pilot,
and had the opportunity to travel with him to a new posting in American
Samoa. Tammy went along and lived there, and later Hawaii, with her
mother
and stepfather.
"My
daughter was a good daughter,"
said Tammy's mother, Norma Deems. "I kind of spoiled her."
Tammy
loved the exotic travel, but
felt alienated from her friends and longed to return to Connecticut.
She
moved in with her father and stepmother on Prince Hill Road when she
was
about 14.
St.
John said Tammy was very bright,
but bored with school. Her father permitted her to drop out.
"She
loved being with her friends,"
St. John said. "She had a very outgoing personality. She would be 42
this
February.
"The
scary thing about this whole
thing is that she knew him," St. John said. "It really changed not only
our lives, but the lives of everyone in the community. You never used
to
lock your doors. We used to let the kids go out and play, be by
themselves
and walk to school. That all changed."
#3
- Paula Perrera
The
classrooms and hallways of Valley
Central High School in Montgomery, N.Y., were quiet one morning in
March
1982.
One
of the school's juniors, a petite,
curly-haired blonde named Paula Perrera, 16, who had been missing for
more
than two weeks, was found dead on the side of the road in the town of
Wallkill,
about 60 miles north of New York City.
"That
was a very sad day in school,"
recalled Barbara Willard, 39, of Middletown, N.Y. "I remember I
couldn't
sit still. I broke down in study hall and had to go home." It is also
how
Willard remembers her 17th birthday.
Paula
was "the girl everyone wanted
to be friends with" in school, Willard said. She loathed cliques and
bent
her ear for everyone. Willard said students who attended Paula's
funeral
had a tough time viewing the open casket, something Paula's mother
insisted
on so her friends could understand that she was indeed dead. Many who
chose
to raise their own families in town still don't want to talk about it.
"It
was really a tough sight," Willard
said. "They had so much makeup on her to cover the bruises."
Willard
met Paula in the fourth grade.
Paula had just moved into the trailer park down the street with her
family.
They were instant best friends.
Hanging
out with Paula was always
a carefree adventure, rarely scripted and sometimes reckless.
"We'd
ride our bikes for miles,"
Willard said. "One summer, we rode for so long we got bad sunburn. We
looked
like lobsters."
And
when the seasons changed, Paula
didn't need good weather to find an escape hatch from her troubled
family
life, one where her single mother struggled to pay the bills while
working
two jobs and raising four children.
"One
day, she was an actress going
off to Hollywood. Then, she was thinking about being a singer in
Nashville,"
Willard said. "Her home life wasn't the greatest so she always put
herself
in this fantasy world and thought of things she probably would never
be."
But
Paula's biggest adventures -
the ones she embarked on with the flip of her thumb - concerned her
tight-knit
group of friends. Paula viewed her hitchhiking trips like chapters from
journalist Charles Kuralt's "On the Road," describing to friends
never-ending
details of the interesting motorists she met along the way.
"She'd
tell us all these stories
about the people she would meet, while all along, we'd be like, `OK,
that's
great this time but don't do it again.' We would tell her again and
again
not to do it."
On
March 2, 1982, Paula asked a friend
for a ride after she missed the bus to the vocational school where she
was taking culinary classes. When the friend could not oblige, Paula
hitched
a ride. It was her last.
Ross,
then 22, was headed home after
visiting his girlfriend at Cornell University when he picked up Paula.
In September 2001, Ross pleaded guilty to manslaughter charges in
connection
with Paula's death and he was later sentenced to up to 25 years in
prison.
Two
months before her death, Paula
found God during her membership in a church youth group, Willard said.
In regard to Ross' execution, Willard says she believes Paula would
feel
the same way she does about the punishment.
"I'm
actually concerned about his
soul," Willard said. "I don't want him to rot in hell. I don't wish
that
upon anybody."
#4
- Debra Smith Taylor
In
a perfect world, Debra Smith Taylor,
23, would be dressed in jeans and her black fur coat with the white and
gray collar, dancing to "Love Me Tender" in Elvis' arms.
That's
the image Debra's sister,
Linda Brodeur, 52, of Jewett City, has of her youngest sibling when
she's
able to think of pleasant thoughts about Debra. But she admits those
thoughts
are far too fleeting on the eve of the execution of her sister's
murderer.
"I
really want to see this happen
because I hate him for what he did," Brodeur said. "He took my sister
away
from me. I think about her all the time. I miss hearing her voice.
Lethal
injection is the easy way out for him after what he did to her. I never
thought in my life that something would happen that would make me feel
this way."
Debra
disappeared on June 15, 1982,
after a quarrel with her estranged husband. Their vehicle had run out
of
gas, and the two parted in search of a service station, walking in
opposite
directions. A witness reported seeing Debra sitting on a park bench in
Danielson about 11 p.m.
Three
months later, hunters found
Debra's remains in Canterbury. Ross received a sentence of life in
prison
for her death.
The
loss of Debra, Brodeur believes,
weakened their usually tough father as he fought leukemia. James Smith
died in 1984. He was 56. Father and daughter rest side by side in a
local
cemetery.
"He
said somebody's got to be with
her," Brodeur said.
Debra's
mother, Fabiola Smith, is
not in the best of health at age 86, but Brodeur said she has been
monitoring
recent events in the Ross case on television and has said she is
"really
happy" her daughter's killer soon may die.
Brodeur
often tells her three children
about how much Aunt Debra, who did not have children of her own, loved
to baby-sit them and hold them close to her.
"She
was a very good aunt," Brodeur
said.
If
Ross is executed, Brodeur said,
she will be relieved. Perhaps then Debra's eight-track tape collection
of Elvis Presley songs, which Brodeur still has, and Debra's favorite
furry
jacket, which Brodeur said she has hanging in her closet, will take her
back to better thoughts.
"Those
songs, hearing them, bring
her to me," Brodeur said.
#5
- Robin Stavinsky
Robin
Stavinsky would have turned
41 this month.
It's
hard for her stepmother, Joan
Stavinsky, to picture her at that age. In her mind, Robin is still the
mischievous teenager, the strong-willed, blond tomboy she helped raise
with her husband at their home near Columbia Lake.
"She
would have been a beautiful
young woman, a really good person who would have put 100 percent into
whatever
she did," said Joan Stavinsky, 61. "It's very sad that it never
happened
because she was simply in the wrong place at the wrong time."
Stavinsky's
co-workers were the last
people to see Robin, 19, alive on Nov. 16, 1983. She had recently moved
to Norwich, where she planned to keep working until she saved up enough
money for college. A jogger found her body near the entrance to the
Uncas-on-Thames
Hospital in Norwich. Joan Stavinsky's memory of Thanksgiving 1983 is a
trip to the morgue to identify her daughter's body.
Robin's
family recounts her childhood
stories with great detail, as if they happened yesterday.
There's
the time Robin challenged
her father, Ronald, to a push-up contest. The competitors hit the floor
and grimaced through their task, each with only one hand in a military
style.
Ronald
won, but not easily.
Jennifer
Tabor, Robin's stepsister,
recalls how Robin, a state champion discus thrower, would ascend a
seven-step
staircase in the house, barely touching a step.
"She
had one speed and it was super
speed," Joan Stavinsky said.
From
hockey to water-skiing, there
wasn't a sport Robin couldn't ace. In local newspaper stories about
Robin's
success in high school track and field, students talked about how they
idolized her. Newspaper photographs of her in action on the field show
Robin with a determined face, muscular thighs and outstanding discus
form.
"The
boys in the neighborhood feared
her," Joan Stavinsky said.
Robin
poked fun at herself when asked
about her athleticism in a May 31, 1980, story in The Chronicle of
Willimantic.
"All
I hear from guys is, `Hey musclewoman'
because I throw in the field events rather than run," Stavinsky told
the
newspaper. "It used to bother me. Now, I laugh. I just go along with
it.
They call me `Hulk' now."
Tabor
said she could never understand
how Ross was able to overcome her sister's power.
"I
still can't believe how he could've
gotten the best of her," said Tabor, 33. "She was a fighter. She took
care
of all of us. I could never understand how this could happen to someone
with her will and her strength."
Tabor
was 12 when her big sister
died. Though the tragedy brought her and her two other siblings, David
and Debbie, closer, gatherings at the family home just weren't the
same.
Tabor said she feels as though she has spent the past two decades
nursing
a wound that reopens every time there is something new in the Ross case.
Though
she won't discuss publicly
whether she believes Ross does indeed want to die and whether she
thinks
it actually will happen, Tabor said she feels her "wound" is beginning
to scar.
"I
know I will have this scar the
rest of my life, though," she said.
Joan
Stavinsky said that neither
she nor Robin's father would attend the scheduled execution but that
the
family would have "representatives" there.
"Will
it bring closure?" Tabor said.
"No."
"Will
I feel sorry for him?" Joan
Stavinsky added. "No."
#6,
#7 - April Brunais and Leslie
Shelley
Two
months before they died, on an
afternoon when they had nothing better to do than just be the best of
friends,
Leslie and April drew up adoption papers for one another. They adopted
each other as sisters, making it all sound quite official, using their
middle names and all.
The
adoption papers were superfluous.
They may as well have been sisters.
"If
April wasn't down here, Leslie
was up there," Leslie's father, Edwin Shelley, said as he motioned to a
window that looks out on Dina Lane, where April Brunais lived with her
mother and stepfather, Ellen and Ray Roode, a few houses away.
The
girls had been thick as thieves
since the Roodes moved to the neighborhood when both girls were about
6.
They signed cards to one another "love you like a Sis." They made
cookie
dough ornaments and drove their parents crazy with their hysterical
giggling.
Shelley
said his daughter could be
as sassy as she was silly, and would sometimes trick April by hiding a
tape recorder under the couch and getting April to talk about boys.
April
was half a year older and in the ninth grade. Leslie was still in
eighth
grade, looking forward to high school. Shelley finds it hard sometimes
to look at Leslie's eighth-grade class photo, the one with the
cascading
blond hair and sweet, shy smile. The blouse she is wearing in the
photograph
is the one she was wearing when she was killed.
"She
hated that curly hair," Shelley
said.
April
had two younger brothers, ages
5 and 2 months. Leslie was the second youngest of four children. Her
older
sister, Robin, was married but living nearby. But the two sisters
remained
close.
"She
would come over to my house
and we'd play cards or just talk," Robin said. "She played softball.
She
was just starting to bloom in the eighth grade.
"I
blocked it all out for years and
years," Robin said. "It's a really hard thing to deal with."
Leslie's
mother, Lera Shelley, said
she can't cope with interviews these days, and is anxious that legal
maneuvers
could stop the execution. Ed Shelley spoke of how Leslie on weekends
would
wait up for her mother to come home from working the second shift at
Norwich
State Hospital so the two could play Uno into the night.
The
girls had gone to First Congregational
Church of Griswold that Easter Sunday morning in April 1984. Leslie
spent
the early afternoon baby-sitting her little sister. When her father
came
home, Leslie asked if she and April could go into Jewett City - the
center
of Griswold - to catch a movie. Shelley gave his permission, but told
Leslie
before she left she had to kiss him on the cheek.
"I
hadn't shaved. I was grizzly,"
Shelley said. "She bent down and kissed me on the cheek."
The
two girls, inseparable, left
for the movies. Leslie called her father about 7 p.m. to say they were
on their way home, that Mrs. Roode was picking them up. Robin said that
her parents were quite strict and that she and her siblings were
required
to call their parents any time they changed locations.
But
the girls didn't have a ride.
They were hitchhiking home, and it was Michael Ross who offered them a
ride. He drove to Preston, to a deserted stretch of road near the
woods.
It was dark, but mild out. He pulled April out of the car first and
made
Leslie get into the trunk so she couldn't run. April had a small knife
and tried in vain to slash at Ross. According to his confession, as
Ross
was raping April, Leslie yelled words of reassurance and comfort to
her.
Ross strangled April, then came back for Leslie. He said in his
confession
he thought she was brave, and really didn't want to kill her, but his
fear
of detection was great. It's the reason he killed his victims. Ross
said
he did not rape Leslie. He just killed.
The
Shelleys and Roodes had no idea
what had happened. When the girls did not return home, both fathers
went
knocking on the doors of friends' houses and looking in areas where
teens
were known to party.
"I
guess we kind of put ourselves
on numb," Edwin Shelley said. "We didn't know if she'd run away or been
killed or what."
When
Leslie's class had its graduation
ceremony, they put a robe and a rose on an empty chair in her honor.
Weeks
later, after Ross was arrested and began to lead police to the girls'
bodies,
her fate was known.
The
grief was devastating. Shelley
said it wasn't until a year after the girls were buried that his wife
told
him she would go to Preston, put her hands on the ground where the
girls'
bodies were, and just talk to her daughter.
Shelley,
a mailman, said he would
be driving down the street and would see a girl from the back who had a
blond mane of wavy hair similar to Leslie's and become overwhelmed with
grief. "I don't know how many times I pulled the mail truck over and
just
cried and cried."
Shelley
does the media interviews
in part to shield his wife. "She has really been my rock. I love her,
and
I want to protect her."
Robin
feels her mother's pain as
well.
"I
hope some day that Easter won't
be as hard for her as it is."
#8
- Wendy Baribeault
Wendy
Baribeault was well-liked by
her friends at Norwich Free Academy, who described her as a caring and
sensitive person who enjoyed life.
The
17-year-old junior from Lisbon
liked going to the movies and hanging out at the beach. She loved music
and would sit in on jam sessions with a local band that played some of
her favorite tunes.
Wendy
left her parents a note on
the kitchen counter on June 13, 1984, saying she was walking to a
nearby
convenience store. She never returned. She was last seen alive walking
along Route 12. Her body was found two days later under a pile of rocks
near the road.
It
was a tip learned during the investigation
of Baribeault's death that helped lead police to Ross. A motorist told
police he recalled seeing a man sitting in a blue compact car parked
along
Route 12 in Lisbon.
Investigators
focused on more than
2,500 owners of blue Toyotas registered in Connecticut. Their first
stop
was Ross' home because his house was in the center of the small circle
where the women had either disappeared or where their bodies were found.
Ross
invited police in, and within
hours was detailing his murders and leading police to other victims.
Baribeault's
sister, Joanne Baribeault
Welch, earlier this month told The New York Post she wanted to "look
into
Michael Ross' eyes" during the execution, which she planned to witness.
"It'll
be good for him," Welch told
the newspaper. "It's not too tragic. It's justice, and I want to see
justice
done." She said she would be attending the execution "for my sister,
and
I am going for my father, who has passed away. I'm glad it's finally
happening,
and I hope this will give us some closure."
Ross'
Reasons: Tape Of
Interview Offers Video Defense Of His Right To Die
January 12, 2005
By LYNNE TUOHY, Courant Staff Writer
Serial
killer Michael Ross has nightmares
about his execution and does not relish the thought of crowds of people
outside cheering his death. But he is resolute in his wish to go
through
with it later this month and adamant that it is his right to do so.
"I
owe these people. I killed their
daughters," Ross said. "If I could stop the pain, I have to do that.
This
is my right. I don't think there's anything crazy or incompetent about
that."
Ross'
attorney, T.R. Paulding, has
said for months that the best argument that his client is competent to
make the grave decision to proceed to his execution is made by Ross
himself.
So
when it came time Tuesday to respond
to claims by Ross' former public defenders that Ross is incompetent,
Paulding
gave the state Supreme Court an unusual exhibit: Michael Ross.
Paulding
submitted videotapes of
a nearly four-hour interview of Ross conducted last month by Dr.
Michael
Norko, the court-appointed psychiatrist who subsequently testified that
Ross is well aware of his various legal options. Norko concluded that
Ross'
decision to forgo further appeals is a well-reasoned one. Ross is
scheduled
to die by lethal injection Jan. 26.
Ross
on the tapes is eloquent when
talking about his desire to spare the families of his victims more
suffering
and publicity, meticulous in discussing the details of his case and
witty
at times - whether mocking certain security arrangements or discussing
his need for stronger bifocals. "I'm getting pretty old," quipped Ross,
45, who has spent the last 20 years behind bars.
He
spoke candidly with Norko about
the level of anxiety he has experienced since his execution date was
set
by Judge Patrick Clifford In Superior Court in New London, and about
his
anger and frustration that his former lawyers persist in their efforts
to halt his execution.
"It's
not state-assisted suicide
and it's not that I'm tired of living on death row, though, like I
said,
I'm not sad to leave this place," Ross told Norko on the tapes obtained
by The Courant. "It's because these people have a right to have an end
to this [expletive deleted] horror that's been going on for 20 years.
And
I've finally got - after 20 years - the opportunity to be able to do
that.
Does that make me incompetent? In the public defenders' eyes, yes it
does.
I guess that's what you're going to decide."
Throughout
the interview Ross is
seated inside a cell, talking through the bars to Norko, who is
off-camera.
The interview is akin to a lengthy conversation, with Ross doing most
of
the talking. When Ross says, "I guess that's what you're going to
decide,"
he may as well have been addressing the Supreme Court panel that has
the
power to stay his execution and order a new competency hearing.
Ross
emphasized to Norko that he
had six lengthy visits with his former public defenders between June
and
August of 2004, when he fired them and officially hired Paulding, who
agreed
to help him assert his right to "volunteer" to be executed.
"They
were basically guilt trips,"
Ross says of those legal sessions. "But I sat patiently through all
their
arguments, the legal issues I could pursue. ... Now they say I'm not
fully
apprised of my options. They sure as hell told me all my options."
The
interview with Norko was conducted
Dec. 15, and just before it began Ross learned that Clifford had denied
the public defenders' motions to intervene on Ross' behalf and refused
to permit them to cross-examine witnesses or otherwise participate in
the
competency hearing he scheduled for Dec. 28.
The
public defenders are now challenging
that ruling, as well as Clifford's finding that Ross is competent, in
the
Supreme Court. The high court held a hearing last Wednesday, and set
deadlines
Monday and Tuesday of this week for briefs and responses. The court
ordered
the public defenders to submit details about the witnesses they would
call
and testimony they would elicit in support of their claims that Ross is
incompetent.
The
public defenders responded with
more than 150 pages of testimony, correspondence and Ross' writings -
some
of which the court initially ordered sealed on a motion by Paulding
that
the submissions included privileged attorney-client communications and
other "sensitive" material. The court at 8 p.m. Tuesday released most
of
those documents, withholding some of the material Paulding referred to.
The
public defenders propose to call
nine witnesses, including five of Ross' former public defenders, two
psychiatrists
who have studied the effects of long-term imprisonment in restrictive
settings,
Michael Ross' father, and Robert Nave, head of the Connecticut Network
to Abolish the Death Penalty, who visits Ross.
It
is not clear whether the Supreme
Court will hold another hearing or when it might rule.
Paulding
said be believes the videotapes
are the best evidence he can provide the panel of four justices and
three
appellate judges.
"It
shows his humanity, and it certainly
shows he is competent," Paulding said of the interview.
In
a one-page cover sheet, Paulding
tells the court that the best source of information on Ross' competency
"comes from viewing him and listening to him speak and answer
questions."
The
tapes provide a window into Ross'
daily life, from the religious routine he maintains to his writing of
farewell
letters and his escape into cryptograms and jigsaw puzzles. He said he
embraces routine and gets annoyed when that routine is disrupted. He
said
he is perplexed by the heightened anxiety he has experienced.
"As
you know, I've been trying to
do this [proceed to execution] since 1995. And stupidly, I thought I
could
just come over here and just kind of chill out till the day, but there
is a considerable amount of anxiety involved. I don't really understand
it, to be honest."
Ross
was moved in late October from
his cell on death row at Northern Correctional Center to a cell at the
neighboring Osborn Correctional Institution, where the death chamber is
located. Ross is in the same wing of cells that once was death row, and
where he spent eight years, before Northern was opened.
He
said he wakes at 4:30 a.m. and
reads Scripture and prays for nearly 90 minutes, and is usually in bed
by 8 p.m. At Northern he used to take a two- to three-hour nap each
afternoon.
Legal visits and phone calls and daily visits by mental health
professionals
make that virtually impossible at Osborn, he said.
While
at Northern, Ross said, he
was permitted to walk to the shower unescorted, ran the book cart for
other
inmates and stocked supplies. He bristles at the added layers of
security
since his transfer to Osborn, and the requirement that he be watched by
two guards anytime he leaves his cell. But he tempered his sarcasm with
wit.
"In
order to do this interview, I'm
locked in the cell and you're out there," Ross noted. "Why? I'm going
to
jump on you? I don't think that's going to help my case for competence.
"I
have a priest come down and we
have to meet like this," Ross added. "I've got enough trouble with God;
I'm going to jump on a priest?"
Ross
spoke of his love of old movies
and his disdain for the reality shows so prevalent today. He wept while
recounting the end of a recent television movie he saw based on Mitch
Albom's
book, "The Five People You Meet In Heaven." He paused momentarily to
wipe
his eyes and regain his composure, then quipped to the camera, "The
students
might as well see the good, the bad and the crazy." Then he added, "It
was a very powerful movie." Its underlying themes are forgiveness and
redemption.
Ross
said that while praying very
recently, two thoughts came to him.
"Trust.
Trust in God," he said. "And
the second is the [biblical] passage where Peter was refusing to let
Jesus
wash his feet. Jesus said, `What I do now you don't understand, but you
will understand later.' I believe those things. One of my meditations
talks
about how God can make good out of even the most unmitigated evil act.
... It's true I did some truly evil acts. And hopefully, some good
comes
out of this."
Ross
stressed that he's "not a religious
fanatic. ... I have strong beliefs and they've helped me over the years
and they've helped me to find peace."
Asked
by Norko whether he has any
hopes, Ross replied: "Yeah, that this is going to help them," referring
to the families of his eight victims, and particularly the families of
the four young women whose kidnap-murders resulted in two penalty
hearings
involving gruesome evidence. He also said he hopes that in five years,
when another man is facing execution, perhaps the state will rethink
its
position and abolish the death penalty.
"They're
not going to do that now.
Now it's about killing me."
The
prospect of execution does not
rest easy with him. Ross told Norko about a recurrent nightmare he had
the last time he lived at Osborn, when the electric chair was still
standing
in the death chamber a few cells away. He envisioned himself being
strapped
in, and then he "would float out over the prison and watch the, um,
crowd
as they counted down my execution, just like it was New Year's Eve: 10.
9. 8, and the lights would dim and they would all cheer. Thirty seconds
later the lights would dim and they would all cheer again."