Two of Bridgeport's Mayoral candidates in 2007:  one a State Senator, the other a State Representative
How to tell right from wrong, at left;  how to tell right from left - WRONG!  Bridgeport is a one-Party town, and the Democrat Primary is the election!


ETHICS IN GOVERNMENT:   Some examples...former Governor Rowland (unofficial).


Judge reaffirms that ex-chief justice needn't testify
By Alex Wood, Journal Inquirer
08/29/2006

A Waterbury Superior Court judge has re-affirmed his decision that former state Chief Justice William J. Sullivan doesn't have to testify before the legislature's Judiciary Committee about his delay in releasing a controversial decision to aid Justice Peter Zarella's chances of being confirmed to succeed him as chief justice.

Judge Dennis Eveleigh held to his earlier conclusion that a subpoena forcing Sullivan to testify before the legislative committee would violate the constitutional principle of separation of powers.

Attorney General Richard Blumenthal had defended the subpoena in court on behalf of the co-chairmen of the Judiciary Committee - Sen. Andrew McDonald, D-Stamford, and Rep. Michael Lawlor, D-East Haven - and had asked Eveleigh to reconsider the earlier ruling.

"However odious or reprehensible defendants claim Justice Sullivan's actions may have been, the fact remains that the issuance of a judicial decision is part of a judge's function," Eveleigh wrote in the decision issued Thursday.

In a joint statement today, Blumenthal, McDonald, and Lawlor made clear that they strongly disagree with the decision but didn't say whether they will appeal.

The three officials argued that Sullivan was the one who violated the separation of powers "by intruding on the legislature's exclusive authority to appoint judges."

That claim was evidently based on the reasoning that Sullivan's delay in releasing the controversial decision was intended to deny the legislature information that might have affected its decision on whether to confirm Zarella.

Sullivan and Zarella were among the majority in the 4-3 decision, which held that the state Freedom of Information Commission lacked jurisdiction over all records of court cases. The commission had ordered the judiciary to find a way to make computerized docket information available to the public.

The decision was based on an interpretation of the Freedom of Information Act, which the legislature can change. But the decision also raised the possibility that any expansion of the commission's jurisdiction over judicial records might be held unconstitutional on separation-of-powers grounds.

After Senior Associate Justice David M. Borden, who is in effect acting chief justice, revealed this spring that Sullivan had delayed release of the decision, Zarella asked Gov. M. Jodi Rell to withdraw his nomination for chief justice. She did so. But neither the governor nor Zarella has ruled out the possibility that the nomination may be submitted again.

The state Judicial Review Council has found sufficient evidence to hold a public hearing on claims by Borden that Sullivan violated judicial ethics by delaying release of the decision. The hearing is scheduled for Sept. 6. Sullivan didn't testify at the council's initial closed-door hearing on the case.

Blumenthal told the court that one purpose of the Judiciary Committee hearings would be to determine whether to begin removal or impeachment proceedings against Sullivan.

But Eveleigh emphasized that the state constitution permits impeachment to be initiated only by the House, with a trial in the Senate. The Judiciary Committee is a joint committee, consisting of members of both houses.

"Historically, all prior impeachment investigations in Connecticut were carried out by a select committee of inquiry specifically created by the House, consisting solely of members of the House," Eveleigh wrote. "No select committee of inquiry has been established in this case. Any committee conducting an impeachment investigation, without the express appointment of the House, would do so at its constitutional peril."

As a result, the judge ruled, the Sullivan subpoena differs from one issued to former Gov. John G. Rowland by a House select committee of inquiry. The state Supreme Court upheld that subpoena in 2004.

Blumenthal, McDonald, and Lawlor also expressed disappointment that Eveleigh declined to hold a hearing on their latest motions. The judge did, however, consider two legal briefs submitted by Blumenthal, one of which exceeded the usual 35-page limit.


Bridgeport asks judge to throw out Caruso lawsuit
DAY
Oct. 1, 2007

BRIDGEPORT, Conn. (AP) -- The Bridgeport city attorney's office has asked a state judge to dismiss a lawsuit contesting the results of the city's September 11th Democratic mayoral primary.  State Representative Christopher Caruso filed the lawsuit after losing the primary by 270 votes to state Sen. Bill Finch, the Democrats' endorsed candidate. About 9,000 ballots were cast.  Caruso alleges the primary was tainted by numerous problems, including voters being coached to pick certain candidates and sloppy handling of some ballots.

The Connecticut Post reports that the city asked Bridgeport Superior Court Judge John Blawie to throw out the lawsuit this morning. Opening arguments were scheduled at 2 p.m.


In Bridgeport, Politics Resumes;  Battered City, The State's Largest, Starts Anew With A Knockdown Mayoral Fight
By MARK PAZNIOKAS | Courant Staff Writer
July 23, 2007

BRIDGEPORT - Ignoring a cloudburst, voters flocked to the New Hope Missionary Baptist Church last week to hear five mayoral candidates who promise to deliver the city from its political cycles of farce and tragedy.

Charles B. Tisdale, an organizer of the debate, watched a racially diverse crowd fill most of the pews in the 450-seat sanctuary on a muggy night that tested three whirring ceiling fans. He allowed himself a satisfied smile.

"This was a nice surprise," said Tisdale, 74, who was Bridgeport's Democratic mayoral nominee in 1983 and ran again in 1985.  

Tisdale interpreted the turnout as evidence that voters might be ready to engage after dispiriting decades of mismanagement interspersed with periods of promise.

Joseph P. Ganim, the boyish mayor who promised to become governor, brought Bridgeport back from bankruptcy and built a downtown ballpark in the 1990s, but he couldn't resist stuffing his own pockets with kickbacks. He is serving nine years in federal prison, a gut-kick still felt here.

His successor, John Fabrizi, enthusiastically pushed real estate deals to completion, giving rise to hope that he might continue Ganim's downtown rebirth. Then he confessed to cocaine use, a failing that might have been survivable had he not vouched in court for a convicted sex offender.

Tonight the Democratic town committee is expected to endorse Bill Finch for mayor, an affable 51-year-old state senator whose challenge is simultaneously to keep the loyalty of the Democratic machine, which still reaches deeply into city hall, yet convince voters he can be an agent for change.

His main rival for the Democratic nomination is 48-year-old Rep. Christopher L. Caruso, who considered the priesthood, then chose a career as a political hell-raiser.

Unapologetically caustic in his dealings with the powers that be in Hartford and at home, Caruso will bypass tonight's meeting and petition his way to a Democratic primary.

"Let me loose on Bridgeport," Caruso pleaded during the debate last Thursday, "and I will change this city."

Charles Coviello, 59, an official during the administration of Mayor John C. Mandanici in the late 1970s, is also seeking the Democratic nomination.

Keith Rodgerson, 32, a councilman who recently quit the Democratic Party, is one of two independent candidates who see Finch, Caruso and Coviello as Democratic retreads. The other independent is a 34-year-old police officer, Milton Johnson.

"Let's go for a real change, not something that looks like it," Rodgerson told the debate audience.

Ganim's brother, Paul, the probate judge, flirted with running for the Democratic nomination. But he would have to resign as judge - and test the proposition that Bridgeport was ready for another Mayor Ganim with the previous one still doing time.

The city's shrinking Republican Party had no candidate at the debate, but it may yet nominate someone. Rick Torres, the party's 2003 mayoral candidate, was GOP town chairman until he endorsed Caruso.

Finch and Caruso are expected to dominate the political stage over the summer as they march toward a primary that falls on a portentous date: Sept. 11. Ignoring the rest of the field, Finch and Caruso refer to each other as "my opponent."

Finch portrays Caruso as too petulant to be entrusted with running Connecticut's largest city. Caruso says Finch is too timid, too connected with the Democratic establishment to change the city's inbred political culture.

Half the city's council members and 80 percent of its Democratic town committee members are either employed by the city or closely related to city workers, leaving them vulnerable to pressure from the mayor, Caruso said.

Caruso said he is assembling a challenge slate of candidates that will not include anyone employed by the city. Finch acknowledges that dominance of city employees in politics is troublesome.

"It is a problem," Finch said in an interview. "I think what we have to do is phase ourselves out of that."

Finch said he will continue the progress in economic development begun by Fabrizi.

"If you want to keep this direction going, obviously the other guy that's out there isn't going to keep this direction going," Finch said. "He is going to look for scapegoats. He's going to look to say that these deals were all corrupt, which they are not."

Finch was endorsed last week by officials from other municipalities, including Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy, whom Finch calls "a role model."

But on the same day he accepted the endorsements, Finch had to answer questions about his ex-wife going to court over insurance premiums for their two adult sons, who are volunteering on his campaign. Finch says he is current in his obligations.

Finch, also the father of two toddlers with his second wife, has repeatedly contrasted his life as a husband, father and homeowner with that of Caruso, a full-time legislator who is unmarried and shares an apartment with his 83-year-old mother, Teresa.

Caruso, who introduced his mother during the debate as "my best friend," suggested that Finch was out of bounds suggesting that Caruso was odd for helping his mother to live independently.

During the debate, all the candidates heeded a call to focus on policy, not personalities. They were asked their views on affordable housing, education and employment.

Before the debate, Caruso called Finch a handsome new face on an ugly political machine.

"He becomes the mask, the mask that covers the misdeeds and the self-serving interests of the Democratic town committee," Caruso said in an interview. "He may pretend he is different, but he is not."

Finch, who is friendly with Fabrizi, acknowledged that he agreed to run only after it was clear Fabrizi was no longer viable.

"I hadn't planned on running. We thought that our mayor, who we supported, who was doing a good job, was going to be able to overcome his personal adversity of alcoholism and addiction," Finch said. "He had gotten treatment, and we really thought that was behind us."

Finch said he quickly agreed to run, viewing a Caruso mayoralty as a disaster for the city.

"I decided to do it, because there is so much at stake," Finch said. "I care for the city so deeply."

Finch said he is more temperate than Caruso, but he has been willing to speak against the establishment. After Ganim was indicted, Finch was one of the few elected officials to urge his resignation publicly.

"I'm running a sort of inside-out campaign. I'm an insider, but I'm not always an insider," said Finch, who is employed by the Bridgeport Regional Business Council.

Caruso has built a record as a reformer at the Capitol, but he also has freely torched those who disagree with him - or even those who share his goals, yet follow a different path or move at a slower pace.

"At times, yeah, I can be very tough," Caruso said. "There is no doubt about that."

At the debate, Finch also appeared mindful of the need to be his own man: He announced that if elected he would demand the resignation of every political appointee at city hall.

The promise was rewarded with applause.



Corruption fight keeps feds busy

MICHAEL P. MAYKO mmayko@ctpost.com
Article created: 07/23/2006 04:44:13 AM EDT

 
BRIDGEPORT — A lawyer representing the developer of a project making its way through the city's Planning and Zoning Commission offered a $5,000 bribe in an effort to get it approved, according to the husband of the board's chairman.

"I was personally insulted," said Andrew Fardy, husband of Patricia Fardy, who heads the Planning and Zoning Commission. Andrew Fardy said the offer was made to him late last year with the intent to influence his wife. "My wife and I have a reputation as stand-up people who always gave to the community," Andrew Fardy said. "I took this as a personal insult."

Andrew Fardy, a retired city fire marshal, said he immediately reported the incident to Mayor John M. Fabrizi, City Attorney Mark Anastasi and the FBI.  He said nothing like this had ever happened since his wife has been on the board.

"I did what I had to do," he said. "I don't think anyone has been arrested. I believe they are actively following it up," he said of the FBI.

Andrew Fardy declined to tell the Connecticut Post the name of the accused briber or the project involved. Anastasi would not comment on Andrew Fardy's statement or whether he has received other reports of bribe offers.

"It would be inappropriate for me to comment," he said. "The current administration has made it a priority to report criminal wrongdoing."

The alleged bribe is just one facet of an ongoing FBI investigation into public corruption here.  A FBI Task Force also is looking into illegal narcotic and steroid use by city employees, according to federal court documents.

And the FBI is interested in a floating high-stakes card game believed to be played by city employees, lawyers and developers at various sites in the city, according to sources with knowledge of the investigation.  While investigators and prosecutors decline to comment on specifics, they admit that the probe into Bridgeport corruption is far from over.

"We remain active in our efforts to root out corruption in Bridgeport," said U.S. Attorney Kevin J. O'Connor. "I don't want to make any predictions as to when we'll be done & it's no time soon."

Asked whether wiretaps are being used in the current investigation, O'Connor said that federal law makes it illegal for him to comment on those matters.

The most recent report by the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts claims only nine wiretaps were authorized by federal judges in Connecticut from Oct. 29, 2004, to July 21, 2005. All of those wiretaps involved narcotics investigations, according to the report, which is given to Congress. At least two FBI Special Agents — Christopher Halpin and Gary Jensen — are working on the Bridgeport probe, according to O'Connor and FBI Special Agent Stuart Robinson, who supervises the white collar and public corruption unit out of the FBI office in Bridgeport.

Also, FBI Special Agent Russell Day and IRS Special Agent Jeffrey Miller have been assisting in the investigation.

"That's not the exclusive list," O'Connor said of the FBI and IRS roles, "but the primary agencies involved."

Jensen and Halpin, who would not comment on the probe, were part of the team that spent five years investigating corruption in the administration of former Mayor Joseph P. Ganim. "Both come from a white collar background," said Robert Marston, a retired FBI agent who headed the Bridgeport office during the Ganim investigation. "They came directly here from Quantico" — the FBI's training facility. At the time, Marston and Michael Wolf, then the head of FBI operations in Connecticut and the 100 agents assigned here, wanted unrecognizable agents working the Ganim probe to avoid suspicion.

"So we created a separate crew of agents to work that case — agents that were unknown to defense lawyers in this area," Marston said. "These were agents whose absence from court matters would not arouse suspicions."

Serving as the lead agent on the Ganim probe was Edward Adams Jr., who was reassigned to Bridgeport from the FBI's Meriden office.  Adams said Jensen and Halpin "know how to work all the angles. If there is something there, they will find it."

More recently, Halpin and Jensen worked on the investigation and conviction of former state Sen. Ernest E. Newton II, D-Bridgeport, for accepting a $5,000 bribe, converting campaign funds to his own use and filing a false federal tax return.

The two agents also handled the latest disclosed pay-to-play scam in Bridgeport. That case resulted in the bribery convictions of John Hancock, the owner of Environmental Engineering Systems, and Frederick L. Tynes, Bridgeport's manager for the West Side Elementary school project.  Hancock admitted paying Tynes $8,000 to obtain work as a subcontractor removing asbestos from buildings being demolished to make way for the school. Tynes pleaded guilty to accepting the bribe.

Tynes and Hancock each face up to 10 years in prison when they are sentenced in September.

"Obviously, corruption is continuing here," said Marston. "It's often systemic in cities where one political party dominates."

Marston said a problem in Bridgeport is that so many people sitting on city boards and commissions are related to city employees. "That can create a circumstance where the person on the board or commission votes a certain way to benefit their relative," he said.

Robinson, Marston's successor in supervising white collar and public corruption cases in Fairfield County, declined to comment any specific aspects of the probe. He did say the FBI is "absolutely committed to continuing to investigate viable allegations of corruption in Bridgeport."

The questions being asked these days by federal agents flow in part from information obtained during the drug trafficking investigation and indictments of Juan and Victor Marrero, two Bridgeport businessmen. Both brothers have talked extensively to federal investigators.  It was Juan Marrero who told federal investigators that one of his longtime cocaine customers placed an order for cocaine, saying that Fabrizi was "coming over" and "needed a hit."

After the Connecticut Post disclosed this last month, Fabrizi admitted using cocaine. He also disclosed he is receiving professional help.

"It certainly was surprising to hear a defendant accuse a sitting mayor of engaging in narcotics," O'Connor said. "But it just shows that drugs touch on every segment of society. These cases show most drug users have jobs and careers." The FBI Safe Streets Task Force, a group of about 10 law enforcement officers including three Bridgeport police officers, is handling the investigation into alleged illegal drug use by some city employees.

Supervisory Assistant U.S. Attorney Alex Hernandez and Assistant U.S. Attorneys Alina Marquez Reynolds and Felice Duffy have been prosecuting the cases flowing from the Marrero probe. O'Connor said the Marrero investigation is still active.

But the questions don't start and end with drugs.

The agents want to know about high-stakes card games believed to be played in social clubs on Madison Avenue, variety stores on North Avenue and East Main Street, and a local yacht club. Adams said that during the early stages of any corruption investigation only one or two federal agents are assigned.

"What they are doing is digging into records, interviewing people and developing sources," said Adams, now a private investigator with Mill River Investigations and Security Group in Fairfield. "The one thing you don't want to do is publicize the probe or arouse any suspicions."

During the early stages of the Ganim probe, the FBI targeted United Properties, a Fairfield-based real estate development firm whose plans to turn the former Dewhurst Dairy into a Stop & Shop were embroiled in controversy. "We thought about using an undercover agent, but we quickly decided that no new face was going to be let into the inner circle and no new contractor in Bridgeport was going to be privy to what was being discussed," Adams said.

So the FBI went about putting together the necessary evidence that convinced a federal judge to approve the installation of a bugging device near the favorite table of Alfred Lenoci Sr., his son, Alfred Jr., and his half-brother, Michael Schinella, in the former Fairfield Diner and Vegetarian Enclave.

Those recordings led to more wiretaps and the convictions of the Lenocis, Schinella, Ganim and nine others. Ganim is serving a nine-year term based on his convictions on 16 counts, including extortion, bribery and racketeering.

"Once you have wiretaps up and running, that's when you need the manpower," said Adams. "We had two shifts of three or four agents six days a week, sometimes seven."

Once a wiretap is running, agents are responsible for recording conversations, monitoring them and turning off the equipment if the discussion does not involve corruption. They also must review the recorded conversations and document the calls.  During the Ganim probe, Adams said agents kept handwritten logs, prepared summaries to get extensions beyond 30 days for the wiretaps and store the tapes.

"Back then it was all handwritten," he said. "Today they do it all on the computer."

At that time of the Ganim probe, the FBI's Bridgeport office was on the second floor of a small office building on Courtland Street. Passers-by have a wide-open view of the parking lot fronting John Street.

"We didn't feel it would be advantageous for the investigation if people could watch who was coming and going from the office, particularly on the weekends," said Marston, now the manager of security services at Pratt and Whitney in East Hartford. So an office in Fairfield was rented.

"That site was particularly advantageous because it was easy for the agents to jump in their car and conduct surveillance on a meeting they just heard about on the taps," Marston said.  Additionally, Marston said the FBI's former Bridgeport office contained only 7,000 square feet — making it a difficult place to work a major investigation.

Since then, the FBI has moved its Bridgeport office with nearly two dozen agents to an 11,000-square-foot facility on Lafayette Boulevard. They also built a modern, technology-equipped state headquarters in New Haven.

"Today, they could do any wiretaps out of the New Haven or Bridgeport offices," said Adams.

 


Newton probe widens
By BILL CUMMINGS bcummings@ctpost.com

BRIDGEPORT

The federal investigation into state Sen. Ernest E. Newton II widened Friday as FBI agents served a subpoena on a Bridgeport agency with connections to his sister and allegations surfaced of potential criminal wrongdoing by the senator.

Among the developments:

? Workplace Inc. of Bridgeport was served with a federal subpoena for documents relating to a training company owned by Patricia Newton-Foster, Newton's sister. The subpoena confirms a federal grand jury is investigating possible criminal wrongdoing by Newton, ranked third in power in the Senate, or his sister or both.

? Sources said the probe appears to be focusing on allegations that contractors must still "pay to play" in Bridgeport, as was the case during the administration of former Mayor Joseph P. Ganim. Those sources said minority contractors have been subpoenaed as agents seek information about how they were hired for building rehabilitation jobs in Bridgeport.

? Six search warrants were executed Wednesday by the FBI and Internal Revenue Service criminal investigation unit.

? Sources said FBI agents employed a wiretap in connection with their investigation of Newton.

? Sources also reported that federal agents are investigating a vaguely defined job Newton had held with PSG, a Rhode Island company that ran the city's sewage treatment plants for years. Newton worked as a customer service representative.

PSG played a part in the corruption case that sent Ganim to jail for nine years. The company was linked to kickbacks to Ganim, and the current federal investigation into Newton and his sister may be a spin-off of that earlier probe.

Newton denied any wrongdoing and denied rumors Friday that he was resigning his Senate seat.

"I have no intention of resigning," Newton said. He acknowledged that he hired Bridgeport lawyer Salvatore C. DePiano.

Newton said he has not heard anything from federal agents and has no knowledge of the investigation apparently unfolding around him.

"I've heard a lot of stuff that I don't know anything about," he said.

Mayor John M. Fabrizi and Democratic Town Committee Chairman John Stafstrom met with Newton on Friday. Fabrizi said neither he nor Stafstrom called on the senator to resign.

"He stayed away from anything to do with the issue or himself. But he did say he will not step down," Fabrizi said, recapping his conversation with Newton.

Meanwhile, Jo Shute, a spokeswoman for Workplace Inc., confirmed that her company received a federal subpoena Friday seeking documents related to two Bridgeport companies owned by Newton-Foster.

Both companies were served with a federal search warrant earlier this week and documents were removed.

The subpoena to Workplace Inc. sought documents related to Danae's Newton-Foster Health Aide Training Center, which trains health-care workers, and Homemaker Home Health Care, which places workers in homes, Shute said.

Newton-Foster owns both. Sources said there are allegations that Newton benefited financially from his sister's companies.

Shute said the subpoena only sought documents, not direct testimony.

Shute said the federal subpoena sought documents regarding how much the Newton-Foster companies were paid, communications between the Newtons and Workplace, applications for funding and a program for an award ceremony several years ago.

The Newton-Foster companies apparently received an award during that ceremony, Shute said.

Shute stressed that the FBI assured officials at Workplace Inc. that the company is not under investigation.

"This has nothing to do with Workplace. They are zeroing in on Ernie Newton and his sister," Shute said.

Workplace channels federal money to companies such as Danae's Training Center. The federal money first goes to the state Department of Labor, then to Workplace, which distributes funding to firms such as Danae's.

Some private donations are also in the mix.

During the 2003-04 fiscal year, for example, Workplace paid Newton-Foster $83,650, Shute said.

Shute said Newton-Foster submits invoices to Workplace for payment for services such as training a health-care worker. Workplace reimburses the company for its expenses.

Asked whether any money was paid directly to Newton, Shute said none was.

When told of allegations that he may have "pressured" companies to hire certain contractors, Newton said he has never accepted a kickback.

"I've never, ever, in my 20 years of politics done that. I always fought for the underdog. I'm on record doing that for years," Newton said.

"I never went to anyone and said, 'If you don't do this, I will do that.'"

In a related matter, the Connecticut Post in November reported that bail bondsmen had heavily contributed to Newton and that the senator opposed a bill they did not favor.

Two checks written on Newton's personal checking account, which he provided to the Post to show he returned some donations, listed the address of the city's West Side sewer treatment plant, where he worked for PSG.

Heading the investigation are Assistant U.S. Attorney James J. Finnerty and FBI Special Agents Gary Jensen and Chris Halpin.

The agents were part of the team that investigated Ganim, who was convicted on 16 corruption counts, including extortion, bribery and racketeering.




Joseph P. Ganim’s home for the last six months of his prison sentence is a historic Asylum Hill mansion from 1870 located at 136 Collins Street, Hartford. The location is now a half-way house for 64 federal and state inmates who are transitioning back to freedom. The house is located at 136 Collins Street, Hartford Photo: Contributed Photo / Connecticut Post Contributed

Ganim's new digs: mansion turned halfway house
CT POST
By Ken Dixon, STAFF WRITER
Published: 11:51 p.m., Friday, January 22, 2010

HARTFORD -- Joseph P. Ganim's home for the last six months of his prison sentence is a historic Asylum Hill mansion from 1870 that is now a halfway house for 64 federal and state inmates who are transitioning back to freedom.

It's less than a mile from the Capitol, where Ganim regularly visited during his mayoralty that ended in a pay-to-play scandal.

The Watkinson House, a three-story tan-painted brick building with an old carriage house in the back for staff offices, will help Ganim find work and feed him three meals a day until he is freed this summer, seven years after his federal sentence for corruption.

Watkinson House staff discourages unscheduled visitors, referring them to the nonprofit organization that administrates it and other halfway houses.

"It's a re-entry facility and part of that is making sure people get a job and become productive citizens," said Terri Williams, spokeswoman for CSI Inc. "They are required to pay nominal rent. They all open savings accounts and are allowed to have some spending money, but the bulk of the monies would go to a savings account."

Meals are prepared in a central kitchen and the halfway house residents take turns cleaning the house, a Second Empire-style building that's on the National Register of Historic Places.

Located across Collins Street from the Hartford Group insurance giant, residents of the unmarked but ornate building -- with a flat, mansard roof, incised lintels on top of all windows and peeling paint on the third floor -- come and go quietly to jobs in the nearby downtown area.

The property has several picnic tables around the lawn and a wrought-iron fence that looks as if a passing car recently bounced off of it. Residents doing chores could be seen from outside the building, but a staff member rejected a reporter's request to interview Ganim, who has been in prison since September, 2003.

The Second Empire style is rare for the Hartford area, according to the building's listing in the National Register. It was once the home of Isaac Frisbie, the superintendent of the Hartford Alms House, for the indigent.


Ex-Bridgeport Mayor Joseph Ganim Released From Prison, Sent To Halfway House In Hartford
Hartford Courant
The Associated Press
January 22, 2010

BRIDGEPORT

Former Bridgeport Mayor Joseph Ganim has been released early from a federal prison in Pennsylvania and transfered to a halfway house in Hartford.

Ganim was released from the McKean Federal Prison Camp in Lewis Run, Pa., on Thursday and sent to the Watkinson House to serve the final six months of his sentence because he participated in a drug-treatment program.

Inmates who are diagnosed with a verifiable drug problem and successfully complete 500 hours in the program at the McKean Federal Prison Camp are eligible for a sentence reduction of up to 12 months.

The 50-year-old Ganim served five terms as the city's mayor. He began serving his sentence in 2003, after he was convicted of 16 federal corruption charges.

Information from: Connecticut Post, http://www.connpost.com

Copyright 2010 Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.




Ex-Mayor Scheduled For Release In 2011
The Hartford Courant
By EDMUND H. MAHONY
August 24, 2009

July 2003: Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim is sentenced to nine years in prison for, among other things, taking more some years in wine, meals, entertainment and various other illegal gifts than constituents in his chronically depressed city earned.

July 2009: A blog poster named donj writes on the aptly named Internet site Only In Bridgeport, "And who wouldn't vote for Ganim... he was the best mayor. I could care less about what he did...and I will tell you this. I hope Ganim runs again 'cause he will have my vote any time he was a great mayor."

Click here to view pictures of former Bridgeport Mayor Joe Ganim.

Six years after being absorbed by the federal prison system — in spite of his consistent, if often incredible protestations of innocence — some things haven't changed in the life of one of Connecticut's most formerly popular ex-politicians.

His name is still mentioned whenever candidates scramble to become mayor of Bridgeport. His high-priced war with the prosecutors who convicted him has grown more personal. And years after the prison gate snapped shut, stories still are told about his ambition.

A federal jury convicted Ganim in March 2003 of racketeering, racketeering conspiracy, extortion, mail fraud, bribery, conspiracy and filing false tax returns. In addition to the nine years, he was fined $150,000, ordered to make $148,617 in restitution and ordered to forfeit $175,000 in property that the government refers to as ill-gotten gain.

The guilty verdict — returned on March 19, St. Joseph's Day — followed weeks of testimony by dozens of witnesses that Ganim demanded and was given $500,000 in bribes, kickbacks and other benefits for steering millions of dollars in contracts to companies looking for work in Bridgeport. Witnesses spoke of crates of the best wine, boxes of custom clothing, pricey meals at exclusive restaurants. When Ganim built a new home, witnesses said someone else bought the lumber.

The prosecution's best witnesses were Ganim's closest political advisers, Leonard Grimaldi and Paul Pinto. The two profited by and helped Ganim run the kickback scheme. Both pleaded guilty and were given reduced sentences after agreeing to cooperate with the government. Ganim now is attacking their agreements with prosecutors.

The federal Bureau of Prisons projects Ganim's release date as July 19, 2011. He recently was transferred to the McKean Federal Correctional Institution in northwest Pennsylvania from one in Fort Dix, N.J. The bureau, as is its policy, will not elaborate.

That has not stopped talk in Bridgeport — including that among lawyers wrapping up the flurry of Ganim-era lawsuits — that the ex-mayor may have been transferred to take advantage of a rehabilitative program that could shave as much as a year from his sentence.

If Ganim is released as scheduled, he would be home in time for the city's Democratic mayoral primary in September 2011. Given the condition of Bridgeport's Republican organization, a Democratic primary generally is a de facto general election. If Ganim gets out a year early, so much the better, his supporters say.

There is talk in Bridgeport of political scenarios that could result in a Ganim candidacy, far-fetched as it seems. It has him as the lesser of a number of political evils in a Democratic primary that could include a former mayor who admitted using cocaine.

There may be a high degree of facetiousness in talk of Ganim's political future. But the idea alone is enough to generate sympathetic and apparently sincere comment on the Only in Bridgeport blog. The site was created and is operated by Grimaldi, a journalist, writer, political consultant and generally popular Bridgeport figure who is engineering a professional comeback.

As CosmoCat, another contributor to Only in Bridgeport, put it, "I will not let these few Anti-Ganim people lie about him. This guy did so much for the East Side; he actually cared about the people. Crime was down and I sure was not paying sky-high taxes. I also would vote for him again."

Ganim's post-conviction success in court has not matched the enthusiasm shown by his supporters in the blogosphere. His appeal failed in the U.S. 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals and the U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear his case.

Last fall, he moved in federal court to set aside or modify his prison sentence. He claims that improper behavior by prosecutors deprived him of evidence he could have used in his favor. Additionally, he has accused the prosecution of ethical violations.

Ganim argues that prosectors led jurors to believe that Grimaldi and Pinto agreed, collectively, to forfeit property worth more than $500,000 as part of their cooperation agreements. In reality, Ganim claims the prosecutors secretly agreed to waive the forfeitures after Ganim's conviction. Had he known, Ganim says he could have argued to jurors that the waiver of $500,000 was an inducement to the witnesses to deliver testimony that fit the prosecution case.

The U.S. Attorney's office has said in its legal filings that Ganim's claims are without merit.

There has been no ruling.

The former mayor is responsible for two post-conviction suits, both of which have proven to be expensive losers.

In one, Bridgeport argued that it should not have to pay a developer about $8 million for building a city sports arena because Ganim rigged the contract. A state Superior Court judge disagreed. In the second, Ganim was found personally liable for $182,000 to a developer who sued Bridgeport, claiming the city awarded his marina and hotel project to a developer who was paying bribes.

But Ganim always has been known for political rather than legal muscle and there are still stories about what might have been. Grimaldi said recently that, during the 1990s, former Gov. John Rowland, a Republican, became concerned that Ganim, a Democrat, could present a credible challenge for the governorship.

At the time, Ganim was using city money to pay for a slick, television campaign, ostensibly to promote Bridgeport. Many viewers, among them Rowland, believed Ganim was the beneficiary.

Grimaldi said Ganim claimed that senior state Republicans approached him about switching political affiliation. If he agreed, Ganim said he would get the Republican nomination for state treasurer on a Rowland ticket and, eventually, the GOP nomination for governor. After some hesitancy, Grimaldi said Ganim claimed to have declined.

Christopher DePino, who was state Republican chairman at the time, said he is aware of no such conversations with Ganim.

If there ever was a political friendship between Ganim and Rowland, it was over when Ganim was indicted in October 2001. Rowland was the first public figure of any consequence to call for Ganim's resignation.

Two years later, halfway through Ganim's trial, Rowland's administration was under investigation.

Copyright © 2009, The Hartford Courant


Prosecutor defends corruption conviction, sentence for Ganim
New London DAY
Oct 2, 9:32 AM EDT


BRIDGEPORT, Conn. (AP) -- Federal prosecutors have filed legal briefs with a federal appeals court, arguing that former Bridgeport Mayor Joseph Ganim deserves his corruption conviction and his nine-year prison term.

An 89-page brief was recently filed with the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals by former Assistant U.S. Attorney Ronald Apter and assistant U.S. attorneys Sandra Glover and William Nardini.

Ganim's appeal team may file a response in the next few weeks. A three-judge panel will hear the appeal next year.

Ganim's attorneys said that the indictment was required to list and the jury required to find that Ganim received benefits for specific criminal acts.
 
The prosecution claims while law does not require this, they did link kickbacks Ganim received to official acts.

Ganim was convicted after a 10-week trial in 2003 on 16 federal corruption charges. He has been serving his sentence at the federal prison camp in Fort Dix, N.J., since Sept. 16, 2003. His release date is 2011.

Ganim's attorneys also complained that he should have received a lower sentence.

In the brief, Apter said Arterton read numerous letters written on Ganim's behalf citing his energy, vision and charisma that moved Bridgeport away from "the brink of bankruptcy."

But the judge concluded "what Joseph Ganim did for the good of Bridgeport really is not to be considered as a factor in the sentencing of a corruption case because that's what a good mayor does."

Apter further noted that Arterton rejected a request to re-sentence Ganim earlier this year.


City acts to retain Ganim's secrets;  Bridgeport asks FOIC to overturn cell ruling
By MARIAN GAIL BROWN (CT POST)
Friday, July 19, 2002 - 7:07:14 AM MST


The administration of Mayor Joseph P. Ganim Thursday urged the state Freedom of Information Commission to rescind an order turning over the mayor's cell phone records to the Connecticut Post.

In a 52-page petition for reconsideration, city Comptroller Michael Lupkas and Chief of Staff Christopher Duby claimed the FOIC made "certain errors of fact and law" that should be "reconsidered and corrected."

The Connecticut Post requested the cellular billing records for Ganim and Finance Director Jerome I. Baron from Jan. 1, 1997, through June 30, 2001, in July 2001. The city turned over some of the records in October but crossed out all the numbers called. Before handing over the redacted records, city officials gave the Post conflicting accounts over whether they existed.

Initially, Lupkas provided an estimate of copying charges for the billing records, but Deputy Chief of Staff Gregory Conte claimed that Ganim did not have a city-paid-for cell phone and that the city had no records for the mayor's cellular phones. When the city finally agreed to turn over the records city officials said they had less than a year's worth and all of the billing data, the destinations of the calls and account information were blacked out.

Lupkas told the Post that all of the redactions to hundreds of pages of the cellular records were performed by the mayor's office.  In the administration's latest bid to keep Ganim's cell phone bills confidential for six phones paid for by taxpayers - the city is asking the FOI Commission to revoke its July 3 order to release unredacted cellular bills to the Post.  Thursday was the city's deadline to ask the FOIC to reconsider its decision.

The administration wants the FOIC to allow it to delete any unlisted or unpublished numbers contained in the bills. In the petition, City Attorney Mark Anastasi claimed "there exists the potential that either intentionally or through inadvertence, the private confidential phone numbers of third parties will be made available to the general public" if the Connecticut Post obtained the cellular records.  Anastasi added that releasing the records of a municipal chief executive officer would "unnecessarily and unreasonably interfere with his capacity to conduct the public's business and efficiently represent the citizens of the City of Bridgeport."

As for civil penalties of $1,000 each the FOI Commission ordered against Lupkas and Duby, Anastasi said both city officials relied on legal counsel from his department on withholding information on the cellular records and the existence of Duby's resume.

Anastasi asked the FOI Commission to either revoke their fines or impose them on him instead. In actuality, city taxpayers already paid the fines because the checks for both were drawn on city of Bridgeport bank accounts.  Anastasi said Lupkas told the Post that the full cellular bills would not be provided because "legal research revealed that the persons called may have an expectation of privacy."


Lawmaker asks power for recall
By KEN DIXON - Dixon.connpost@snet.net
January 05, 2002

 HARTFORD -- Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim may be innocent of 24 federal felony charges until proven guilty, but a veteran city
 lawmaker wants to make sure he can be ousted by the City Council before the end of his four-year-term.

 Rep. Jacqueline M. Cocco, D-Bridgeport, asked legislative leaders to bestow recall powers on the City Council. The new session of the
 General Assembly begins Feb. 6.

 Cocco said Friday that if a conviction comes, the city should be in a position to remove its mayor and avoid further national embarrassment.

 Cocco said a recall provision should have been included in the 1998 referendum when city voters approved a four-year mayoral term.

 On Friday, she requested that a key committee approve legislation to create recall powers for local legislative bodies in the 10 towns and
 cities where chief elected officials have four-year terms.

 The idea met with mixed reactions from Speaker of the House Moira K. Lyons, D-Stamford, and Bridgeport City Council President John M.
 Fabrizi, who would be next in line if Ganim is ousted.

 "You have to think about the fact that if you're in the position of having a four-year-term mayor and in the first year things happen that adversely
 impact that city," Cocco said. "It seems to me you need the recourse."

 The long-running federal investigation that netted 10 guilty pleas before Ganim was indicted Oct. 31 on corruption charges brought out
 shortcomings opponents warned about during a citywide term referendum back in 1998.

 "It certainly made me think about what we can do to handle this," said Cocco, an eight-term representative who is co-chairwoman of the
 Transportation Committee and a respected voice in the city's nine-member legislative delegation.

 She said she never favored the four-year mayoral term, but one of the big reasons why it was rejected twice before finally passing in 1998 --
 taking effect with Ganim's 1999 re-election -- was its lack of a recall provision.

 Cocco said that in most communities, the two-year term means that chief elected officials are more accountable, as they are essentially
 running for re-election all the time.

 Only 10 municipalities in the state have four-year terms for mayor or selectman, but most of them are smaller communities like Ledyard and
 Andover. Stamford is the next-largest city with such a term, followed by Norwich, which adopted the longer term this year. Other communities
 with four-year terms include Westport.

 "I think giving the council recall power is a good alternative," Cocco said. "State government is usually bipartisan, but municipal government is
 often controlled by only one party, which leaves you with less opportunity to look deeply into how things are done."

 A call to Ganim's office for comment was not returned Friday.

 Ganim pleaded innocent to the broad-based corruption and conspiracy charges and a trial is not expected until 2003. In the wake of his
 indictment, however, Gov. John G. Rowland called for Ganim's resignation and promised to cut the Democratic mayor out of the process in
 which the state supports local development projects. The state has also initiated an unprecedented review process for active and future
 Bridgeport projects.

 Still, Lyons said she would have to give Cocco's request a lot of review before deciding whether to support it.

 "Jackie is one of the best legislators we have and I know if she brings up an issue like this she has done it in a thoughtful manner," Lyons said
 Friday.

 But Lyons is concerned about vesting sweeping power in the City Council. "We pride ourselves on the ability of the voters to elect or reject
 who they want and this clearly would put some of that ability within the power of the legislative body to reject a sitting mayor," she said.

 Fabrizi agreed, saying that it would make more sense to set up a system that would allow local voters to petition a recall of the chief elected
 official.

 "I think the most appropriate recall would be from the electorate rather than the single body of the council," Fabrizi said. "They're the folks who
 voted that individual into office in the first place. Politically speaking, I don't think it would be fair for a small group to have that power."

 Ken Dixon, who covers the Capitol, can be reached at (860) 549-4670.


Mayor Ganim should resign
New London DAY editorial
Published on 11/08/2001

Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim is being unrealistic. He thinks he can continue his duties while fighting a 24-count federal indictment alleging racketeering, bribery, extortion, mail fraud and tax evasion.

He claims he is innocent of any wrongdoing and says the court fight will bear out his position. He is entitled under the law to a presumption of innocence unless a trial or plea bargain results in his conviction. The fact that a number of his political and government associates have entered guilty pleas to federal corruption charges does not alter that presumption of innocence.

But to suggest that the energy required in fighting a long, laundry list of corruption charges will not be a damaging distraction to the effective administration of Bridgeport city business is sheer nonsense. Such posturing on the part of Mayor Ganim bears much of the same ego-gone-wild attitude of Mayor Vincent “Buddy'' Cianci Jr. of Providence, who also faces a multi-count federal criminal indictment, and yet insists that he will persevere as mayor of that city.

Such attitudes are nothing but arrogance in the extreme. By wallowing in hubris, the mayors place their political careers and egos above the good of the people. Their indictments are sad events, for each politician has improved the plight of his respective city, but the criminal charges are reality. And they do intrude on the ability of the mayors to do their best for their constituents.

For Mayors Ganim and Cianci to insist that the people still support them begs the question. The issue at hand concerns restoring the credibility and integrity of the government administrations in both their cities, not whether their stars are still high in the political heavens.

Mayor Philip A. Giordano of Waterbury reached an accommodation that led him to resign his post after he was accused of soliciting sex from two young girls, violating their civil rights and raping them. His departure allowed Waterbury to begin to deal with its fundamental problems of governance in a forthright fashion.

But so long as Mayors Ganim and Cianci hang around city hall as though they are above the fray, their cities will suffer. The damage in both cases is likely to get worse as their cases go to trial and, by dint of wanting to save their necks, they are forced to spend virtually every waking minute on the content of their cases.

Nor can they delegate their political authority to unelected political pals.

Mayor Ganim should resign. He must resign for the good of the city and the people for whom he claims such affection.


Ganim, After Arraignment, Says Aides Betrayed Him
November 3, 2001
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer

NEW HAVEN -- It was like any number of public appearances Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim has made in the past 10 years. His staff brought a podium, prepared remarks and a press kit containing a biography, recent newspaper clippings and his latest approval rating of 57 percent.

But this one began with the mayor of Connecticut's largest city ducking into a private room and submitting to fingerprints and a mug shot. Then a composed Ganim
re-emerged to plead not guilty to a 24-count corruption indictment, once before a judge and again on courthouse steps for the news cameras.

"This isn't the news conference I imagined having this November," Ganim said on the steps, offering a wan smile to the photographers. "The news conference I expected to have was to announce my candidacy for governor."

Ten months ago, Ganim, 42, was a leading contender for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination in 2002. The Democratic state chairman at the time was backing him,
ready to build a campaign around Bridgeport's rebirth under its youthful mayor. Then news broke of a federal corruption investigation.

It led to him posing an unusual poll question last month: How many voters think him guilty of corruption? Sixteen percent said yes.

On Wednesday, a federal grand jury in Hartford returned a 56-page indictment. It describes a conspiracy to squeeze kickbacks and bribes from the mayor's urban renewal
projects, his privatization of the city's sewage treatment system, his anti-blight program, the management of city pensions and his saving of a constituent's land from
being taken for a new courthouse.

It took maybe 12 minutes for Ganim's arraignment before U.S. District Judge Janet Bond Arterton. She read Ganim, a lawyer, his rights. Then she instructed a clerk to ask how the mayor pleaded. To each charge, Ganim clearly answered, "Not guilty."

His chief fund-raiser, campaign manager, and former chief of staff are among nine individuals and one company to admit their involvement in the scheme and to enter guilty pleas, beginning four months ago. They are expected to testify against Ganim, describing a mayor who the government says solicited $425,000 in cash, goods and services in return for city business. A developer says he got city business, in part, by promising Ganim $500,000 for a run for governor.

"I am innocent of these charges," Ganim said outside the courthouse, where photographers jostled for position. "I have been betrayed by people who I trusted. Let me say
that again, loud and clear. I am innocent of these charges and I've been betrayed by people I trusted."

The mayor then addressed a question posed many times since Wednesday: How could he be unaware that his closest aides were shaking down nearly every major        company doing business with his administration?

"That's a fair question, a question I've asked myself quite a bit in the past four months," Ganim said. "The answer is simple, yet sickening to admit. Close friends who I
completely trusted betrayed me and the city of Bridgeport in the cruelest of ways."

Exactly how this was accomplished without the mayor hearing of it, he did not say.  Instead, Ganim asked if his involvement made any sense.

"I was running for governor," Ganim said. "Why would I jeopardize everything?

A run for governor.  Our achievements in the city of Bridgeport. My reputation. My family. To be part of an extortion scheme where I didn't even get one dime of money? It doesn't make sense, because it's not true."

The indictment says Ganim received tens of thousands of  dollars in cash, services and goods, including appliances, kitchen cabinets and design services for the house he built in Bridgeport's Black Rock neighborhood. It also says he was to receive even more.

Ronald S. Apter and Michael R. Sklaire, the assistant U.S. attorneys prosecuting the case, stopped only briefly before the cameras as they left the courthouse.

"I am not able to comment on any of the evidence or the nature of the case," said Apter, the lead prosecutor. "I will tell you that the government intends to do its speaking in court through the presentation of evidence to a jury at the appropriate time."

Ganim said he, too, will have to wait for his day in court to give a fuller response. His lawyer, Richard T. Meehan Jr., said it would be improper to do anything else.

"We'll do that in court - and hope that you'll be there," Ganim told reporters. Then he smiled.  He started to leave, but stopped to answer a few shouted questions.

How were his kids taking the news?  Ganim, a father of three, said, "My children are doing great, thank God. We've got a real strong family, as you can see - my parents, seven brothers and sisters. I'm truly blessed in many ways."

But what has he told his kids?  Ganim paused, then he smiled and replied, "I tell them everybody in the press isn't as mean as they look."

                                                 *****
Note:  item in bold face and larger type not in original story that way.



Editorial...
Mr. Ganim: Get Out Now
November 2, 2001 Editorial  

Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim, faced with grand jury
indictments for fraud and racketeering, must have lost touch with reality.

On Wednesday, he called the 24-count federal grand jury indictment "baldfaced lies." He said he would stay in office for the remaining two years of his fifth term and "fight   back."

That will not do, Mr. Ganim. You have brought shame to Connecticut's largest city and to the entire state. Your day in court will come. In the meantime, however, spare
Bridgeport further disruption by resigning. There is no way you can contest the charges in court during the next two years and at the same time perform your mayoral duties in an acceptable manner.

But Mr. Ganim doesn't seem to get it. Neither does the Democratic-dominated city council, whose members say they will stand by their man while he hangs on to power.

In Waterbury, where jailed Mayor Philip Giordano remains  titular head of the city at half pay while facing federal sex charges and a corruption inquiry, all of the aldermen,
Republicans and Democrats, were deeply embarrassed and wanted him out of office.

In Bridgeport, council members are letting their partisan loyalty stand in the way of what's best for the city.

Even if he's ultimately cleared, how can Mr. Ganim fight the legal battle of his life and still find time to effectively run the city and maintain the public's trust over the next two years?

The Ganim administration is a cesspool of corruption.  Already, there have been 10 guilty pleas by individuals and a business. They have admitted to bribery, conspiracy and other crimes involving city business. Several are close associates of Mr. Ganim.

Mr. Ganim's defiant show of bravado after his sweeping corruption indictment is one for the books. He has done "nothing wrong," and hasn't "taken a dime as part of any
conspiracy," he claimed. He had nary an inkling of the misdeeds of his closest associates, he insisted.

If that's the case, the man whose public relations machine the past decade would have you believe that he alone raised Bridgeport from the dead has been anything but
indispensable. Now he seems to be painting a picture of himself as a clueless functionary all these years, just bumbling along in ignorant bliss while his looting,               deal-making campaign fund-raisers and trusted aides handed out contracts for city business to crooked vendors in exchange for gifts, cash and campaign contributions.

And he was in the dark about all this?

"I know nothing" might have worked for Sgt. Schultz of TV sitcom fame, but it is a much harder sell for Mr. Ganim.  Innocent or guilty, he ought to have the good sense and
common decency to surrender power to someone who can restore Bridgeport's reputation.

He certainly can't. 


Wine, Gems And Cash:  Bridgeport Mayor Reacts Defiantly To Charges Of Fraud, Racketeering
By MARK PAZNIOKAS And JANICE D'ARCY, Courant Staff Writers
November 1, 2001

A sweeping corruption indictment accuses Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim of trading city contracts for cash, diamond earrings, expensive wine, custom clothes and a
pledge of $500,000 to his now-abandoned campaign for governor.

In a 24-count indictment returned Wednesday by a federal grand jury in Hartford, Ganim is accused of hitching his plans for the city's economic rebirth to a thirst for high
living and an ambition for higher political office.

Ganim, 42, the five-term mayor of Connecticut's largest city and the 1994 Democratic nominee for lieutenant governor, solicited cash, goods and services worth at least $425,000, not including the $500,000 for his campaign, the indictment says.

Gov. John G. Rowland immediately called on Ganim to resign, saying the city can ill-afford "to be swept up in the swirl of a mayor fighting serious corruption charges." But
Ganim struck a defiant tone in a televised press conference in Bridgeport, vowing to complete the remaining two years of his term as he fights the corruption charges.

"Let me be clear," Ganim said. "I am being falsely accused. I have done nothing wrong. I have not taken a dime as part of any conspiracy. Nor have I ever authorized
anyone to take money on my behalf. And I am confident that, once all the facts come out, this will be clear to everyone."

Ganim has lived under a cloud since December, when federal agents began seizing records from city hall and companies doing business with the city.  Until then, Ganim was a rising star in Democratic politics, credited as being the architect of Bridgeport's rebirth, hailed by Newsweek as one of the nation's "25 mayors to watch," and widely considered a leading contender for governor in 2002.

Now, the best Ganim can hope for is proving at trial next year that he was merely ignorant of a massive corruption scheme carried out by some of his oldest friends and
closest aides - and not a participant.

The indictment charges him with racketeering, conspiracy, bribery, extortion, mail fraud, filing false tax returns and criminal forfeiture, a list of charges punishable by a
maximum of 176 years in prison.

He was spared the indignity of arrest. As is typical in cases in which the defendant is considered neither a flight risk nor a public danger, Ganim will be allowed to         voluntarily appear Friday for his arraignment in U.S. District Court in New Haven.

The indictment comes nearly five months after his chief  fund-raiser, Paul J. Pinto, and former campaign manager, Lennie Grimaldi, pleaded guilty to racketeering charges.
Each admitted to taking kickbacks from city contractors on behalf of an unnamed elected official.

Confronted with wiretaps and other evidence, nine individuals and one company have pleaded guilty to corruption charges without being indicted. Ganim is the first to be indicted.

U.S. Attorney John A. Danaher III said Wednesday that the indictment and previous guilty pleas were the product of a federal investigation begun in 1996. He declined to say why the Ganim administration became the target of a probe by the FBI, Internal Revenue Service and other federal agencies.

Michael J. Wolf, the special agent in charge of the FBI in Connecticut, left no doubt that the initial focus was Harbor Yard, the sports complex that rose from a crumbling
industrial site near the waterfront.  He said the investigation was code-named "Hardball," a reference to the 5,000-seat minor league ballpark built a few years ago for $19 million. A 10,000-seat, $52 million hockey arena recently opened next door.

For 20 months in 1999 and 2000, federal agents used wiretaps and other forms of electronic surveillance to gather evidence of corruption, Wolf said. Late last year, agents caused a stir by removing listening devices from a Fairfield diner where prominent developers Alfred Lenoci and his son, Alfred Lenoci Jr., dined.  The Lenocis each pleaded guilty last month to bribery.

They described being named the city's preferred developer by promising to pay Pinto $1 for every square foot of space developed. The younger Lenoci also pledged to bankroll Ganim's campaign for governor.

The indictment accuses Ganim of cashing in on the city's privatization of its wastewater treatment system, the construction of Harbor Yard, the management of the city's
pension fund, the demolition of vacant buildings and the development of city-owned land.

The indictment says some of the money reached Ganim, but much of it was being held for the mayor.

It accuses the mayor of forcing one developer, Alex Conroy, to cede control of Steel Point, a waterfront development site, to the Lenocis. Conroy's lawyer, William
Sweeney, said the developer is preparing a civil suit for damages.

Among the indictment's claims:

In May 1996, Ganim told Pinto he favored Professional Services Group, known as PSG, for the wastewater contract. But there was a hitch: United Properties, owned
by his friends the Lenocis, was allied with another bidder, U.S. Water.

With Pinto and Grimaldi, Ganim concocted a kickback scheme intended to benefit the mayor, his two aides and the Lenocis.

As a result, PSG agreed to pay Grimaldi $70,000 a year for five years - a deal in which money flowed to Grimaldi, Pinto and a Lenoci company, United Environmental
Remediation.

Between May 1997 and May 1999, PSG paid $311,000 to Grimaldi. He gave Pinto $194,000. Pinto gave United $54,250.

At Ganim's direction, Grimaldi negotiated a sweeter deal with PSG in April 1999: In return for an 18-year contract extension with the city, PSG was to pay another $695,000 - $495,000 of which PSG had to pay within 10 days of getting the new contract.

PSG made the payment on June 4, 1999. Grimaldi passed along $313,000 to Pinto, "with the understanding and intent that one half was intended for, and belonged to, the defendant, Joseph P. Ganim."

Grimaldi and Pinto, who each ran consulting businesses, hid bribes and kickbacks as fees, the indictment says.  Pinto also was a vice president of Kasper Group, which
was awarded no-bid contracts to design the ballpark and arena at Harbor Yard.

Although Ganim was accused of receiving many illegal gifts, including extensive work on the house he built two years ago in the city's posh Black Rock neighborhood, the
indictment alleges that Pinto was still holding money intended for the mayor.  Ganim made clear, in a dramatic press conference called an hour after the indictment was unsealed, that he and his lawyer, Richard T. Meehan Jr., will portray Pinto and others as crooks who got caught and now are trying to win leniency by implicating a prominent politician.

"I have sadly learned that people who were close to me used that relationship for their own personal gain, and in so doing betrayed me and betrayed the city of Bridgeport.
Now those same people, who have admitted to criminal conduct, are now engaged in lies and falsehoods about me to save their own skin."

He was cheered by family and supporters, as though announcing another campaign. He was elected to two-year terms four times. His popularity drove a charter
change extending mayoral terms to four years, beginning in 1999.

Ganim spoke slowly, his voice growing louder with every word. With a jutting lower lip and a steady gaze, Ganim projected a resolute image. WTNH, Channel 8, interrupted
a soap opera to carry part of the press conference.

Ganim twice held aloft the 56-page indictment, calling it "bald-faced lies." He mentioned a poll he commissioned, finding he enjoys a high approval rating.

"I consider this my first day to stand before you and fight back - something I haven't been able to do in the last 10 months," Ganim said. Again, he was cheered.

City council President John Fabrizi said the all-Democratic council was "very supportive" of the mayor and was unlikely to back Rowland's call for the mayor's resignation.


Bridgeport Mayor Indicted
By MARK PAZNIOKAS And JANICE D'ARCY, The Hartford Courant
3:54 PM EST,October 31, 2001

An indictment returned today by a federal grand jury
accuses Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim of participating in a racketeering conspiracy to squeeze bribes and kickbacks from the city's economic renaissance.

Ganim, 42, a five-term mayor of Connecticut's largest city who was preparing to seek the Democratic gubernatorial nomination in 2002, conspired with key aides and        supporters to solicit cash and gifts from companies doing business with his administration, the indictment says.

A 24-count indictment returned by a grand jury in Hartford charges Ganim with racketeering, extortion, bribery, mail fraud and tax fraud. He is accused of soliciting more than $425,000 in benefits, including cash. Ganim will be served with a summons ordering him to appear in court Friday.

Ganim held a press conference Wednesday afternoon where he appeared with his wife, parents, siblings and dozens of city employees and supporters, to denounce the allegations.

"I consider this my first day to stand here before you and fight back -- something I haven't been able to do in the last 10 months," Ganim said.  During the half-hour appearance, he waved the 56-page indictment and called its contents "bald-faced lies."

Ganim said he will not resign from his $106,591-a-year job while he fights the charges.  The mayor has two years remaining on a four-year term.  He was elected to two-year terms in 1991, 1993, 1995 and 1997. In 1999, after a charter change, Gamin was elected to his first four-year term.  With Ganim's indictment, the mayors of two of Connecticut's five largest cities are under federal indictment. Waterbury Mayor Phillip A. Giordano has been jailed since July 26 on child sex charges.

The Ganim indictment comes nearly five months after his chief fundraiser, Paul J. Pinto, and former campaign manager, Lennie Grimaldi, pleaded guilty to racketeering
charges. Each admitted to taking kickbacks from city contractors on behalf of an unnamed elected official.  Confronted with wiretaps and other other evidence, nine          individuals and one company have pleaded guilty to corruption charges without being indicted. Ganim is the first to be indicted as a result of the federal investigation.

Today, Ganim spoke of Bridgeport's progress under his administration, and again denied any wrongdoing. "I've done nothing to harm that progress or profit from it," he         said.  Ganim was elected at age 32 in 1991 when Bridgeport was a national symbol of urban decay. His predecessor, Republican Mary Moran, had the city file for bankruptcy. Its bonds were worthless. Helped by a state bailout, Ganim led a financial recovery.

Before his victory, Bridgeport had the political stability of a Third World nation, with five different mayors in 12 years.  But Ganim proved to be a savvy booster for Bridgeport - and for himself.  He convinced the state to invest in Bridgeport development projects, such as the much-praised minor-league Ballpark at Harbor Yard. It rose from the rubble of an old industrial site, a triumph the city boasted of on a television advertising campaign that prominently featured Ganim.

He was rewarded with the Democratic nomination for Lieutenant governor in 1994 and was named by Newsweek magazine in 1996 as one of the “25 Mayors to Watch.”

Ganim was laying the groundwork late last year for a 2002 gubernatorial campaign when federal agents began seizing records from city hall, as well as some of the
companies involved in the city's development boom. His lawyer, Richard T. Meehan Jr., said the mayor will be able to function as the city's chief executive. “This cloud had been hanging over him for 10 months,” Meehan said.

John Fabrizi, president of the City Council, called it "a very sad day for the city of Bridgeport and many of us feel sad for his wife and children." He said he spoke with the
mayor this morning and the mayor maintained his innocence. Fabrizi said the all-Democratic council has been supportive of the mayor and that even if council members wanted to remove Ganim from office, the city charter does not allow it.

Ganim's office released a poll Tuesday showing that he still enjoys high approval ratings, despite the federal corruption investigation.

“There has been a groundswell of support for Joe Ganim, at least among the people that count in Bridgeport, the voters,” Meehan said. Ganim's wife, Jennifer, gave birth in
June to their third child.



Think about this - Boss Tweed to dead people voting in Chicago - Connecticut mentioned in the same breath as icons of big time corruption!
Democrats' 'Machine' In Bridgeport Gets Scrutiny
Most town committee members work for city
By Associated Press 
Published on 10/2/2006
   
Bridgeport (AP) — Democrats in the state's largest city are so powerful and enmeshed in the local government that they are drawing comparisons to past political machines in Chicago and New York, the Connecticut Post reported Sunday.

More than two-thirds of the members of the Democratic Town Committee serve in Bridgeport's government or draw paychecks from City Hall, and others have a relative who does, according to the newspaper.  Seventy-one of the committee's 89 members, or 80 percent, work for the city, have relatives who work for the city, collect city pensions, are former city employees, hold elected positions or serve on city boards or commissions.

“What you are describing is a political machine: an urban party that is good at mobilizing the vote and has broad support due to favoritism, preferential contracts and patronage,” said Gary Rose, a political science professor at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield. “It sounds like something from the 1890s or 1920s.”

The city has a recent history of corruption, although it is difficult to say whether the city's political system has played a role, the newspaper reported.

Former Democratic Mayor Joseph Ganim was convicted of corruption in 2003 and sent to prison for nine years. And former state Sen. Ernest Newton, another Bridgeport Democrat, is serving a five-year term for taking a $5,000 bribe and other crimes.

The Democratic Town Committee has been criticized recently for not sharply rebuking Democratic Mayor John Fabrizi after he admitted in June that he had used cocaine while in office. Fabrizi said his drug use never affected his work. He said he has not used drugs in nearly two years and has passed voluntary drug tests.

Some members of the city's political scene say the committee's power is being exaggerated. They say the panel's only function is to nominate candidates for office and its members serve in elected positions because they care about their city.

Others believe the committee's power reaches into all levels of government.

In an example from several years ago, Democratic Board of Education member Nereyda Robles was the swing vote on whether to extend the contract of then-School Superintendent Sonia Diaz Salcedo.

During a contentious debate, Robles suddenly changed her mind and voted against extending the contract. She acknowledged that she was pressured to reverse her position by her brother-in-law, Mitch Robles, a member of the Democratic Town Committee, the Post reported. She did not say how he pressured her.

State Rep. Christopher Caruso, D-Bridgeport, believes that the city's political system has played a major role in its history of corruption.

“This is precisely the reason we have the corruption that we do,” said Caruso, a potential candidate for mayor next year. “Elected officials are not held accountable and the taxpayers get ripped off. With two-thirds of the committee members controlled by a city paycheck, that is how Bridgeport operates. You can't serve your constituency and your boss.”

Other Democrats reject such criticism.

Democratic Town Committee Chairman John Stafstrom said many committee members consider their service on boards and commissions as giving back to the community.

“It's a big commitment in time,” he said. “It's reflective of the Democrats in their neighborhoods. If not, people in those neighborhoods would change that.”

 

Garage's business took upward spiral after owner became council member
BILL CUMMINGS 
CT POST
 Article Launched: 10/02/2006 04:43:00 AM EDT

   
BRIDGEPORT — An auto repair business owned by a city councilwoman and her husband has received more than $133,000 worth of no-bid work from the city since 2001.

The work awarded to Guy's Automotive Specialties and Body Shop on North Avenue, owned in part by Council member AmyMarie Vizzo-Paniccia, D-134, appears to skirt purchasing regulations enacted in 2003 to eliminate no-bid jobs. Vizzo-Paniccia defended the work, saying neither she nor her husband, Guy, did anything improper to gain repair business from the city. She said the North Avenue garage has been in business 25 years and doing city work since the early 1990s. "This has nothing to do with me being on the City Council. There is no favoritism," Vizzo-Paniccia said.

City records show Guy's Automotive was paid $133,367 between the 2001-02 fiscal year and the present for repairs to vehicles owned by the city and the Board of Education.

Records indicate that the value of work Guy's Automotive received steadily increased after Vizzo-Paniccia was elected to the council in 2003.

Mayor John M. Fabrizi said he was unaware that auto work was not being bid, and said he would direct staff to develop a bidding system.

"I will require the chief administrative officer to address the issue of auto bids since it has now been brought to my attention. Obviously, purchasing needs to come up with a system," Fabrizi said.

Fabrizi denied favoritism was directed to the Paniccias. "This has been long-standing and historical, and pre-dates me," he said of the family gaining city work.

Bernd Tardy, the city's purchasing agent, acknowledged work sent to Guy's was not bid, and that auto repairs in general have not been bid for years.

Tardy said before enactment of a new purchasing ordinance in 2003, auto work was bid out by unit price or purchase agreement. Under that system, garages submitted quotes or rates for certain types of work, and city officials used those lists to select a firm based on lowest price and availability.

The 2003 purchasing ordinance, enacted in the wake of the corruption that sent former Mayor Joseph P. Ganim to jail for nine years, ended such lists, Tardy said.

During the Ganim years, so-called "on call" lists were abused, and were often used as a way to avoid seeking bids for large jobs or any form of scrutiny. Ganim used such a list to avoid bids and hand over $2 million worth of work to a company that renovated the City Hall Annex on Broad Street for city offices.

Tardy said there is confusion over whether the new purchasing ordinance applied to auto work because such work usually falls below the $7,500 threshold over which bids are mandatory. He said his staff is looking at how to bid out auto work, and recently advertised for prices for oil changes and car washes.

The city council, while approving the overall purchasing ordinance, has no direct role in how it's implemented. None of the work sent to Guy's Automotive required a vote by the council.

City Council member Robert Walsh, D-132, a main sponsor of the 2003 purchasing regulation, said the intent of the ordinance was to ensure all work is bid.

"The rule of thumb is, everything applies unless it is singled out in the ordinance. This should be the rule. If we are going to have an ordinance, we have to live by it," Walsh said.  Walsh said the mayor knows the Paniccias, and that his 2003 mayoral campaign rented a building the Paniccia family owns at the corner of Main Street and North Avenue, next to the garage.

City Council member Tom McCarthy, D-133, said that technically the ordinance does not require individual repair jobs be bid because most would not reach the $7,500 threshold.  But McCarthy said that does not mean the work should not be bid.

"I'm not sure the purchasing ordinance says you have to, but it seems like it would be a good business practice to do it. Maybe through a pricing list or something like that," said McCarthy, who supported the purchasing ordinance and was chairman of the council's Ordinance Committee when it was passed.

McCarthy defended the Paniccia family, saying city employees who order auto repairs are probably just using the garage they are used to working with.

"It's our job to do the purchasing rules. You can't blame the outside business. There is probably a comfort level with them. There should be an alternative way of doing this and some controls. The regulations provide a guide, it's up to the city to fill in the blanks," said McCarthy, who is a labor relations officer for the city.

Guy Paniccia said it's impossible to bid auto work, pointing out that mechanics often don't know what problems they will encounter as they begin a job. Still, he said that all garages charge an hourly rate, regardless of what they find as a job unfolds.

City records indicate work sent to Guy's Automotive increased after Vizzo-Paniccia was elected to the council in 2003.

For example, Guy's Automotive, during the 2002 fiscal year, was paid $18,702 for work. By the 2005-06 fiscal year, the amount had risen to $36,636. During the 2003 fiscal year, the garage was paid $24,858; $21,212 in 2004; and $28,492 in 2005. Other garages also received work, although those of a similar scale to Guy's received less, city records show.

Between 2001 and the present, Anthony's Auto Body was paid $86,718; City Line Auto Body was paid $80,343; and Tarino Auto Body was paid $35,735.

The large dealerships received far more. Miller Buick/Ford was paid $306,095. City officials could not say with certainty whether that amount included vehicle purchases.

AmyMarie Vizzo-Paniccia denied her tenure on the council has anything to do with the level of work Guy's received. "That's not what this place is all about," Guy Paniccia said. "Work is sent here based on our ability to do it and to turn a job around quickly. I can't speak to why it comes," Guy Paniccia said.

 

The Power Brokers:  Bridgeport Democratic Town Committee wields power
BILL CUMMINGS bcummings@ctpost.com
Article Launched: 10/01/2006 04:43:00 AM EDT
  
BRIDGEPORT — The state's largest city and its dominant political party are so intertwined that experts liken them to the legendary machines that once ruled Chicago and New York.An analysis of the city's Democratic Town Committee membership reveals that more than two-thirds serve in city government or draw a paycheck from City Hall, and even more have a relative who does.
Of the committee's 89 members, 71, or 80 percent, either work for the city, have relatives who work for the city, collect city pensions, are former city employees, hold elected positions, or serve on influential boards or commissions.

Such fluidity between city government and the Democratic Party leads some to conclude Bridgeport is a textbook example of a political machine, a system built on favoritism and patronage, acting as a job bank, so to speak, with the sole purpose of spreading benefits to a small group of insiders.

"What you are describing is a political machine: an urban party that is good at mobilizing the vote and has broad support due to favoritism, preferential contracts and patronage," said Gary Rose, a political science professor at Scared Heart University in Fairfield. "It sounds like something from the 1890s or 1920s."

It's hard to say whether the city's recent history of corruption — which led to the conviction of a sitting mayor in 2003 — is an outgrowth of its intertwined political system. But at the very least it creates a culture well suited for corruption.

"What's wrong with it is it interferes with fairness and neutrality and results in people looking the other way when there are corruption scandals and probes," Rose said.

Recently, the committee was criticized for failing to sharply rebuke Democratic Mayor John Fabrizi after his June admission he'd used cocaine while in office. A few called for disbanding the committee altogether.

Some insiders say tales of the town committee's power are exaggerated. Its only official function is to nominate candidates for office, they say, and its members are elected volunteers who care about their city.

Others believe the committee's power is pervasive, reaching into all levels of government, existing only to perpetuate itself.

Decades of Democratic control of Bridgeport have provided good reason for questions and concerns.

Take the case of Nereyda Robles, a Democratic member of the Board of Education. Several years ago she was the swing vote as the board considered whether to extend the contract of former schools Supt. Sonia Diaz Salcedo.

In the midst of a rough-and-tumble debate, Robles suddenly changed her mind and voted to dump Salcedo. She publicly acknowledged that she reversed her position after her brother in-law, Mitch Robles, the 131st District leader on the town committee, pressured her. She did not explain how he exerted such pressure.

Still, it was a rare admission by a Democrat. And while it's a small example, it's instructive about how politics works in the state's largest city.

The Machine:

State Rep. Christopher Caruso, a Democrat and likely candidate for mayor next year, minced no words about his belief that the city's political system is at root of its longstanding problems with corruption.

"This is precisely the reason we have the corruption that we do," he said. "Elected officials are not held accountable and the taxpayers get ripped off. With two-thirds of the committee members controlled by a city paycheck, that is how Bridgeport operates. You can't serve your constituency and your boss."

Other Democratic Party leaders scoff at such criticism.

John Stafstrom, the committee's chairman, said some members serve as volunteers on city boards and commissions "to give something back."

"It's a big commitment in time," he said. "It's reflective of the Democrats in their neighborhoods. If not, people in those neighborhoods would change that."

Stafstrom said any Democrat can petition to place a slate of committee members before voters, and pointed out there are often competing slates in the city's 10 districts.

"There have been years when seven or eight districts had primaries," he said. "It's a process that's open to everyone."

Some of these internecine battles have wound up in court, with one side accusing the other of submitting illegal petitions, over unpaid seats on a committee that Stafstrom insists has no real power.

Stafstrom himself is a controversial figure in city politics. His law firm, Pullman & Comley, is the city's long-time bond counsel. Between 2003 and 2006, the firm was paid more than $1.9 million, city records show.

For decades, the city did not bid out the bond counsel job. After Fabrizi took office, and the Connecticut Post raised the issue, bond counsel was put out to bid. Few were surprised that Pullman & Comley prevailed.

Who's connected to whom:

The DTC has nine seats for each of its 10 districts. However, one 138th District seat remains unfilled after the May arrest of Shawn Fardy, allegedly Fabrizi's former drug connection.

An analysis of who's who on the committee found that of 89 serving members, 28 members, or 31 percent, directly work for the city. The analysis also found that:

? 10 members are former or retired city employees;

? 16 have relatives who work for the city;

? 17 serve on the City Council or Board of Education;

? 11 serve on a board or commission, or hold another elected position, such as state senator or state representative;

? 10 fall into a catch-all category because, for example, they served as paid poll workers during elections, or have a business partner who works for the city.

Some members fall into several categories at once.

Voter turnout in Bridgeport usually mirrors the rest of the state, ranging from a low of 20 percent in primaries to 40 percent of the city's 58,000 registered voters.

The August Democratic primary drew 28 percent of eligible city voters.

There are no restrictions in the city's charter or ethics rules that specifically prevent town committee members from working for the city, or serving on boards and commissions, including the City Council. State law also does not contain any restrictions.

The city's ethics code, which applies to officials and employees, states that public office "must not be used for personal gain."

Total control:

Bridgeport Democrats don't merely control all branches of city government, they dominate them. Fabrizi is a Democrat, as was the previous mayor, Joseph P. Ganim. The last Republican mayor, Mary Moran, served only one term, elected in 1989 and losing to Ganim in 1991. Other Republicans, Leonard Paoletta (1981-85), for example, have held the mayor's office in modern times, but they tend to be the exception. Jasper McLevy, a socialist, served 12 terms as mayor from 1933 to 1957.

Democrats today control the school board, although minority-representation rules mandate that a certain number of seats go to minority-party candidates, whether they win their races or not.

The 20-member City Council includes 19 Democrats and one Republican; like the DTC, many of its members rely on city government for their livelihood.

Of the 19 Democratic council people, seven work for the city, two have wives who work for the city and one is a state judicial marshal whose sister-in-law works for the city.

"Wow," exclaimed Mark Trojanowski, a 136th District DTC member, when told how intertwined his party is in government.

Trojanowski's sister, Ann, works in a city drug-treatment program. He said his sister obtained her job long before he was elected to the committee.

"I don't think this is too good. But it does tell the story of Bridgeport," he said. "People who work for the city have an interest in seeing the whole city. The danger is when you have groups overlapping. I would come down on the side that this is a very slippery slope. You have to have strong, understanding and honest people when these types of relationships are going on," Trojanowski said.

Testacrats:

For more than a decade, the DTC was run by Mario Testa, a legendary figure in Bridgeport politics. All agree that Democrats were never so united, and some say controlled, as during Testa's tenure. Even the term "Testacrats" was coined as a tribute to, or complaint about, the party leader.

Like the party bosses of old, Testa ran the Democrats from a small restaurant on Madison Avenue. Politicians, town committee members, contractors, developers and just about anyone else interested in power or jobs in Bridgeport, went to Testo's Restaurant. A review of Fabrizi's cell-phone records over recent years shows dozens of calls to Testa, even though he no longer has any official power. Fabrizi describes Testa as a friend and freely admits he seeks his advice.

Testa was unequaled in his ability to strong-arm and cajole council members, school-board members and others into rallying behind the position of the party, or former mayor Ganim. Testa would tell anyone who would listen it was his "dream" to see Ganim elected governor.

Ganim instead is serving a nine-year federal prison sentence for corruption. Although no one disputes that Testa was the organizing power behind the throne, he was never implicated in any of Gamin's crimes.

The end of Testa's reign came as Fabrizi ran for mayor in 2003, in the wake of Ganim's conviction and resignation. Republican challenger Rick Torres tried to make Testa and the DTC the main issue, accusing the chairman and the party of standing for everything wrong with Bridgeport. Testa's answer was to step aside, which defused the issue, and Fabrizi won the election.

Examples of direct influence by the DTC on city policies are difficult to find. But there is anecdotal evidence.

City Council member Robert Walsh, a town committee member and veteran councilman, believes he was fired from a city job in the mid-1990s because he crossed Ganim, and by extension, Testa and the DTC.

Walsh was working as a finance manager for the school-based health center when he objected to Ganim's plan to give a multi-million dollar contract to PSG to run the city's sewage-treatment plant.

Walsh said he was warned to keep his concerns to himself. Those warnings, he said, were always conveyed through third parties, but it was understood they came from the DTC.

Walsh made his stand as the council voted to hire a consultant to look into Ganim's plans. Ganim vetoed the consultant, and soon after Walsh was out of a job.

"I could not prove it to a degree that would satisfy a court, but I believe I lost my job when I spoke out," Walsh said.

The PSG deal later became a centerpiece in the government's case against Ganim. U.S. prosecutors showed how Ganim divided kickbacks PSG paid to receive the contract with two other co-conspirators.

The system can also work in committee members' favor.

More recently, City Council member Richard Paoletta, a DTC member in the 138th District, faced the loss of his city job when another position was eliminated.

Under union bumping rules, the person holding the eliminated job received Paoletta's job. Paoletta also had bumping rights, so he was entitled for another position. However, the job in question was federally funded and, under the Hatch Act, he could not serve both on an elected body and work at a federally funded job.

Paoletta could have resigned from his council seat, but he did not, provoking complaints from the unions. After months of controversy and hearings, he landed a new job in housing-code enforcement — a position that was not federally funded.

Some have seen the town committee's mark in the recent controversy over the Black Rock Art Center. This summer the mayor decided to seek proposals for the building, which meant the current tenant, the International Performing Arts Center, would likely be out on the street.

Many believe, but cannot prove, that Dan Roach, a 130th District leader for the DTC and a police commission member, persuaded, or forced, Fabrizi to move against the art center. The story goes that during a meeting with Fabrizi after the mayor came clean about using cocaine while in office, the politically weak mayor agreed to seek other uses for the building.

Roach said he and Fabrizi discussed the art center around the time the mayor admitted his cocaine use and was meeting with DTC leaders to shore up support. However, Roach said Fabrizi asked him what he thought about finding other uses for the building, not the other way around.

"One had nothing to do with the other. There are a lot of stories running around," Roach said of the rumors.

Roach has long been interested in the arts center, considering he owns the Black Rock General Market across Fairfield Avenue from the building, and in the past has expressed interest in opening a restaurant in the city. Roach became a leader in the movement against the art center.

Roach's sister, Mary Kleps, along with her husband, John, mounted a letter-writing campaign in support of the city taking back the arts center. Some of the letters were published in the Connecticut Post. The effort ultimately failed when Fabrizi backed down following a vote by the council to oppose his plan. It was a rare defeat, considering Fabrizi is a Democrat and the council is dominated by Democrats.

And fines levied against a Democrat for improper conduct during an election do not appear to hinder a political career. An example is Warren Blunt, a councilman, city employee and a 135th District leader, has been fined twice by the State Elections Enforcement Commission for actions during past local elections.

In 2004, Blunt was fined $600 for allowing the daughter of a man with physical disabilities to sign a nominating petition for the man. The signature violated requirements that Blunt witness each person's signature.

In 2001, Blunt was fined $2,500 for illegal handling of absentee ballots. He was also barred from seeking a town committee seat for two years, but that suspension was later lifted.

In 2005, Blunt, having already returned to the DTC, was named to a council seat vacated by Edwin Gomes, who won the state senate seat vacated when former Sen. Ernest Newton resigned. Newton was later convicted for corruption and sent to jail for five years.

'They protect their own'

Torres, the Republican who ran against Fabrizi, accused Democrats of abusing their monopoly on power.

"The game is rigged before you get to the ballot," he said. "The endorsement by the town committee is so powerful it's almost a done deal. & They protect their own. The big bucks come in the contracts. It's insidious, but also very powerful," Torres said.

Fabrizi dismissed such talk as nonsense.

"I ask, where is the quid pro quo? There is no political machine here. There have been no allegations or issues of wrongdoing on the part of the town committee. Anyone can run. The neighborhoods work together to elect members," he said.

The mayor is a product of the system. For years, he was a teacher in the city school system and later became an administrator for adult education. He served on the town committee and was elected to the City Council in the 1990s, rising to council president.

After Ganim resigned in 2003 Fabrizi, who was serving as city council president, became mayor. Later that year, Fabrizi won a party primary to become the Democratic candidate for mayor, prevailing in a tight primary battle with Caruso. He won the general election, defeating Republican Rick Torres.

The mayor acknowledged he has asked "a couple" of town committee members to serve on boards or commissions, and said there is nothing wrong with that.

"These people are willing to get involved. That's the Democratic process. It's the same everywhere," Fabrizi said.

Caruso, who is likely to challenge Fabrizi next year for the Democratic mayoral nomination, claims the power a mayor wields is directly related to his ability to produce jobs and contracts.

Caruso pointed to Fabrizi's drug-use admission as an example of how politics and personal interests intersect here. He said no DTC members called for the mayor's resignation over his past drug use, or his highly publicized deceptions prior to admitting his problem.

"There is no interest at all by those in power to change it. That's why there is no call for this man to resign. They didn't do it with Ganim either," Caruso said.

Even after Ganim was convicted in March 2003, the town committee remained silent on whether he should resign.

"They select the elected officials. They campaign for these people. Their reward is their paycheck or position on a board. The punishment for being independent is a primary," Caruso said.

In response, Fabrizi said Caruso "will say anything to sit in the mayor's seat. Unfortunately, he does not have the tools, that administrative ability."

Shadow government?

Donna Curran, the lone Republican on the City Council, believes the DTC is an extension of city government. She has called for disbanding the town committee, a notion that drew laughs from Democratic circles.

There is no law or ethics rule that would enable anyone to disband a legally elected town committee.

Still, Curran said her point was worth making. "I would not want the Republican Town Committee to be like this," she said. "This is 1940s ward politics, a club — a club with a lot of clout. It's not the Democratic Party. It's something else that's deeper and more perverse than we realize."

Curran noted that the Fabrizi administration recently allowed Ruben Felipe, a mayoral aide, to take an unpaid leave of absence to work on U.S. Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman's reelection campaign. At the same time, a town committee member, Richard Cruz, was hired to fill the vacancy on a temporary basis.

"There is no boundary between city government, the town committee and the administration," Curran said.

Rose, the Sacred Heart professor, said he's endorsed the idea of patronage as a useful tool in politics, as an incentive for political activity, "but not to the point that it consumes operations."

"You have to have some of it. But this is unusual, to say 80 percent of these people are beneficiaries of politics. It explains a lot about Bridgeport," Rose said.