


Two of Bridgeport's Mayoral
candidates: one a State Senator, the
other a State Representative
How to tell right from wrong, at left; how to tell right from
left - WRONG! Bridgeport is a one-Party town, and the Democrat
Primary is the election!
ETHICS IN
GOVERNMENT:
Some examples...former Governor Rowland (unofficial).
Judge reaffirms that ex-chief justice
needn't testify
By Alex Wood,
Journal Inquirer
08/29/2006
A Waterbury Superior Court judge has re-affirmed his decision that
former state Chief Justice William J. Sullivan doesn't have to testify
before the legislature's Judiciary Committee about his delay in
releasing a controversial decision to aid Justice Peter Zarella's
chances of being confirmed to succeed him as chief justice.
Judge Dennis Eveleigh held to his earlier conclusion that a subpoena
forcing Sullivan to testify before the legislative committee would
violate the constitutional principle of separation of powers.
Attorney General Richard Blumenthal had defended the subpoena in court
on behalf of the co-chairmen of the Judiciary Committee - Sen. Andrew
McDonald, D-Stamford, and Rep. Michael Lawlor, D-East Haven - and had
asked Eveleigh to reconsider the earlier ruling.
"However odious or reprehensible defendants claim Justice Sullivan's
actions may have been, the fact remains that the issuance of a judicial
decision is part of a judge's function," Eveleigh wrote in the decision
issued Thursday.
In a joint statement today, Blumenthal, McDonald, and Lawlor made clear
that they strongly disagree with the decision but didn't say whether
they will appeal.
The three officials argued that Sullivan was the one who violated the
separation of powers "by intruding on the legislature's exclusive
authority to appoint judges."
That claim was evidently based on the reasoning that Sullivan's delay
in releasing the controversial decision was intended to deny the
legislature information that might have affected its decision on
whether to confirm Zarella.
Sullivan and Zarella were among the majority in the 4-3 decision, which
held that the state Freedom of Information Commission lacked
jurisdiction over all records of court cases. The commission had
ordered the judiciary to find a way to make computerized docket
information available to the public.
The decision was based on an interpretation of the Freedom of
Information Act, which the legislature can change. But the decision
also raised the possibility that any expansion of the commission's
jurisdiction over judicial records might be held unconstitutional on
separation-of-powers grounds.
After Senior Associate Justice David M. Borden, who is in effect acting
chief justice, revealed this spring that Sullivan had delayed release
of the decision, Zarella asked Gov. M. Jodi Rell to withdraw his
nomination for chief justice. She did so. But neither the governor nor
Zarella has ruled out the possibility that the nomination may be
submitted again.
The state Judicial Review Council has found sufficient evidence to hold
a public hearing on claims by Borden that Sullivan violated judicial
ethics by delaying release of the decision. The hearing is scheduled
for Sept. 6. Sullivan didn't testify at the council's initial
closed-door hearing on the case.
Blumenthal told the court that one purpose of the Judiciary Committee
hearings would be to determine whether to begin removal or impeachment
proceedings against Sullivan.
But Eveleigh emphasized that the state constitution permits impeachment
to be initiated only by the House, with a trial in the Senate. The
Judiciary Committee is a joint committee, consisting of members of both
houses.
"Historically, all prior impeachment investigations in Connecticut were
carried out by a select committee of inquiry specifically created by
the House, consisting solely of members of the House," Eveleigh wrote.
"No select committee of inquiry has been established in this case. Any
committee conducting an impeachment investigation, without the express
appointment of the House, would do so at its constitutional peril."
As a result, the judge ruled, the Sullivan subpoena differs from one
issued to former Gov. John G. Rowland by a House select committee of
inquiry. The state Supreme Court upheld that subpoena in 2004.
Blumenthal, McDonald, and Lawlor also expressed disappointment that
Eveleigh declined to hold a hearing on their latest motions. The judge
did, however, consider two legal briefs submitted by Blumenthal, one of
which exceeded the usual 35-page limit.
Bridgeport asks judge to throw out Caruso lawsuit
DAY
Oct. 1, 2007
BRIDGEPORT, Conn. (AP) -- The Bridgeport city attorney's office
has asked a state judge to dismiss a lawsuit contesting the results of
the city's September 11th Democratic mayoral primary. State
Representative Christopher Caruso filed the lawsuit after losing the
primary by 270 votes to state Sen. Bill Finch, the Democrats' endorsed
candidate. About 9,000 ballots were cast. Caruso alleges the
primary was tainted by numerous problems, including voters being
coached to pick certain candidates and sloppy handling of some ballots.
The Connecticut Post reports that the city asked Bridgeport Superior
Court Judge John Blawie to throw out the lawsuit this morning. Opening
arguments were scheduled at 2 p.m.
In Bridgeport, Politics Resumes;
Battered City, The State's Largest, Starts Anew With A Knockdown Mayoral Fight
By MARK PAZNIOKAS | Courant Staff Writer
July 23, 2007
BRIDGEPORT - Ignoring a cloudburst, voters flocked to the New Hope
Missionary Baptist Church last week to hear five mayoral candidates who
promise to deliver the city from its political cycles of farce and
tragedy.
Charles B. Tisdale, an organizer of the debate, watched a racially
diverse crowd fill most of the pews in the 450-seat sanctuary on a
muggy night that tested three whirring ceiling fans. He allowed himself
a satisfied smile.
"This was a nice surprise," said Tisdale, 74, who was Bridgeport's
Democratic mayoral nominee in 1983 and ran again in 1985.
Tisdale interpreted the turnout as evidence that voters might be ready
to engage after dispiriting decades of mismanagement interspersed with
periods of promise.
Joseph P. Ganim, the boyish mayor who promised to become governor,
brought Bridgeport back from bankruptcy and built a downtown ballpark
in the 1990s, but he couldn't resist stuffing his own pockets with
kickbacks. He is serving nine years in federal prison, a gut-kick still
felt here.
His successor, John Fabrizi, enthusiastically pushed real estate deals
to completion, giving rise to hope that he might continue Ganim's
downtown rebirth. Then he confessed to cocaine use, a failing that
might have been survivable had he not vouched in court for a convicted
sex offender.
Tonight the Democratic town committee is expected to endorse Bill Finch
for mayor, an affable 51-year-old state senator whose challenge is
simultaneously to keep the loyalty of the Democratic machine, which
still reaches deeply into city hall, yet convince voters he can be an
agent for change.
His main rival for the Democratic nomination is 48-year-old Rep.
Christopher L. Caruso, who considered the priesthood, then chose a
career as a political hell-raiser.
Unapologetically caustic in his dealings with the powers that be in
Hartford and at home, Caruso will bypass tonight's meeting and petition
his way to a Democratic primary.
"Let me loose on Bridgeport," Caruso pleaded during the debate last
Thursday, "and I will change this city."
Charles Coviello, 59, an official during the administration of Mayor
John C. Mandanici in the late 1970s, is also seeking the Democratic
nomination.
Keith Rodgerson, 32, a councilman who recently quit the Democratic
Party, is one of two independent candidates who see Finch, Caruso and
Coviello as Democratic retreads. The other independent is a 34-year-old
police officer, Milton Johnson.
"Let's go for a real change, not something that looks like it,"
Rodgerson told the debate audience.
Ganim's brother, Paul, the probate judge, flirted with running for the
Democratic nomination. But he would have to resign as judge - and test
the proposition that Bridgeport was ready for another Mayor Ganim with
the previous one still doing time.
The city's shrinking Republican Party had no candidate at the debate,
but it may yet nominate someone. Rick Torres, the party's 2003 mayoral
candidate, was GOP town chairman until he endorsed Caruso.
Finch and Caruso are expected to dominate the political stage over the
summer as they march toward a primary that falls on a portentous date:
Sept. 11. Ignoring the rest of the field, Finch and Caruso refer to
each other as "my opponent."
Finch portrays Caruso as too petulant to be entrusted with running
Connecticut's largest city. Caruso says Finch is too timid, too
connected with the Democratic establishment to change the city's inbred
political culture.
Half the city's council members and 80 percent of its Democratic town
committee members are either employed by the city or closely related to
city workers, leaving them vulnerable to pressure from the mayor,
Caruso said.
Caruso said he is assembling a challenge slate of candidates that will
not include anyone employed by the city. Finch acknowledges that
dominance of city employees in politics is troublesome.
"It is a problem," Finch said in an interview. "I think what we have to
do is phase ourselves out of that."
Finch said he will continue the progress in economic development begun
by Fabrizi.
"If you want to keep this direction going,
obviously the other guy
that's out there isn't going to keep this direction going," Finch said.
"He is going to look for scapegoats. He's going to look to say that
these deals were all corrupt, which they are not."
Finch was endorsed last week by officials from other municipalities,
including Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy, whom Finch calls "a role
model."
But on the same day he accepted the
endorsements, Finch had to answer
questions about his ex-wife going to court over insurance premiums for
their two adult sons, who are volunteering on his campaign. Finch says
he is current in his obligations.
Finch, also the father of two toddlers with his second wife, has
repeatedly contrasted his life as a husband, father and homeowner with
that of Caruso, a full-time legislator who is unmarried and shares an
apartment with his 83-year-old mother, Teresa.
Caruso, who introduced his mother during the debate as "my best
friend," suggested that Finch was out of bounds suggesting that Caruso
was odd for helping his mother to live independently.
During the debate, all the candidates heeded a call to focus on policy,
not personalities. They were asked their views on affordable housing,
education and employment.
Before the debate, Caruso called Finch a handsome new face on an ugly
political machine.
"He becomes the mask, the mask that covers the misdeeds and the
self-serving interests of the Democratic town committee," Caruso said
in an interview. "He may pretend he is different, but he is not."
Finch, who is friendly with Fabrizi, acknowledged that he agreed to run
only after it was clear Fabrizi was no longer viable.
"I hadn't planned on running. We thought that our mayor, who we
supported, who was doing a good job, was going to be able to overcome
his personal adversity of alcoholism and addiction," Finch said. "He
had gotten treatment, and we really thought that was behind us."
Finch said he quickly agreed to run, viewing a Caruso mayoralty as a
disaster for the city.
"I decided to do it, because there is so much at stake," Finch said. "I
care for the city so deeply."
Finch said he is more temperate than Caruso, but he has been willing to
speak against the establishment. After Ganim was indicted, Finch was
one of the few elected officials to urge his resignation publicly.
"I'm running a sort of inside-out campaign. I'm an insider, but I'm not
always an insider," said Finch, who is employed by the Bridgeport
Regional Business Council.
Caruso has built a record as a reformer at the Capitol, but he also has
freely torched those who disagree with him - or even those who share
his goals, yet follow a different path or move at a slower pace.
"At times, yeah, I can be very tough," Caruso said. "There is no doubt
about that."
At the debate, Finch also appeared mindful of the need to be his own
man: He announced that if elected he would demand the resignation of
every political appointee at city hall.
The promise was rewarded with applause.
Corruption fight keeps feds busy
MICHAEL P. MAYKO mmayko@ctpost.com
Article created: 07/23/2006 04:44:13 AM EDT
BRIDGEPORT — A lawyer representing the developer of a project making
its way through the city's Planning and Zoning Commission offered a
$5,000 bribe in an effort to get it approved, according to the husband
of the board's chairman.
"I was personally insulted," said Andrew Fardy, husband of Patricia
Fardy, who heads the Planning and Zoning
Commission. Andrew Fardy said
the offer was made to him late last year with the intent to influence
his wife. "My wife and I have a reputation as stand-up people who
always gave to the community," Andrew Fardy said. "I took this as a
personal insult."
Andrew Fardy, a retired city fire marshal, said he immediately reported
the incident to Mayor John M. Fabrizi, City Attorney Mark Anastasi and
the FBI. He said nothing like this had ever happened since his
wife has been on the board.
"I did what I had to do," he said. "I don't think anyone has been
arrested. I believe they are actively following it up," he said of the
FBI.
Andrew Fardy declined to tell the Connecticut Post the name of the
accused briber or the project involved. Anastasi would not comment on
Andrew Fardy's statement or whether he has received other reports of
bribe offers.
"It would be inappropriate for me to comment," he said. "The current
administration has made it a priority to report criminal wrongdoing."
The alleged bribe is just one facet of an ongoing FBI investigation
into public corruption here. A FBI Task Force also is looking
into illegal narcotic and steroid use by city employees, according to
federal court documents.
And the FBI is interested in a floating high-stakes card game believed
to be played by city employees, lawyers and developers at various sites
in the city, according to sources with knowledge of the
investigation. While investigators and prosecutors decline to
comment on specifics, they admit that the probe into Bridgeport
corruption is far from over.
"We remain active in our efforts to root out corruption in Bridgeport,"
said U.S. Attorney Kevin J. O'Connor. "I don't want to make any
predictions as to when we'll be done & it's no time soon."
Asked whether wiretaps are being used in the current investigation,
O'Connor said that federal law makes it illegal for him to comment on
those matters.
The most recent report by the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts
claims only nine wiretaps were authorized by federal judges in
Connecticut from Oct. 29, 2004, to July 21, 2005. All of those wiretaps
involved narcotics investigations, according to the report, which is
given to Congress. At least two FBI Special Agents — Christopher Halpin
and Gary Jensen — are working on the Bridgeport probe, according to
O'Connor and FBI Special Agent
Stuart Robinson, who
supervises the white collar and public corruption unit out of the FBI
office in Bridgeport.
Also, FBI Special Agent Russell Day and IRS Special Agent Jeffrey
Miller have been assisting in the investigation.
"That's not the exclusive list," O'Connor said of the FBI and IRS
roles, "but the primary agencies involved."
Jensen and Halpin, who would not comment on the probe, were part of the
team that spent five years investigating corruption in the
administration of former Mayor Joseph P. Ganim. "Both come from a white
collar background," said Robert Marston, a retired FBI agent who headed
the Bridgeport office during the Ganim investigation. "They came
directly here from Quantico" — the FBI's training facility. At the
time, Marston and Michael Wolf, then the head of FBI operations in
Connecticut and the 100 agents assigned here, wanted unrecognizable
agents working the Ganim probe to avoid suspicion.
"So we created a separate crew of agents to work that case — agents
that were unknown to defense lawyers in this area," Marston said.
"These were agents whose absence from court matters would not arouse
suspicions."
Serving as the lead agent on the Ganim probe was Edward Adams Jr., who
was reassigned to Bridgeport from the FBI's Meriden office. Adams
said Jensen and Halpin "know how to work all the angles. If there is
something there, they will find it."
More recently, Halpin and Jensen worked on the investigation and
conviction of former state Sen. Ernest E. Newton II, D-Bridgeport, for
accepting a $5,000 bribe, converting campaign funds to his own use and
filing a false federal tax return.
The two agents also handled the latest disclosed pay-to-play scam in
Bridgeport. That case resulted in the bribery convictions of John
Hancock, the owner of Environmental Engineering Systems, and Frederick
L. Tynes, Bridgeport's manager for the West Side Elementary school
project. Hancock admitted paying Tynes $8,000 to obtain work as a
subcontractor removing asbestos from buildings being demolished to make
way for the school. Tynes pleaded guilty to accepting the bribe.
Tynes and Hancock each face up to 10 years in prison when they are
sentenced in September.
"Obviously, corruption is continuing here," said Marston. "It's often
systemic in cities where one political party dominates."
Marston said a problem in Bridgeport is that so many people sitting on
city boards and commissions are related to city employees. "That can
create a circumstance where the person on the board or commission votes
a certain way to benefit their relative," he said.
Robinson, Marston's successor in supervising white collar and public
corruption cases in Fairfield County, declined to comment any specific
aspects of the probe. He did say the FBI is "absolutely committed to
continuing to investigate viable allegations of corruption in
Bridgeport."
The questions being asked these days by federal agents flow in part
from information obtained during the drug trafficking investigation and
indictments of Juan and Victor Marrero, two Bridgeport businessmen.
Both brothers have talked extensively to federal investigators.
It was Juan Marrero who told federal investigators that one of his
longtime cocaine customers placed an order for cocaine, saying that
Fabrizi was "coming over" and "needed a hit."
After the Connecticut Post disclosed this last month, Fabrizi admitted
using cocaine. He also disclosed he is receiving professional help.
"It certainly was surprising to hear a defendant accuse a sitting mayor
of engaging in narcotics," O'Connor said. "But it just shows that drugs
touch on every segment of society. These cases show most drug users
have jobs and careers." The FBI Safe Streets Task Force, a group of
about 10 law enforcement officers including three Bridgeport police
officers, is handling the investigation into alleged illegal drug use
by some city employees.
Supervisory Assistant U.S. Attorney Alex Hernandez and Assistant U.S.
Attorneys Alina Marquez Reynolds and Felice Duffy have been prosecuting
the cases flowing from the Marrero probe. O'Connor said the Marrero
investigation is still active.
But the questions don't start and end with drugs.
The agents want to know about high-stakes card games believed to be
played in social clubs on Madison Avenue, variety stores on North
Avenue and East Main Street, and a local yacht club. Adams said that
during the early stages of any corruption investigation only one or two
federal agents are assigned.
"What they are doing is digging into records, interviewing people and
developing sources," said Adams, now a private investigator with Mill
River Investigations and Security Group in Fairfield. "The one thing
you don't want to do is publicize the probe or arouse any suspicions."
During the early stages of the Ganim probe, the FBI targeted United
Properties, a Fairfield-based real estate development firm whose plans
to turn the former Dewhurst Dairy into a Stop & Shop were embroiled
in controversy. "We thought about using an undercover agent, but we
quickly decided that no new face was going to be let into the inner
circle and no new contractor in Bridgeport was going to be privy to
what was being discussed," Adams said.
So the FBI went about putting together the necessary evidence that
convinced a federal judge to approve the installation of a bugging
device near the favorite table of Alfred Lenoci Sr., his son, Alfred
Jr., and his half-brother, Michael Schinella, in the former Fairfield
Diner and Vegetarian Enclave.
Those recordings led to more wiretaps and the convictions of the
Lenocis, Schinella, Ganim and nine others. Ganim is serving a nine-year
term based on his convictions on 16 counts, including extortion,
bribery and racketeering.
"Once you have wiretaps up and running, that's when you need the
manpower," said Adams. "We had two shifts of three or four agents six
days a week, sometimes seven."
Once a wiretap is running, agents are responsible for recording
conversations, monitoring them and turning off the equipment if the
discussion does not involve corruption. They also must review the
recorded conversations and document the calls. During the Ganim
probe, Adams said agents kept handwritten logs, prepared summaries to
get extensions beyond 30 days for the wiretaps and store the tapes.
"Back then it was all handwritten," he said. "Today they do it all on
the computer."
At that time of the Ganim probe, the FBI's Bridgeport office was on the
second floor of a small office building on Courtland Street. Passers-by
have a wide-open view of the parking lot fronting John Street.
"We didn't feel it would be advantageous for the investigation if
people could watch who was coming and going from the office,
particularly on the weekends," said Marston, now the manager of
security services at Pratt and Whitney in East Hartford. So an office
in Fairfield was rented.
"That site was particularly advantageous because it was easy for the
agents to jump in their car and conduct surveillance on a meeting they
just heard about on the taps," Marston said. Additionally,
Marston said the FBI's former Bridgeport office contained only 7,000
square feet — making it a difficult place to work a major investigation.
Since then, the FBI has moved its Bridgeport office with nearly two
dozen agents to an 11,000-square-foot facility on Lafayette Boulevard.
They also built a modern, technology-equipped state headquarters in New
Haven.
"Today, they could do any wiretaps out of the New Haven or Bridgeport
offices," said Adams.
Newton probe widens
By BILL CUMMINGS bcummings@ctpost.com
BRIDGEPORT
The
federal investigation into state
Sen. Ernest E. Newton II widened Friday as FBI agents served a subpoena
on a Bridgeport agency with connections to his sister and allegations
surfaced
of potential criminal wrongdoing by the senator.
Among
the developments:
?
Workplace Inc. of Bridgeport was
served with a federal subpoena for documents relating to a training
company
owned by Patricia Newton-Foster, Newton's sister. The subpoena confirms
a federal grand jury is investigating possible criminal wrongdoing by
Newton,
ranked third in power in the Senate, or his sister or both.
?
Sources said the probe appears
to be focusing on allegations that contractors must still "pay to play"
in Bridgeport, as was the case during the administration of former
Mayor
Joseph P. Ganim. Those sources said minority contractors have been
subpoenaed
as agents seek information about how they were hired for building
rehabilitation
jobs in Bridgeport.
?
Six search warrants were executed
Wednesday by the FBI and Internal Revenue Service criminal
investigation
unit.
?
Sources said FBI agents employed
a wiretap in connection with their investigation of Newton.
?
Sources also reported that federal
agents are investigating a vaguely defined job Newton had held with
PSG,
a Rhode Island company that ran the city's sewage treatment plants for
years. Newton worked as a customer service representative.
PSG
played a part in the corruption
case that sent Ganim to jail for nine years. The company was linked to
kickbacks to Ganim, and the current federal investigation into Newton
and
his sister may be a spin-off of that earlier probe.
Newton
denied any wrongdoing and
denied rumors Friday that he was resigning his Senate seat.
"I
have no intention of resigning,"
Newton said. He acknowledged that he hired Bridgeport lawyer Salvatore
C. DePiano.
Newton
said he has not heard anything
from federal agents and has no knowledge of the investigation
apparently
unfolding around him.
"I've
heard a lot of stuff that I
don't know anything about," he said.
Mayor
John M. Fabrizi and Democratic
Town Committee Chairman John Stafstrom met with Newton on Friday.
Fabrizi
said neither he nor Stafstrom called on the senator to resign.
"He
stayed away from anything to
do with the issue or himself. But he did say he will not step down,"
Fabrizi
said, recapping his conversation with Newton.
Meanwhile,
Jo Shute, a spokeswoman
for Workplace Inc., confirmed that her company received a federal
subpoena
Friday seeking documents related to two Bridgeport companies owned by
Newton-Foster.
Both
companies were served with a
federal search warrant earlier this week and documents were removed.
The
subpoena to Workplace Inc. sought
documents related to Danae's Newton-Foster Health Aide Training Center,
which trains health-care workers, and Homemaker Home Health Care, which
places workers in homes, Shute said.
Newton-Foster
owns both. Sources
said there are allegations that Newton benefited financially from his
sister's
companies.
Shute
said the subpoena only sought
documents, not direct testimony.
Shute
said the federal subpoena sought
documents regarding how much the Newton-Foster companies were paid,
communications
between the Newtons and Workplace, applications for funding and a
program
for an award ceremony several years ago.
The
Newton-Foster companies apparently
received an award during that ceremony, Shute said.
Shute
stressed that the FBI assured
officials at Workplace Inc. that the company is not under investigation.
"This
has nothing to do with Workplace.
They are zeroing in on Ernie Newton and his sister," Shute said.
Workplace
channels federal money
to companies such as Danae's Training Center. The federal money first
goes
to the state Department of Labor, then to Workplace, which distributes
funding to firms such as Danae's.
Some
private donations are also in
the mix.
During
the 2003-04 fiscal year, for
example, Workplace paid Newton-Foster $83,650, Shute said.
Shute
said Newton-Foster submits
invoices to Workplace for payment for services such as training a
health-care
worker. Workplace reimburses the company for its expenses.
Asked
whether any money was paid
directly to Newton, Shute said none was.
When
told of allegations that he
may have "pressured" companies to hire certain contractors, Newton said
he has never accepted a kickback.
"I've
never, ever, in my 20 years
of politics done that. I always fought for the underdog. I'm on record
doing that for years," Newton said.
"I
never went to anyone and said,
'If you don't do this, I will do that.'"
In
a related matter, the Connecticut
Post in November reported that bail bondsmen had heavily contributed to
Newton and that the senator opposed a bill they did not favor.
Two
checks written on Newton's personal
checking account, which he provided to the Post to show he returned
some
donations, listed the address of the city's West Side sewer treatment
plant,
where he worked for PSG.
Heading
the investigation are Assistant
U.S. Attorney James J. Finnerty and FBI Special Agents Gary Jensen and
Chris Halpin.
The
agents were part of the team
that investigated Ganim, who was convicted on 16 corruption counts,
including
extortion, bribery and racketeering.
Prosecutor
defends corruption conviction, sentence for Ganim
New London DAY
Oct 2, 9:32 AM EDT
BRIDGEPORT, Conn. (AP) -- Federal prosecutors have filed legal briefs
with a federal appeals court, arguing that former Bridgeport Mayor
Joseph Ganim deserves his corruption conviction and his nine-year
prison term.
An 89-page brief was recently filed with the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of
Appeals by former Assistant U.S. Attorney Ronald Apter and assistant
U.S. attorneys Sandra Glover and William Nardini.
Ganim's appeal team may file a response in the next few weeks. A
three-judge panel will hear the appeal next year.
Ganim's attorneys said that the indictment was required to list and the
jury required to find that Ganim received benefits for specific
criminal acts.
The prosecution claims while law does not require this, they did link
kickbacks Ganim received to official acts.
Ganim was convicted after a 10-week trial in 2003 on 16 federal
corruption charges. He has been serving his sentence at the federal
prison camp in Fort Dix, N.J., since Sept. 16, 2003. His release date
is 2011.
Ganim's attorneys also complained that he should have received a lower
sentence.
In the brief, Apter said Arterton read numerous letters written on
Ganim's behalf citing his energy, vision and charisma that moved
Bridgeport away from "the brink of bankruptcy."
But the judge concluded "what Joseph Ganim did for the good of
Bridgeport really is not to be considered as a factor in the sentencing
of a corruption case because that's what a good mayor does."
Apter further noted that Arterton rejected a request to re-sentence
Ganim earlier this year.
City acts
to retain Ganim's secrets; Bridgeport asks FOIC to overturn cell
ruling
By MARIAN GAIL BROWN (CT POST)
Friday, July 19, 2002 - 7:07:14
AM MST
The administration of Mayor Joseph
P. Ganim Thursday urged the state Freedom of Information Commission to
rescind an order turning over the mayor's cell phone records to the
Connecticut
Post.
In
a 52-page petition for reconsideration,
city Comptroller Michael Lupkas and Chief of Staff Christopher Duby
claimed
the FOIC made "certain errors of fact and law" that should be
"reconsidered
and corrected."
The
Connecticut Post requested the
cellular billing records for Ganim and Finance Director Jerome I. Baron
from Jan. 1, 1997, through June 30, 2001, in July 2001. The city turned
over some of the records in October but crossed out all the numbers
called.
Before handing over the redacted records, city officials gave the Post
conflicting accounts over whether they existed.
Initially,
Lupkas provided an estimate
of copying charges for the billing records, but Deputy Chief of Staff
Gregory
Conte claimed that Ganim did not have a city-paid-for cell phone and
that
the city had no records for the mayor's cellular phones. When the city
finally agreed to turn over the records city officials said they had
less
than a year's worth and all of the billing data, the destinations of
the
calls and account information were blacked out.
Lupkas
told the Post that all of
the redactions to hundreds of pages of the cellular records were
performed
by the mayor's office. In the administration's latest bid to keep
Ganim's cell phone bills confidential for six phones paid for by
taxpayers
- the city is asking the FOI Commission to revoke its July 3 order to
release
unredacted cellular bills to the Post. Thursday was the city's
deadline
to ask the FOIC to reconsider its decision.
The
administration wants the FOIC
to allow it to delete any unlisted or unpublished numbers contained in
the bills. In the petition, City Attorney Mark Anastasi claimed "there
exists the potential that either intentionally or through inadvertence,
the private confidential phone numbers of third parties will be made
available
to the general public" if the Connecticut Post obtained the cellular
records.
Anastasi added that releasing the records of a municipal chief
executive
officer would "unnecessarily and unreasonably interfere with his
capacity
to conduct the public's business and efficiently represent the citizens
of the City of Bridgeport."
As
for civil penalties of $1,000
each the FOI Commission ordered against Lupkas and Duby, Anastasi said
both city officials relied on legal counsel from his department on
withholding
information on the cellular records and the existence of Duby's resume.
Anastasi
asked the FOI Commission
to either revoke their fines or impose them on him instead. In
actuality,
city taxpayers already paid the fines because the checks for both were
drawn on city of Bridgeport bank accounts. Anastasi said Lupkas
told
the Post that the full cellular bills would not be provided because
"legal
research revealed that the persons called may have an expectation of
privacy."
Lawmaker
asks power for recall
By KEN DIXON - Dixon.connpost@snet.net
January 05, 2002
HARTFORD
-- Bridgeport
Mayor Joseph P. Ganim may be innocent of 24 federal felony charges
until
proven guilty, but a veteran city
lawmaker wants to make sure
he can be ousted by the City Council before the end of his
four-year-term.
Rep.
Jacqueline M. Cocco, D-Bridgeport,
asked legislative leaders to bestow recall powers on the City Council.
The new session of the
General Assembly begins Feb.
6.
Cocco
said Friday that if a
conviction comes, the city should be in a position to remove its mayor
and avoid further national embarrassment.
Cocco
said a recall provision
should have been included in the 1998 referendum when city voters
approved
a four-year mayoral term.
On
Friday, she requested that
a key committee approve legislation to create recall powers for local
legislative
bodies in the 10 towns and
cities where chief elected
officials have four-year terms.
The
idea met with mixed reactions
from Speaker of the House Moira K. Lyons, D-Stamford, and Bridgeport
City
Council President John M.
Fabrizi, who would be next
in line if Ganim is ousted.
"You
have to think about the
fact that if you're in the position of having a four-year-term mayor
and
in the first year things happen that adversely
impact that city," Cocco said.
"It seems to me you need the recourse."
The
long-running federal investigation
that netted 10 guilty pleas before Ganim was indicted Oct. 31 on
corruption
charges brought out
shortcomings opponents warned
about during a citywide term referendum back in 1998.
"It
certainly made me think
about what we can do to handle this," said Cocco, an eight-term
representative
who is co-chairwoman of the
Transportation Committee and
a respected voice in the city's nine-member legislative delegation.
She
said she never favored the
four-year mayoral term, but one of the big reasons why it was rejected
twice before finally passing in 1998 --
taking effect with Ganim's
1999 re-election -- was its lack of a recall provision.
Cocco
said that in most communities,
the two-year term means that chief elected officials are more
accountable,
as they are essentially
running for re-election all
the time.
Only
10 municipalities in the
state have four-year terms for mayor or selectman, but most of them are
smaller communities like Ledyard and
Andover. Stamford is the next-largest
city with such a term, followed by Norwich, which adopted the longer
term
this year. Other communities
with four-year terms include
Westport.
"I
think giving the council
recall power is a good alternative," Cocco said. "State government is
usually
bipartisan, but municipal government is
often controlled by only one
party, which leaves you with less opportunity to look deeply into how
things
are done."
A
call to Ganim's office for
comment was not returned Friday.
Ganim
pleaded innocent to the
broad-based corruption and conspiracy charges and a trial is not
expected
until 2003. In the wake of his
indictment, however, Gov. John
G. Rowland called for Ganim's resignation and promised to cut the
Democratic
mayor out of the process in
which the state supports local
development projects. The state has also initiated an unprecedented
review
process for active and future
Bridgeport projects.
Still,
Lyons said she would
have to give Cocco's request a lot of review before deciding whether to
support it.
"Jackie
is one of the best legislators
we have and I know if she brings up an issue like this she has done it
in a thoughtful manner," Lyons said
Friday.
But
Lyons is concerned about
vesting sweeping power in the City Council. "We pride ourselves on the
ability of the voters to elect or reject
who they want and this clearly
would put some of that ability within the power of the legislative body
to reject a sitting mayor," she said.
Fabrizi
agreed, saying that
it would make more sense to set up a system that would allow local
voters
to petition a recall of the chief elected
official.
"I
think the most appropriate
recall would be from the electorate rather than the single body of the
council," Fabrizi said. "They're the folks who
voted that individual into
office in the first place. Politically speaking, I don't think it would
be fair for a small group to have that power."
Ken
Dixon, who covers the
Capitol, can be reached at (860) 549-4670.
Mayor
Ganim should resign
New London DAY editorial
Published on 11/08/2001
Bridgeport
Mayor Joseph P. Ganim is being unrealistic. He thinks he can
continue his duties while fighting a 24-count
federal indictment alleging racketeering, bribery,
extortion, mail fraud and tax evasion.
He
claims he is innocent of any wrongdoing and says the court fight will
bear out his position. He is entitled under the
law to a presumption of innocence unless a trial or
plea bargain results in his conviction. The
fact that a number of his political and government associates
have entered guilty pleas to federal corruption
charges does not alter that presumption of innocence.
But
to suggest that the energy required in fighting a long, laundry list
of corruption charges will not be a damaging
distraction to the effective administration of Bridgeport city
business is sheer nonsense. Such posturing on
the part of Mayor Ganim bears much of the same ego-gone-wild
attitude of Mayor Vincent “Buddy'' Cianci Jr.
of Providence, who also faces a multi-count
federal criminal indictment, and yet insists
that he will persevere as mayor of that city.
Such
attitudes are nothing but arrogance in the extreme. By wallowing in
hubris, the mayors place their political
careers and egos above the good of the people. Their indictments
are sad events, for each politician has
improved the plight of his respective city, but the criminal
charges are reality. And they do intrude on the
ability of the mayors to do their best for their constituents.
For
Mayors Ganim and Cianci to insist that the people still support them
begs the question. The issue at hand concerns
restoring the credibility and integrity of the government
administrations in both their cities, not
whether their stars are still high in the political heavens.
Mayor
Philip A. Giordano of Waterbury reached an accommodation that led
him to resign his post after he was accused of
soliciting sex from two young girls, violating their
civil rights and raping them. His departure
allowed Waterbury to begin to deal with its fundamental problems
of governance in a forthright fashion.
But
so long as Mayors Ganim and Cianci hang around city hall as though
they are above the fray, their cities will
suffer. The damage in both cases is likely to get worse as
their cases go to trial and, by dint of wanting
to save their necks, they are forced to spend virtually every waking
minute on the content of their cases.
Nor
can they delegate their political authority to unelected political
pals.
Mayor
Ganim should resign. He must resign for the good of the city and
the people for whom he claims such affection.
Ganim,
After Arraignment, Says Aides Betrayed Him
November 3, 2001
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
NEW
HAVEN -- It was like any number of public appearances
Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim has made in
the past 10 years. His staff brought a podium, prepared
remarks and a press kit containing a biography, recent
newspaper clippings and his latest approval rating of 57 percent.
But
this one began with the mayor of Connecticut's largest city ducking into a private room and submitting to fingerprints and a mug shot. Then a composed Ganim
re-emerged to plead not guilty to a 24-count corruption
indictment, once before a judge and again on courthouse
steps for the news cameras.
"This
isn't the news conference I imagined having this November,"
Ganim said on the steps, offering a wan smile
to the photographers. "The news conference I expected
to have was to announce my candidacy for governor."
Ten
months ago, Ganim, 42, was a leading contender for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination in 2002. The Democratic state chairman at the time was backing him,
ready to build a campaign around Bridgeport's rebirth
under its youthful mayor. Then news broke of a federal
corruption investigation.
It
led to him posing an unusual poll question last month: How many voters think him guilty of corruption? Sixteen
percent said yes.
On
Wednesday, a federal grand jury in Hartford returned a 56-page indictment. It describes a conspiracy to squeeze
kickbacks and bribes from the mayor's urban renewal
projects, his privatization of the city's sewage
treatment system, his anti-blight program, the
management of city pensions and his saving of a
constituent's land from
being taken for a new courthouse.
It
took maybe 12 minutes for Ganim's arraignment before U.S. District Judge Janet Bond Arterton. She read Ganim,
a lawyer, his rights. Then she instructed a clerk to ask
how the mayor pleaded. To each charge, Ganim clearly
answered, "Not guilty."
His
chief fund-raiser, campaign manager, and former chief
of staff are among nine individuals and one company
to admit their involvement in the scheme and to enter
guilty pleas, beginning four months ago. They are expected to testify against Ganim, describing a mayor who
the government says solicited $425,000 in cash, goods and services in return for city business. A developer says
he got city business, in part, by promising Ganim
$500,000 for a run for governor.
"I
am innocent of these charges," Ganim said outside the courthouse, where photographers jostled for position. "I
have been betrayed by people who I trusted. Let me say
that again, loud and clear. I am innocent of these
charges and I've been betrayed by people I
trusted."
The
mayor then addressed a question posed many times since
Wednesday: How could he be unaware that his closest
aides were shaking down nearly every major
company doing business with his administration?
"That's
a fair question, a question I've asked myself quite a bit in the past four months," Ganim said. "The answer is
simple, yet sickening to admit. Close friends who I
completely trusted betrayed me and the city of
Bridgeport in the cruelest of ways."
Exactly
how this was accomplished without the mayor hearing
of it, he did not say. Instead, Ganim asked if his involvement
made any sense.
"I was running for governor," Ganim
said. "Why would I jeopardize everything?
A
run for governor. Our achievements in the
city of Bridgeport. My reputation. My family.
To be part of an extortion scheme where I didn't even
get one dime of money? It doesn't make sense, because
it's not true."
The
indictment says Ganim received tens of thousands of dollars in cash, services and goods, including appliances, kitchen cabinets and design services for the house he built in Bridgeport's Black Rock neighborhood. It
also says he was to receive even more.
Ronald
S. Apter and Michael R. Sklaire, the assistant U.S. attorneys prosecuting the case, stopped only briefly before
the cameras as they left the courthouse.
"I
am not able to comment on any of the evidence or the nature of the case," said Apter, the lead prosecutor. "I will
tell you that the government intends to do its speaking
in court through the presentation of evidence to
a jury at the appropriate time."
Ganim
said he, too, will have to wait for his day in court to give a fuller response. His lawyer, Richard T. Meehan Jr.,
said it would be improper to do anything else.
"We'll
do that in court - and hope that you'll be there," Ganim told reporters. Then he smiled. He started to
leave, but stopped to answer a few shouted questions.
How
were his kids taking the news? Ganim, a father of three, said,
"My children are doing great, thank God. We've
got a real strong family, as you can see - my
parents, seven brothers and sisters. I'm truly blessed
in many ways."
But
what has he told his kids? Ganim paused, then he smiled and
replied, "I tell them everybody in the press
isn't as mean as they look."
*****
Note: item in bold face and larger type not in original
story
that way.
Editorial...
Mr. Ganim: Get Out Now
November 2, 2001 Editorial
Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim, faced with grand jury
indictments for fraud and racketeering, must have lost
touch with reality.
On Wednesday, he called the 24-count federal grand jury
indictment "baldfaced lies." He said he would stay in office
for the remaining two years of his fifth term and "fight
back."
That
will not do, Mr. Ganim. You have brought shame to Connecticut's largest city and to the entire state. Your day
in court will come. In the meantime, however, spare
Bridgeport further disruption by resigning. There is no
way you can contest the charges in court during
the next two years and at the same time perform
your mayoral duties in an acceptable manner.
But
Mr. Ganim doesn't seem to get it. Neither does the Democratic-dominated city council, whose members say they will stand by their man while he hangs on to power.
In
Waterbury, where jailed Mayor Philip Giordano remains
titular head of the city at half pay while facing federal sex charges and a corruption inquiry, all of the aldermen,
Republicans and Democrats, were deeply embarrassed
and wanted him out of office.
In
Bridgeport, council members are letting their partisan loyalty stand in the way of what's best for the city.
Even
if he's ultimately cleared, how can Mr. Ganim fight the legal battle of his life and still find time to
effectively run the city and maintain the
public's trust over the next two years?
The
Ganim administration is a cesspool of corruption. Already, there have been 10 guilty pleas by individuals and
a business. They have admitted to bribery, conspiracy
and other crimes involving city business.
Several are close associates of Mr. Ganim.
Mr.
Ganim's defiant show of bravado after his sweeping corruption indictment is one for the books. He has done
"nothing wrong," and hasn't "taken a dime as part of any
conspiracy," he claimed. He had nary an inkling of the
misdeeds of his closest associates, he insisted.
If
that's the case, the man whose public relations machine the past decade would have you believe that he alone raised Bridgeport from the dead has been anything but
indispensable. Now he seems to be painting a picture of
himself as a clueless functionary all these years, just
bumbling along in ignorant bliss while his
looting,
deal-making campaign fund-raisers and trusted aides handed out contracts for city business to crooked vendors
in exchange for gifts, cash and campaign contributions.
And
he was in the dark about all this?
"I
know nothing" might have worked for Sgt. Schultz of TV sitcom fame, but it is a much harder sell for Mr.
Ganim. Innocent or guilty, he ought to have the good sense and
common decency to surrender power to someone who
can restore Bridgeport's reputation.
He
certainly can't.
Wine, Gems And Cash: Bridgeport Mayor Reacts
Defiantly To Charges Of Fraud, Racketeering
By MARK PAZNIOKAS
And JANICE D'ARCY, Courant Staff Writers
November 1, 2001
A sweeping corruption indictment
accuses Bridgeport Mayor
Joseph P. Ganim of trading city contracts for cash, diamond earrings, expensive wine,
custom clothes and a
pledge of $500,000 to his
now-abandoned campaign for governor.
In a 24-count indictment returned
Wednesday by a federal grand jury in Hartford, Ganim is accused of hitching his
plans for the city's economic
rebirth to a thirst for high
living and an ambition for higher
political office.
Ganim, 42, the five-term mayor of
Connecticut's largest city and the 1994 Democratic nominee for lieutenant
governor, solicited cash, goods
and services worth at least $425,000, not including the $500,000 for his
campaign, the indictment says.
Gov. John G. Rowland immediately
called on Ganim to resign,
saying the city can ill-afford "to be swept up in the swirl of a mayor fighting serious
corruption charges." But
Ganim struck a defiant tone in a
televised press conference
in Bridgeport, vowing to complete the remaining two years of his term as he
fights the corruption charges.
"Let me be clear," Ganim said. "I am
being falsely accused.
I have done nothing wrong. I have not taken a dime as part of any conspiracy. Nor
have I ever authorized
anyone to take money on my
behalf. And I am confident that, once all the facts come out, this will be clear to
everyone."
Ganim has lived under a cloud since
December, when federal
agents began seizing records from city hall and companies doing business with the
city. Until then, Ganim was a rising star in Democratic politics,
credited as being the architect
of Bridgeport's rebirth, hailed by Newsweek as one of the nation's "25 mayors to
watch," and widely considered a
leading contender for governor in 2002.
Now, the best Ganim can hope for is
proving at trial next year that he was merely ignorant of a massive corruption
scheme carried out by some of his
oldest friends and
closest aides - and not a
participant.
The indictment charges him with
racketeering, conspiracy, bribery, extortion, mail fraud, filing false tax returns and
criminal forfeiture, a list of
charges punishable by a
maximum of 176 years in prison.
He was spared the indignity of arrest.
As is typical in cases
in which the defendant is considered neither a flight risk nor a public danger, Ganim
will be allowed to
voluntarily appear Friday for his arraignment in U.S. District Court in New Haven.
The indictment comes nearly five
months after his chief fund-raiser, Paul J. Pinto, and former campaign manager,
Lennie Grimaldi, pleaded guilty
to racketeering charges.
Each admitted to taking kickbacks
from city contractors on behalf of an unnamed elected official.
Confronted with wiretaps and other
evidence, nine individuals
and one company have pleaded guilty to corruption charges without being
indicted. Ganim is the first to be indicted.
U.S. Attorney John A. Danaher III said
Wednesday that the indictment
and previous guilty pleas were the product of a federal investigation begun in 1996.
He declined to say why
the Ganim administration became the target of a probe by the FBI, Internal Revenue
Service and other federal
agencies.
Michael J. Wolf, the special agent in
charge of the FBI in Connecticut, left no doubt that the initial focus was Harbor
Yard, the sports complex that
rose from a crumbling
industrial site near the
waterfront. He said the investigation was code-named "Hardball," a
reference to the 5,000-seat minor
league ballpark built a few years ago for $19 million. A 10,000-seat, $52 million
hockey arena recently opened next
door.
For 20 months in 1999 and 2000,
federal agents used wiretaps
and other forms of electronic surveillance to gather evidence of corruption, Wolf
said. Late last year, agents caused a stir by removing listening devices from a
Fairfield diner where prominent
developers Alfred Lenoci and his son, Alfred Lenoci Jr., dined. The Lenocis
each pleaded guilty last month to bribery.
They described being named the city's
preferred developer
by promising to pay Pinto $1 for every square foot of space developed. The younger
Lenoci also pledged
to bankroll Ganim's campaign for governor.
The indictment accuses Ganim of
cashing in on the city's privatization of its wastewater treatment system, the
construction of Harbor Yard, the
management of the city's
pension fund, the demolition of
vacant buildings and the development of city-owned land.
The indictment says some of the money
reached Ganim, but
much of it was being held for the mayor.
It accuses the mayor of forcing one
developer, Alex Conroy,
to cede control of Steel Point, a waterfront development site, to the Lenocis.
Conroy's lawyer, William
Sweeney, said the developer is
preparing a civil suit for damages.
Among the indictment's claims:
In May 1996, Ganim told Pinto he
favored Professional Services Group, known as PSG, for the wastewater
contract. But there was a hitch:
United Properties, owned
by his friends the Lenocis, was
allied with another bidder, U.S. Water.
With Pinto and Grimaldi, Ganim
concocted a kickback scheme intended to benefit the mayor, his two aides and
the Lenocis.
As a result, PSG agreed to pay
Grimaldi $70,000 a year for five years - a deal in which money flowed to Grimaldi,
Pinto and a Lenoci company,
United Environmental
Remediation.
Between May 1997 and May 1999, PSG
paid $311,000 to Grimaldi.
He gave Pinto $194,000. Pinto gave United $54,250.
At Ganim's direction, Grimaldi
negotiated a sweeter deal with PSG in April 1999: In return for an 18-year contract
extension with the city, PSG was
to pay another $695,000 - $495,000 of which PSG had to pay within 10 days of
getting the new contract.
PSG made the payment on June 4, 1999.
Grimaldi passed
along $313,000 to Pinto, "with the understanding and intent that one half was intended
for, and belonged to, the defendant, Joseph P. Ganim."
Grimaldi and Pinto, who each ran
consulting businesses, hid bribes and kickbacks as fees, the indictment says.
Pinto also was a vice president
of Kasper Group, which
was awarded no-bid contracts to
design the ballpark and arena at Harbor Yard.
Although Ganim was accused of
receiving many illegal gifts, including extensive work on the house he built two
years ago in the city's posh
Black Rock neighborhood, the
indictment alleges that Pinto was
still holding money intended
for the mayor. Ganim made clear, in a dramatic press conference
called an hour
after the indictment was unsealed, that he and his lawyer, Richard T. Meehan Jr., will
portray Pinto and others as crooks who got caught and now are trying to win
leniency by implicating a
prominent politician.
"I have sadly learned that people who
were close to me used
that relationship for their own personal gain, and in so doing betrayed me and betrayed the
city of Bridgeport.
Now those same people, who have
admitted to criminal conduct, are now engaged in lies and falsehoods about
me to save their own skin."
He was cheered by family and
supporters, as though announcing another campaign. He was elected to
two-year terms four times. His
popularity drove a charter
change extending mayoral terms to
four years, beginning in 1999.
Ganim spoke slowly, his voice growing
louder with every word.
With a jutting lower lip and a steady gaze, Ganim projected a resolute image. WTNH,
Channel 8, interrupted
a soap opera to carry part of the
press conference.
Ganim twice held aloft the 56-page
indictment, calling it "bald-faced lies." He mentioned a poll he commissioned,
finding he enjoys a high approval
rating.
"I consider this my first day to stand
before you and fight back - something I haven't been able to do in the last 10
months," Ganim said. Again, he
was cheered.
City council President John Fabrizi
said the all-Democratic council was "very supportive" of the mayor and was
unlikely to back Rowland's call
for the mayor's resignation.
Bridgeport Mayor Indicted
By MARK PAZNIOKAS And JANICE D'ARCY, The Hartford Courant
3:54 PM EST,October 31, 2001
An indictment returned today by a federal grand juryaccuses Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim of participating in a racketeering conspiracy to squeeze bribes and kickbacks from the city's economic
renaissance.
Ganim, 42, a five-term mayor of Connecticut's largest
city
who was preparing to seek the Democratic gubernatorial
nomination in 2002, conspired with key aides and
supporters to solicit cash and gifts from companies doing business with his administration, the indictment says.
A 24-count indictment returned by a grand jury in
Hartford
charges Ganim with racketeering, extortion, bribery, mail
fraud and tax fraud. He is accused of soliciting more than
$425,000 in benefits, including cash. Ganim will be
served with a summons ordering him to appear in court
Friday.
Ganim
held a press conference Wednesday afternoon where
he appeared with his wife, parents, siblings and dozens
of city employees and supporters, to denounce the
allegations.
"I
consider this my first day to stand here before you and fight back -- something I haven't been able to do in the last
10 months," Ganim said. During the half-hour
appearance, he waved the 56-page indictment and
called its contents "bald-faced lies."
Ganim
said he will not resign from his $106,591-a-year job
while he fights the charges. The mayor has two years remaining on
a four-year term. He was elected to
two-year terms in 1991, 1993, 1995 and 1997. In
1999, after a charter change, Gamin was elected
to his first four-year term. With Ganim's indictment, the mayors
of two of Connecticut's five largest cities are
under federal indictment. Waterbury Mayor
Phillip A. Giordano has been jailed since July
26 on child sex charges.
The
Ganim indictment comes nearly five months after his chief fundraiser, Paul J. Pinto, and former campaign manager, Lennie Grimaldi, pleaded guilty to racketeering
charges. Each admitted to taking kickbacks from city
contractors on behalf of an unnamed elected
official. Confronted with wiretaps and other other evidence,
nine
individuals and one company have pleaded guilty to corruption charges without being indicted. Ganim is the
first to be indicted as a result of the federal
investigation.
Today,
Ganim spoke of Bridgeport's progress under his administration,
and again denied any wrongdoing. "I've done
nothing to harm that progress or profit from it," he
said. Ganim was elected at age 32 in 1991 when Bridgeport was a national symbol of urban decay. His predecessor,
Republican Mary Moran, had the city file for
bankruptcy. Its bonds were worthless. Helped by
a state bailout, Ganim led a financial recovery.
Before
his victory, Bridgeport had the political stability of a Third World nation, with five different mayors in 12 years.
But Ganim proved to be a savvy booster for Bridgeport -
and for himself. He convinced the state to invest
in Bridgeport development projects, such as the
much-praised minor-league Ballpark at Harbor
Yard. It rose from the
rubble of an old industrial site, a triumph the city
boasted of on a television advertising campaign
that prominently featured Ganim.
He
was rewarded with the Democratic nomination for Lieutenant
governor in 1994 and was named by Newsweek
magazine in 1996 as one of the “25 Mayors to Watch.”
Ganim
was laying the groundwork late last year for a 2002 gubernatorial campaign when federal agents began seizing records from city hall, as well as some of the
companies involved in the city's development boom. His
lawyer, Richard T. Meehan Jr., said the mayor will be
able to function as the city's chief executive.
“This cloud had
been hanging over him for 10 months,” Meehan said.
John
Fabrizi, president of the City Council, called it "a very sad day for the city of Bridgeport and many of us feel sad
for his wife and children." He said he spoke with the
mayor this morning and the mayor maintained his innocence. Fabrizi said the all-Democratic council has
been supportive of the mayor and that even if council members wanted to remove Ganim from office, the city charter does not allow it.
Ganim's
office released a poll Tuesday showing that he still
enjoys high approval ratings, despite the federal corruption investigation.
“There
has been a groundswell of support for Joe Ganim, at
least among the people that count in Bridgeport, the voters,” Meehan said. Ganim's wife, Jennifer, gave birth in
June to their third child.
Think
about this - Boss Tweed to dead people voting in Chicago - Connecticut
mentioned in the same breath as icons of big time corruption!
Democrats' 'Machine' In Bridgeport
Gets Scrutiny
Most town
committee members work for city
By Associated Press
Published on 10/2/2006
Bridgeport (AP) — Democrats in the state's largest city are so powerful
and enmeshed in the local government that they are drawing comparisons
to past political machines in Chicago and New York, the Connecticut
Post reported Sunday.
More than two-thirds of the members of the Democratic Town Committee
serve in Bridgeport's government or draw paychecks from City Hall, and
others have a relative who does, according to the newspaper.
Seventy-one of the committee's 89 members, or 80 percent, work for the
city, have relatives who work for the city, collect city pensions, are
former city employees, hold elected positions or serve on city boards
or commissions.
“What you are describing is a political machine: an urban party that is
good at mobilizing the vote and has broad support due to favoritism,
preferential contracts and patronage,” said Gary Rose, a political
science professor at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield. “It sounds
like something from the 1890s or 1920s.”
The city has a recent history of corruption, although it is difficult
to say whether the city's political system has played a role, the
newspaper reported.
Former Democratic Mayor Joseph Ganim was convicted of corruption in
2003 and sent to prison for nine years. And former state Sen. Ernest
Newton, another Bridgeport Democrat, is serving a five-year term for
taking a $5,000 bribe and other crimes.
The Democratic Town Committee has been criticized recently for not
sharply rebuking Democratic Mayor John Fabrizi after he admitted in
June that he had used cocaine while in office. Fabrizi said his drug
use never affected his work. He said he has not used drugs in nearly
two years and has passed voluntary drug tests.
Some members of the city's political scene say the committee's power is
being exaggerated. They say the panel's only function is to nominate
candidates for office and its members serve in elected positions
because they care about their city.
Others believe the committee's power reaches into all levels of
government.
In an example from several years ago, Democratic Board of Education
member Nereyda Robles was the swing vote on whether to extend the
contract of then-School Superintendent Sonia Diaz Salcedo.
During a contentious debate, Robles suddenly changed her mind and voted
against extending the contract. She acknowledged that she was pressured
to reverse her position by her brother-in-law, Mitch Robles, a member
of the Democratic Town Committee, the Post reported. She did not say
how he pressured her.
State Rep. Christopher Caruso, D-Bridgeport, believes that the city's
political system has played a major role in its history of corruption.
“This is precisely the reason we have the corruption that we do,” said
Caruso, a potential candidate for mayor next year. “Elected officials
are not held accountable and the taxpayers get ripped off. With
two-thirds of the committee members controlled by a city paycheck, that
is how Bridgeport operates. You can't serve your constituency and your
boss.”
Other Democrats reject such criticism.
Democratic Town Committee Chairman John Stafstrom said many committee
members consider their service on boards and commissions as giving back
to the community.
“It's a big commitment in time,” he said. “It's reflective of the
Democrats in their neighborhoods. If not, people in those neighborhoods
would change that.”
Garage's
business took upward spiral after owner became council member
BILL CUMMINGS
CT POST
Article Launched: 10/02/2006 04:43:00 AM EDT
BRIDGEPORT — An auto repair business owned by a city councilwoman and
her husband has received more than $133,000 worth of no-bid work from
the city since 2001.
The work awarded to Guy's Automotive Specialties and Body Shop on North
Avenue, owned in part by Council member AmyMarie Vizzo-Paniccia, D-134,
appears to skirt purchasing regulations enacted in 2003 to eliminate
no-bid jobs. Vizzo-Paniccia defended the work, saying neither she nor
her husband, Guy, did anything improper to gain repair business from
the city. She said the North Avenue garage has been in business 25
years and doing city work since the early 1990s. "This has nothing to
do with me being on the City Council. There is no favoritism,"
Vizzo-Paniccia said.
City records show Guy's Automotive was paid $133,367 between the
2001-02 fiscal year and the present for repairs to vehicles owned by
the city and the Board of Education.
Records indicate that the value of work Guy's Automotive received
steadily increased after Vizzo-Paniccia was elected to the council in
2003.
Mayor John M. Fabrizi said he was unaware that auto work was not being
bid, and said he would direct staff to develop a bidding system.
"I will require the chief administrative officer to address the issue
of auto bids since it has now been brought to my attention. Obviously,
purchasing needs to come up with a system," Fabrizi said.
Fabrizi denied favoritism was directed to the Paniccias. "This has been
long-standing and historical, and pre-dates me," he said of the family
gaining city work.
Bernd Tardy, the city's purchasing agent, acknowledged work sent to
Guy's was not bid, and that auto repairs in general have not been bid
for years.
Tardy said before enactment of a new purchasing ordinance in 2003, auto
work was bid out by unit price or purchase agreement. Under that
system, garages submitted quotes or rates for certain types of work,
and city officials used those lists to select a firm based on lowest
price and availability.
The 2003 purchasing ordinance, enacted in the wake of the corruption
that sent former Mayor Joseph P. Ganim to jail for nine years, ended
such lists, Tardy said.
During the Ganim years, so-called "on call" lists were abused, and were
often used as a way to avoid seeking bids for large jobs or any form of
scrutiny. Ganim used such a list to avoid bids and hand over $2 million
worth of work to a company that renovated the City Hall Annex on Broad
Street for city offices.
Tardy said there is confusion over whether the new purchasing ordinance
applied to auto work because such work usually falls below the $7,500
threshold over which bids are mandatory. He said his staff is looking
at how to bid out auto work, and recently advertised for prices for oil
changes and car washes.
The city council, while approving the overall purchasing ordinance, has
no direct role in how it's implemented. None of the work sent to Guy's
Automotive required a vote by the council.
City Council member Robert Walsh, D-132, a main sponsor of the 2003
purchasing regulation, said the intent of the ordinance was to ensure
all work is bid.
"The rule of thumb is, everything applies unless it is singled out in
the ordinance. This should be the rule. If we are going to have an
ordinance, we have to live by it," Walsh said. Walsh said the
mayor knows the Paniccias, and that his 2003 mayoral campaign rented a
building the Paniccia family owns at the corner of Main Street and
North Avenue, next to the garage.
City Council member Tom McCarthy, D-133, said that technically the
ordinance does not require individual repair jobs be bid because most
would not reach the $7,500 threshold. But McCarthy said that does
not mean the work should not be bid.
"I'm not sure the purchasing ordinance says you have to, but it seems
like it would be a good business practice to do it. Maybe through a
pricing list or something like that," said McCarthy, who supported the
purchasing ordinance and was chairman of the council's Ordinance
Committee when it was passed.
McCarthy defended the Paniccia family, saying city employees who order
auto repairs are probably just using the garage they are used to
working with.
"It's our job to do the purchasing rules. You can't blame the outside
business. There is probably a comfort level with them. There should be
an alternative way of doing this and some controls. The regulations
provide a guide, it's up to the city to fill in the blanks," said
McCarthy, who is a labor relations officer for the city.
Guy Paniccia said it's impossible to bid auto work, pointing out that
mechanics often don't know what problems they will encounter as they
begin a job. Still, he said that all garages charge an hourly rate,
regardless of what they find as a job unfolds.
City records indicate work sent to Guy's Automotive increased after
Vizzo-Paniccia was elected to the council in 2003.
For example, Guy's Automotive, during the 2002 fiscal year, was paid
$18,702 for work. By the 2005-06 fiscal year, the amount had risen to
$36,636. During the 2003 fiscal year, the garage was paid $24,858;
$21,212 in 2004; and $28,492 in 2005. Other garages also received work,
although those of a similar scale to Guy's received less, city records
show.
Between 2001 and the present, Anthony's Auto Body was paid $86,718;
City Line Auto Body was paid $80,343; and Tarino Auto Body was paid
$35,735.
The large dealerships received far more. Miller Buick/Ford was paid
$306,095. City officials could not say with certainty whether that
amount included vehicle purchases.
AmyMarie Vizzo-Paniccia denied her tenure on the council has anything
to do with the level of work Guy's received. "That's not what this
place is all about," Guy Paniccia said. "Work is sent here based on our
ability to do it and to turn a job around quickly. I can't speak to why
it comes," Guy Paniccia said.
The Power
Brokers: Bridgeport Democratic Town Committee wields power
BILL CUMMINGS bcummings@ctpost.com
Article Launched: 10/01/2006 04:43:00 AM EDT
BRIDGEPORT — The state's largest city and its dominant political party
are so intertwined that experts liken them to the legendary machines
that once ruled Chicago and New York.An analysis of the city's
Democratic Town Committee membership reveals that more than two-thirds
serve in city government or draw a paycheck from City Hall, and even
more have a relative who does.
Of the committee's 89 members, 71, or 80 percent, either work for the
city, have relatives who work for the city, collect city pensions, are
former city employees, hold elected positions, or serve on influential
boards or commissions.
Such fluidity between city government and the Democratic Party leads
some to conclude Bridgeport is a textbook example of a political
machine, a system built on favoritism and patronage, acting as a job
bank, so to speak, with the sole purpose of spreading benefits to a
small group of insiders.
"What you are describing is a political machine: an urban party that is
good at mobilizing the vote and has broad support due to favoritism,
preferential contracts and patronage," said Gary Rose, a political
science professor at Scared Heart University in Fairfield. "It sounds
like something from the 1890s or 1920s."
It's hard to say whether the city's recent history of corruption —
which led to the conviction of a sitting mayor in 2003 — is an
outgrowth of its intertwined political system. But at the very least it
creates a culture well suited for corruption.
"What's wrong with it is it interferes with fairness and neutrality and
results in people looking the other way when there are corruption
scandals and probes," Rose said.
Recently, the committee was criticized for failing to sharply rebuke
Democratic Mayor John Fabrizi after his June admission he'd used
cocaine while in office. A few called for disbanding the committee
altogether.
Some insiders say tales of the town committee's power are exaggerated.
Its only official function is to nominate candidates for office, they
say, and its members are elected volunteers who care about their city.
Others believe the committee's power is pervasive, reaching into all
levels of government, existing only to perpetuate itself.
Decades of Democratic control of Bridgeport have provided good reason
for questions and concerns.
Take the case of Nereyda Robles, a Democratic member of the Board of
Education. Several years ago she was the swing vote as the board
considered whether to extend the contract of former schools Supt. Sonia
Diaz Salcedo.
In the midst of a rough-and-tumble debate, Robles suddenly changed her
mind and voted to dump Salcedo. She publicly acknowledged that she
reversed her position after her brother in-law, Mitch Robles, the 131st
District leader on the town committee, pressured her. She did not
explain how he exerted such pressure.
Still, it was a rare admission by a Democrat. And while it's a small
example, it's instructive about how politics works in the state's
largest city.
The Machine:
State Rep. Christopher Caruso, a Democrat and likely candidate for
mayor next year, minced no words about his belief that the city's
political system is at root of its longstanding problems with
corruption.
"This is precisely the reason we have the corruption that we do," he
said. "Elected officials are not held accountable and the taxpayers get
ripped off. With two-thirds of the committee members controlled by a
city paycheck, that is how Bridgeport operates. You can't serve your
constituency and your boss."
Other Democratic Party leaders scoff at such criticism.
John Stafstrom, the committee's chairman, said some members serve as
volunteers on city boards and commissions "to give something back."
"It's a big commitment in time," he said. "It's reflective of the
Democrats in their neighborhoods. If not, people in those neighborhoods
would change that."
Stafstrom said any Democrat can petition to place a slate of committee
members before voters, and pointed out there are often competing slates
in the city's 10 districts.
"There have been years when seven or eight districts had primaries," he
said. "It's a process that's open to everyone."
Some of these internecine battles have wound up in court, with one side
accusing the other of submitting illegal petitions, over unpaid seats
on a committee that Stafstrom insists has no real power.
Stafstrom himself is a controversial figure in city politics. His law
firm, Pullman & Comley, is the city's long-time bond counsel.
Between 2003 and 2006, the firm was paid more than $1.9 million, city
records show.
For decades, the city did not bid out the bond counsel job. After
Fabrizi took office, and the Connecticut Post raised the issue, bond
counsel was put out to bid. Few were surprised that Pullman &
Comley prevailed.
Who's connected to whom:
The DTC has nine seats for each of its 10 districts. However, one 138th
District seat remains unfilled after the May arrest of Shawn Fardy,
allegedly Fabrizi's former drug connection.
An analysis of who's who on the committee found that of 89 serving
members, 28 members, or 31 percent, directly work for the city. The
analysis also found that:
? 10 members are former or retired city employees;
? 16 have relatives who work for the city;
? 17 serve on the City Council or Board of Education;
? 11 serve on a board or commission, or hold another elected position,
such as state senator or state representative;
? 10 fall into a catch-all category because, for example, they served
as paid poll workers during elections, or have a business partner who
works for the city.
Some members fall into several categories at once.
Voter turnout in Bridgeport usually mirrors the rest of the state,
ranging from a low of 20 percent in primaries to 40 percent of the
city's 58,000 registered voters.
The August Democratic primary drew 28 percent of eligible city voters.
There are no restrictions in the city's charter or ethics rules that
specifically prevent town committee members from working for the city,
or serving on boards and commissions, including the City Council. State
law also does not contain any restrictions.
The city's ethics code, which applies to officials and employees,
states that public office "must not be used for personal gain."
Total control:
Bridgeport Democrats don't merely control all branches of city
government, they dominate them. Fabrizi is a Democrat, as was the
previous mayor, Joseph P. Ganim. The last Republican mayor, Mary Moran,
served only one term, elected in 1989 and losing to Ganim in 1991.
Other Republicans, Leonard Paoletta (1981-85), for example, have held
the mayor's office in modern times, but they tend to be the exception.
Jasper McLevy, a socialist, served 12 terms as mayor from 1933 to 1957.
Democrats today control the school board, although
minority-representation rules mandate that a certain number of seats go
to minority-party candidates, whether they win their races or not.
The 20-member City Council includes 19 Democrats and one Republican;
like the DTC, many of its members rely on city government for their
livelihood.
Of the 19 Democratic council people, seven work for the city, two have
wives who work for the city and one is a state judicial marshal whose
sister-in-law works for the city.
"Wow," exclaimed Mark Trojanowski, a 136th District DTC member, when
told how intertwined his party is in government.
Trojanowski's sister, Ann, works in a city drug-treatment program. He
said his sister obtained her job long before he was elected to the
committee.
"I don't think this is too good. But it does tell the story of
Bridgeport," he said. "People who work for the city have an interest in
seeing the whole city. The danger is when you have groups overlapping.
I would come down on the side that this is a very slippery slope. You
have to have strong, understanding and honest people when these types
of relationships are going on," Trojanowski said.
Testacrats:
For more than a decade, the DTC was run by Mario Testa, a legendary
figure in Bridgeport politics. All agree that Democrats were never so
united, and some say controlled, as during Testa's tenure. Even the
term "Testacrats" was coined as a tribute to, or complaint about, the
party leader.
Like the party bosses of old, Testa ran the Democrats from a small
restaurant on Madison Avenue. Politicians, town committee members,
contractors, developers and just about anyone else interested in power
or jobs in Bridgeport, went to Testo's Restaurant. A review of
Fabrizi's cell-phone records over recent years shows dozens of calls to
Testa, even though he no longer has any official power. Fabrizi
describes Testa as a friend and freely admits he seeks his advice.
Testa was unequaled in his ability to strong-arm and cajole council
members, school-board members and others into rallying behind the
position of the party, or former mayor Ganim. Testa would tell anyone
who would listen it was his "dream" to see Ganim elected governor.
Ganim instead is serving a nine-year federal prison sentence for
corruption. Although no one disputes that Testa was the organizing
power behind the throne, he was never implicated in any of Gamin's
crimes.
The end of Testa's reign came as Fabrizi ran for mayor in 2003, in the
wake of Ganim's conviction and resignation. Republican challenger Rick
Torres tried to make Testa and the DTC the main issue, accusing the
chairman and the party of standing for everything wrong with
Bridgeport. Testa's answer was to step aside, which defused the issue,
and Fabrizi won the election.
Examples of direct influence by the DTC on city policies are difficult
to find. But there is anecdotal evidence.
City Council member Robert Walsh, a town committee member and veteran
councilman, believes he was fired from a city job in the mid-1990s
because he crossed Ganim, and by extension, Testa and the DTC.
Walsh was working as a finance manager for the school-based health
center when he objected to Ganim's plan to give a multi-million dollar
contract to PSG to run the city's sewage-treatment plant.
Walsh said he was warned to keep his concerns to himself. Those
warnings, he said, were always conveyed through third parties, but it
was understood they came from the DTC.
Walsh made his stand as the council voted to hire a consultant to look
into Ganim's plans. Ganim vetoed the consultant, and soon after Walsh
was out of a job.
"I could not prove it to a degree that would satisfy a court, but I
believe I lost my job when I spoke out," Walsh said.
The PSG deal later became a centerpiece in the government's case
against Ganim. U.S. prosecutors showed how Ganim divided kickbacks PSG
paid to receive the contract with two other co-conspirators.
The system can also work in committee members' favor.
More recently, City Council member Richard Paoletta, a DTC member in
the 138th District, faced the loss of his city job when another
position was eliminated.
Under union bumping rules, the person holding the eliminated job
received Paoletta's job. Paoletta also had bumping rights, so he was
entitled for another position. However, the job in question was
federally funded and, under the Hatch Act, he could not serve both on
an elected body and work at a federally funded job.
Paoletta could have resigned from his council seat, but he did not,
provoking complaints from the unions. After months of controversy and
hearings, he landed a new job in housing-code enforcement — a position
that was not federally funded.
Some have seen the town committee's mark in the recent controversy over
the Black Rock Art Center. This summer the mayor decided to seek
proposals for the building, which meant the current tenant, the
International Performing Arts Center, would likely be out on the street.
Many believe, but cannot prove, that Dan Roach, a 130th District leader
for the DTC and a police commission member, persuaded, or forced,
Fabrizi to move against the art center. The story goes that during a
meeting with Fabrizi after the mayor came clean about using cocaine
while in office, the politically weak mayor agreed to seek other uses
for the building.
Roach said he and Fabrizi discussed the art center around the time the
mayor admitted his cocaine use and was meeting with DTC leaders to
shore up support. However, Roach said Fabrizi asked him what he thought
about finding other uses for the building, not the other way around.
"One had nothing to do with the other. There are a lot of stories
running around," Roach said of the rumors.
Roach has long been interested in the arts center, considering he owns
the Black Rock General Market across Fairfield Avenue from the
building, and in the past has expressed interest in opening a
restaurant in the city. Roach became a leader in the movement against
the art center.
Roach's sister, Mary Kleps, along with her husband, John, mounted a
letter-writing campaign in support of the city taking back the arts
center. Some of the letters were published in the Connecticut Post. The
effort ultimately failed when Fabrizi backed down following a vote by
the council to oppose his plan. It was a rare defeat, considering
Fabrizi is a Democrat and the council is dominated by Democrats.
And fines levied against a Democrat for improper conduct during an
election do not appear to hinder a political career. An example is
Warren Blunt, a councilman, city employee and a 135th District leader,
has been fined twice by the State Elections Enforcement Commission for
actions during past local elections.
In 2004, Blunt was fined $600 for allowing the daughter of a man with
physical disabilities to sign a nominating petition for the man. The
signature violated requirements that Blunt witness each person's
signature.
In 2001, Blunt was fined $2,500 for illegal handling of absentee
ballots. He was also barred from seeking a town committee seat for two
years, but that suspension was later lifted.
In 2005, Blunt, having already returned to the DTC, was named to a
council seat vacated by Edwin Gomes, who won the state senate seat
vacated when former Sen. Ernest Newton resigned. Newton was later
convicted for corruption and sent to jail for five years.
'They protect their own'
Torres, the Republican who ran against Fabrizi, accused Democrats of
abusing their monopoly on power.
"The game is rigged before you get to the ballot," he said. "The
endorsement by the town committee is so powerful it's almost a done
deal. & They protect their own. The big bucks come in the
contracts. It's insidious, but also very powerful," Torres said.
Fabrizi dismissed such talk as nonsense.
"I ask, where is the quid pro quo? There is no political machine here.
There have been no allegations or issues of wrongdoing on the part of
the town committee. Anyone can run. The neighborhoods work together to
elect members," he said.
The mayor is a product of the system. For years, he was a teacher in
the city school system and later became an administrator for adult
education. He served on the town committee and was elected to the City
Council in the 1990s, rising to council president.
After Ganim resigned in 2003 Fabrizi, who was serving as city council
president, became mayor. Later that year, Fabrizi won a party primary
to become the Democratic candidate for mayor, prevailing in a tight
primary battle with Caruso. He won the general election, defeating
Republican Rick Torres.
The mayor acknowledged he has asked "a couple" of town committee
members to serve on boards or commissions, and said there is nothing
wrong with that.
"These people are willing to get involved. That's the Democratic
process. It's the same everywhere," Fabrizi said.
Caruso, who is likely to challenge Fabrizi next year for the Democratic
mayoral nomination, claims the power a mayor wields is directly related
to his ability to produce jobs and contracts.
Caruso pointed to Fabrizi's drug-use admission as an example of how
politics and personal interests intersect here. He said no DTC members
called for the mayor's resignation over his past drug use, or his
highly publicized deceptions prior to admitting his problem.
"There is no interest at all by those in power to change it. That's why
there is no call for this man to resign. They didn't do it with Ganim
either," Caruso said.
Even after Ganim was convicted in March 2003, the town committee
remained silent on whether he should resign.
"They select the elected officials. They campaign for these people.
Their reward is their paycheck or position on a board. The punishment
for being independent is a primary," Caruso said.
In response, Fabrizi said Caruso "will say anything to sit in the
mayor's seat. Unfortunately, he does not have the tools, that
administrative ability."
Shadow government?
Donna Curran, the lone Republican on the City Council, believes the DTC
is an extension of city government. She has called for disbanding the
town committee, a notion that drew laughs from Democratic circles.
There is no law or ethics rule that would enable anyone to disband a
legally elected town committee.
Still, Curran said her point was worth making. "I would not want the
Republican Town Committee to be like this," she said. "This is 1940s
ward politics, a club — a club with a lot of clout. It's not the
Democratic Party. It's something else that's deeper and more perverse
than we realize."
Curran noted that the Fabrizi administration recently allowed Ruben
Felipe, a mayoral aide, to take an unpaid leave of absence to work on
U.S. Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman's reelection campaign. At the same time,
a town committee member, Richard Cruz, was hired to fill the vacancy on
a temporary basis.
"There is no boundary between city government, the town committee and
the administration," Curran said.
Rose, the Sacred Heart professor, said he's endorsed the idea of
patronage as a useful tool in politics, as an incentive for political
activity, "but not to the point that it consumes operations."
"You have to have some of it. But this is unusual, to say 80 percent of
these people are beneficiaries of politics. It explains a lot about
Bridgeport," Rose said.