







No one will emerge from The Blumenthal Misstatement with his or her dignity intact, or at least with what once resembled dignity. Both politicians and journalists are neck-deep in the big muddy with this one, but for one group, journalists, the damage will persist. Here's the scorecard:
Connecticut Attorney General Richard Blumenthal never fired so much as a memo in anger during the Vietnam era but he on occasion claimed, without specificity, that he served in that Southeast Asian hellhole. Ironically, the originator of The Blumenthal Misstatement has already installed miles of P.R. booms and will successfully deflect the oily stuff from washing on the shores of his campaign. All the same, the venerable Blumenthal is no longer as venerated as he was a week ago.
The Senate campaign of Linda McMahon saw something and said something to the New York Times about The Blumenthal Misstatement in expectation of earning Times Square T-shirt vendor-level appreciation for its heroics. McMahon for Senate Campaign staff even talked trash about how they led the Times by the nose to the story, only to moonwalk away from such bravado when pilloried for the unforgivable sin of playing gotcha politics during an election year.
And then there are the journalists. Things have gone terribly awry when the subject of the reporting blames journalists not for posting stories that are false but for perpetuating a fiction of his own making, whether unintentionally created or not. Even BP executives may get poll numbers higher than journalists this month.
The news organization that broke the story, the New York Times, appeared to be seeking to boost its stock price by outsourcing investigative reporting to political campaign operatives. With constant staff cuts and orders to report news in the ephemeral style of Twitter and Facebook, who can blame journalists for mailing this one in? Stenography isn't everything; it's the only thing when there is tweeting to be done.
Where will the muck stick the longest? As noted earlier, Blumenthal has magically become both the Jacob and the Smoke Monster of The Blumenthal Misstatement, something Lost writers never thought possible in their fantasy island of a television program that, unlike Blumenthal's career, will end on Sunday.
McMahon has yet to win the Republican nomination, so for her, this was a classic win-win, Goldman Sachs-style derivatives play for the campaign. If McMahon wins the nomination, then she has potentially damaged a potential opponent in the general election. If she loses, who cares? It's back to World Wrestling Entertainment, which given the present political environment would be a return to a saner world.
So who is the biggest loser in this race to the bottom? Alas, poor journalists. The Blumenthal Misstatement reveals nothing new. Politicians and journalists literally and figuratively ride on the same bus, and they treat information and access as commodities such as pork bellies. It's stuff to trade.
Yet at a moment when journalism needs a Woodward and Bernstein libretto to show that it can survive because it must survive for Democracy to at the least muddle through, we get a political story that was missed in the first instance and was misplayed after that.
The Connecticut press corps did not notice Blumenthal's occasional inconsistencies with his own record as it raced to reproduce news releases trumpeting victories over Big Tobacco and MySpace, among many others, on behalf of Connecticut citizens. To be sure, the dispersed locations of the remark, generally offered during rubber-chicken-and-cold-peas talks around a state with one hundred and sixty nine towns covered less and less by statewide media, made it difficult to detect moments when Blumenthal strayed from his record. Still, the media needed to be as aggressive with Blumenthal as they ordinarily are when covering other elected officials.
The New York Times responded to criticism about its exclusive by stating that it pursued independent reporting for the story. Yet it strains belief that The Blumenthal Misstatement had its origins in anything but a methodical attempt by a campaign organization to push a news organization toward pursuing a story damaging to a political rival. Even in the age when political operatives routinely post information about opponents on theirs and other political Web sites, there is nothing like the New York Times to give a story at least the veneer of credibility among non-believers, or the independent voters who decide elections.
There's nothing new with reporters fielding tips from political parties. It happens all the time, but for the most part, the tips are treated for what they are: propaganda and subsequently dismissed. What's troubling about The Blumenthal Misstatement isn't that the New York Times published information that clearly emerged first in opposition research. It's the implication that in this period of constrained news resources, future investigative reporting will depend on the kindness of the strange people who work in the shadows of politics, the kind of people who were once the target of the very journalistic practices they now promote.
Richard Hanley is a journalism professor at Quinnipiac
University.
Silvester
Testifies Against Ex-Senate
Majority Leader; Rowland's former treasurer asserts at SEC trial
an
illicit payment made to his friend
DAY
By Associated Press
Published on 5/13/2007
New Haven (AP) — Former state Treasurer Paul Silvester testified
Friday
that he arranged for an equity company to pay a large finder's fee to
his longtime friend, former state Senate Majority Leader Bill DiBella.
The $374,500 commission was built into a $75 million dollar
state
pension fund investment that Silvester signed with Thayer Capital
Partners in 1998. It was done to reward DiBella for his work on
another, unrelated deal, Silvester testified.
Silvester, a Republican who served two years in federal prison
for
accepting bribes in exchange for investing pension funds, was a
government witness in its civil case against DiBella, a leading
Democrat. The Securities and Exchange Commission is seeking to have
DiBella forfeit the $374,500 commission. He does not face any criminal
charges.
Silvester, who has known DiBella since childhood, said he wanted
his
friend to be paid after another firm, Paine Webber, failed to give
DiBella any money for arranging a meeting that led to a separate
pension fund investment.
“He went to a lot of trouble introducing the state to a great
group of
people and he didn't get compensated for it,” Silvester testified.
Silvester said that after he decided invest $75 million in a
private
equity fund run by Republican financier Frederic Malek, he asked Malek
to hire DiBella as a consultant and pay him the $374,500 commission.
Earlier in the trial, Malek testified that he could not recall
DiBella
doing anything to earn the money. Silvester denied that DiBella
played
a role in other questionable pension deals.
“Mr. DiBella had no knowledge of any of this,” Silvester
testified. “Mr. DiBella would never participate in such a scheme.”
The SEC alleges that politics was behind Silvester's decision to
create a sham commission for DiBella.
Silvester has testified on other occasions that DiBella
implicitly
supported his campaign for treasurer by not supporting Democrat Denise
Nappier, who unseated Silvester in 1998. Evidence has been
presented
by the SEC showing that Silvester arranged the DiBella commission after
losing the election for treasurer.
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