



We
thank the Hartford Courant for the info...the numbers will not be up
forever, so if you want to keep them, copy what you need now!
CONNECTICUT CAMPAIGNS 2006:
- Governor/Lt.Governor:
63.23% for Governor Rell, 35.42
for Mayor DeStefano;
- U.S. Senate race page (town by town)
49.77% for Senator Lieberman, 39.62% for Ned Lamont;
- 4th District Congressional
race (50.87% Shays, 47.7% Farrell -
news here)...
- Legislature (CT Senate and House)
In this election, swing voters make comeback
By Linda Feldmann | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Nov. 12, 2006
WASHINGTON – Ever since the contested election of 2000, when the
presidential race resulted in a near tie, pundits have pointed to the
polarized, 50-50 nature of American politics. Now, with a
chastened President Bush talking the language of common ground and
Democrats owing their takeover of the House and the Senate to political
independents, the center is back.
The GOP strategy of the past several elections - of mobilizing its most
committed voters at the expense of appealing to swing voters in the
middle - is fading fast.
It may be a fleeting moment, and it does not spell the end of
polarization. According to national exit poll data, more than 90
percent of self-identified Republicans and Democrats voted for
candidates of their own party for the House, as they did in 2004. But
among independents, who represent about a quarter of the electorate,
there was a decided tilt toward Democrats on Tuesday: 57 percent voted
Democratic, and 39 percent voted Republican. In the 2004 House race,
the independent tilt toward Democrats was 50 to 46...
Perhaps most interesting in Tuesday's shakeout vote are the Republicans
in swing or Democratic-leaning districts who managed to hang on this
cycle, such as Rep. Chris Shays of Connecticut.
"I can only assume [he won] because of hard work, big spending, and an
image of real independence," says Democratic pollster Mark Mellman.
Mr. Shays had been one of Bush's strongest supporters in the House on
Iraq war policy, until late in the campaign. Shays might have been
helped more by his independence from the White House on other issues,
such as campaign finance and ethics.
Expert: Big cities failed for Farrell
SUSAN
SILVERS ssilvers@ctpost.com
Article Launched:11/09/2006 07:01:52 AM EST
With near-final returns in Tuesday's 4th Congressional District showing
a widening lead for incumbent Republican Christopher Shays, Democrat
Diane G. Farrell conceded defeat Wednesday.Farrell, the former Westport
first selectwoman making
a second bid to win the seat Shays has held since 1987, called the
Bridgeport Republican and congratulated him on his victory about noon
Wednesday, said Michael Sohn, Shays' campaign manager. Even
though Farrell did not admit defeat Tuesday night after the polls
closed, Shays did claim victory, staying well into the early morning
hours Wednesday at the Norwalk Inn to thank supporters...Farrell, who
said Tuesday that she would not
concede until every vote
was counted, did not meet with reporters to concede but issued only a
brief statement.
...(Sacred Heart University politics Professor Gary L. Rose
quoted) Bridgeport, a Democratic bastion, "really
didn't come through" with the
large numbers Farrell needed to offset affluent Republican enclaves, he
said. For example, while Farrell won 70 percent of the Bridgeport
vote in 2004, she took 66 of the city's vote this time. Only about 40
percent of registered voters cast ballots in Bridgeport.
The lower turnout — and weaker showings in Norwalk and Stamford
as well
— apparently deprived Farrell of the margin she needed to overtake
Shays in the suburbs, where he runs stronger — although not quite as
strongly as he did two years ago. For example, in 2004 Farrell needed
absentee ballots to win her
hometown of Westport, where she took 51 percent of the vote and just
302 votes separated her from Shays. This time, she won Westport
with 53 percent and a margin of 731 votes. Farrell also beat Shays in
Weston.
But Sohn said Shays' overall lead would have been even wider if
negative anti-Farrell ads mailed to voters by the National Republican
Congressional Committee hadn't turned off some potential Shays
supporters. He also said that unlike U.S. Rep. Nancy Johnson,
R-5, Shays refused to
go negative himself and that the 4th District GOP has a much stronger
get-out-the-vote strategy. "You can't pin one factor on this win," said
Sohn...
In Fourth District, it's a tale of cities vs. suburbs
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio, Staff Writer
Published November 9 2006
In the weeks leading up to Tuesday's election, everything seemed to be
going Diane Farrell's way.
Money was pouring in from state and national Democrats, the mounting
violence in Iraq highlighted her central issue, polls placed her in a
dead heat, and a gaffe by her opponent calling torture at Abu Ghraib a
"sex ring" helped land her the endorsement of The New York Times.
But when the dust settled yesterday, Farrell was forced to concede as
it became clear her second attempt to unseat 19-year incumbent U.S.
Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Bridgeport, came only 1 percentage point
closer than 2004. Despite her campaign's ability to get media attention
with Democratic stars, including Hillary Rodham Clinton and James
Carville, it failed to get voters to the polls, particularly in the
district's larger cities.
Farrell's loss contrasted the overwhelming victory by Democratic
challenger Chris Murphy over U.S. Rep. Nancy Johnson, R-New Britain, in
the state's 5th Congressional District, and Democrat Joe Courtney's
slight edge over U.S. Rep. Rob Simmons in the 2nd District - a race
that is headed for an automatic recount.
"Going in to this election, I thought this race was very clear," state
Democratic Party Chairwoman Nancy DiNardo said of the Farrell-Shays
race. "Diane Farrell was a phenomenal candidate who did a great job
campaigning and worked tirelessly. I am disappointed she didn't win."
Farrell raised more than $2.7 million and received a late $1 million
advertising push from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee,
but her 51 percent to 48 percent loss to Shays, could be chalked up to
lackluster voter turnout by her Democratic base, especially in Norwalk
and Bridgeport.
Fewer voters in the state's largest city, Bridgeport, cast ballots than
the smaller suburban towns of Fairfield and Greenwich. Farrell captured
66 percent of the vote in Bridgeport, compared with 32 percent for
Shays. But only 20,145 people voted in the city, compared with 22,002
in the considerably smaller Fairfield and 21,044 in Greenwich - two
towns that went for Shays.
During the presidential election in 2004, when Shays and Farrell faced
off the first time, 33,706 people voted in Bridgeport, compared with
28,196 in Fairfield and 28,815 in Greenwich. Farrell won Bridgeport 70
percent to 30 percent two years ago. She also lost traction in Norwalk.
In 2004, Farrell won Norwalk with 54 percent of the vote, compared with
49 percent this year.
John Stafstrom, chairman of Bridgeport's Democratic Town Committee said
getting Democrats to vote in the inner-cities is a problem nationwide.
"A lot of people wonder if the election is fair and if their vote
really counts," Stafstrom said.
Some poll workers in Bridgeport called in sick Tuesday, which led to
long lines and a shortage of equipment at polling stations, Stafstrom
said.
"That depresses voter turnout," he said.
Fairfield is known for having stellar voter turnout and has received
recognition from the secretary of the state's office, Democratic First
Selectman Ken Flatto said.
The town was treated as a major battleground for the candidates, Flatto
added.
"Both campaigns saw Fairfield as a key area," he said. "Shays was here
twice in the last three days, and Farrell was here on Friday."
After calling for every vote to be counted Tuesday night, the Farrell
camp officially conceded the race to Shays yesterday.
"While the outcome is not what I or my many supporters had hoped for,
in the end, the majority spoke and we accept the message," Farrell said
in a statement. "I want to thank all my supporters, volunteers and
campaign staff for their extraordinary effort. And I want to thank the
voters of the 4th Congressional District."
Farrell's campaign declined additional comment.
Michael Sohn, Shays' campaign manager, said he had "the best campaign
staff he ever worked with this year." He said volunteers worked to
mobilize the GOP base and reach out to independent voters.
The manner in which the two candidates ran their respective campaigns
may also have been a factor, Sohn said.
"We ran a positive campaign, while I don't think (Farrell) realized her
partisanship energized our base like never before," Sohn said.
State Democrats criticized the national Republicans for sending
anti-Farrell mailers and automated calls in the district, but Shays
himself never ran a negative ad against the Democrat.
"People react unfavorably to so much negativity," said Ken Dautrich, a
professor of public policy at the University of Connecticut. "Shays
didn't play by the Republican handbook while Simmons and Johnson seemed
to have been punished for doing that. Being a partisan does not help in
Connecticut."
And despite the effect the Iraq war had on congressional races around
the country, it didn't have the same impact on Shays, said Gary Rose,
chairman of the department of government and politics at Sacred Heart
University in Fairfield.
"There is a lot of irony that this election was a referendum on the war
and the one congressman the most associated with the war, survives,"
Rose said.
Shays may have saved himself when he changed his position on the war in
August and said the country should consider timelines for troop
withdrawal.
"Voters said he was evolving," Rose said.
One Farrell supporter said Shays' victory was about more than just the
war.
"If the numbers hold, it should be considered quite a personal victory
as opposed to an endorsement of (Shays') position on the war," former
Norwalk Mayor Alex Knopp said on Election Night. "He created a very
enduring political persona of an independent elected official and was
able to withstand the opposition of most of his district on the war.
It's a real testament to his personal success."
SO WHAT IS THE FUTURE OF
POLITICS?
Connecticut's
economy surely to be a topic of debate in 2006...
- GREEN
PARTY news...
- The
Mustang is back!
(For those who may not remember, there is a Governor Rell tie in - the
original Mustang convertible she offered for a birthday gift to then
Governor Rowland was rejected because it would have needed too much
work).
- LAMONT LEARNING CURVE
DEPARTMENT: why some think Democrat Primary in
CT was unique.
- Millionaire's
Tax back on the table? (Fairfield County vs. CT; i.e.
class warfare) What's
the story in Eastern CT?
- TAXES: has Connecticut thought about this subject? Are we
ready to revise the dependence on locally collected property tax?



ABOVE, FROM
LEFT TO RIGHT, THE POLITICAL LANDSCAPE IN CONNECTICUT:
- "Remember the accusation Derek made about you lending
Dan's
campaign money without filing the proper papers?" Exchange
between Democrats John DeStefano and Mary Glassman, at left;
- Governor Rell seems to greet her new
Lt. Governor-to-be Mike Fedele as if she will not miss Kevin Sullivan
at all!
- Speaking of Lt. Governors, the present holder of that
office, Kevin Sullivan, can be seen perhaps surrendering to the "end
game" strategy of big pols...or is he waving his hands to say "hey,
remember me?"
Rell, DeStefano face off in final
debate
DAY
By SUSAN HAIGH, AP Political Write
Oct 18, 9:43 PM EDT
WEST HARTFORD, Conn. (AP) -- A more forceful debater than she was a
week ago, Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell touted her record Wednesday on
job creation, higher education, taxes and transportation.
Meanwhile, her Democratic opponent, New Haven Mayor John DeStefano,
stepped up his criticism, claiming Rell has not done enough to help
middle class families and hasn't been a strong enough leader since
taking office 2 1/2 years ago.
The hour-long, televised matchup, held at WVIT-TV's studios, marked the
second and final debate between the two candidates. With Election
Day less than three weeks away, both candidates tried to seal their
images with the voters.
DeStefano, who trails Rell in recent polls by double digits, looked
into the camera and told the viewers, "I know how hard it is for you,"
pledging to freeze property taxes for seniors, make college more
affordable for families, reduce energy costs, and provide universal
health care.
Rell vowed to guard the state's money as if it were her family's budget
and not tear down others to build herself up. She said she'll work to
lead with dignity and not let petty politics get in the way.
"If you're anything like me, you're tired of turning on the TV and
seeing the politics of personal destruction," Rell said.
Rell has proven to be very popular with Connecticut voters since taking
over as governor in July 2004 after her three-time running mate, former
Gov. John G. Rowland, resigned amid a corruption scandal. Rowland later
served 10 months in a federal prison camp.
Rell has capitalized on her popularity as a homespun leader, most
recently running a campaign ad that features her new grandson Tyler.
But DeStefano bluntly said that being nice shouldn't be enough for
voters.
"Goodness and decency isn't solving your problems right now in the
lives of your families," DeStefano said. "Being nice isn't lowering
your property taxes."
DeStefano used his first debate with Rell last week as a springboard
for his latest political ad, which chastises the governor for not
coming up with a mistake she had made while in office. Rell jokingly
acknowledged Wednesday that her response to that debate question was
likely her biggest misstep.
DeStefano tried to step up the pressure Wednesday night. He repeated
his criticism of Rell's decision not to fire her chief of staff, M.
Lisa Moody, a longtime friend who distributed tickets to a Rell
campaign fundraiser from her state Capitol office to some state
commissioners. Those commissioners were later fined for handing out the
tickets to subordinates.
"A personal relationship interfered at a time when we should have been
putting all of that behind us," DeStefano said.
Rell said Moody broke her personal policy. She said a two-week
suspension without pay was therefore warranted.
"It would obviously be totally different if the law were broken," she
said. "What (Moody) did was wrong and I took corrective action,
immediately."
DeStefano also criticized Rell's handling of transportation matters,
claiming the state bought rail cars that are the wrong size to make it
to Grand Central Station in New York.
"It is a consistent pattern of behavior," he said. "The governor needs
to pay attention to what her commissioners are doing."
Rell's supporters said the rail cars were purchased for the Shoreline
East line, which does not go into Grand Central. Rather, it meets up
with the Metro North line.
House Minority Leader Robert Ward, R-North Branford, said he believes
DeStefano's strong critique of Rell showed a man who is behind in the
polls and desperate.
"The governor's strength is never debating, it's solving problems. But
in this case she was also a first class debater," he said. "So she won
the debate if it was a college debate, but what's really important is
spoke to the needs of the people in a way that she understands and they
understand.
"Jodi Rell was Jodi Rell today and that's why she's going to be Gov.
Rell again," Ward continued.
The governor quickly left the studios after the debate, stopping
briefly to answer a reporter's question on how she thought she fared.
"Fine," Rell said as she headed to her waiting car.
DeStefano, after the debate, said he believes he's gaining ground on
Rell. A recent University of Connecticut/Hartford Courant poll showed
that Rell had lost some support after last week's debate. But those
voters said they were now undecided, rather than backing DeStefano.
"I think there's clearly a direction and I think there's a distinction
you see in issue after issue," he said.
DeStefano and Rell were the only two candidates at the debate. Neither
Green Party candidate Cliff Thornton nor Joe Zdonczyk, gubernatorial
candidate for the Concerned Citizens Party, were invited to participate.
Thornton, however, made his voice heard. He drained his small campaign
coffers to buy 30 seconds of time before the debate.
League Women Voters
out because they wanted Green Party included. Quoting from
Co-President of LWVCT:
"...Jara Burnett, co-president of the League of Women Voters
of Connecticut, said the League established criteria for including
candidates in debates last May. Candidates must submit evidence they
are mounting a vigorous campaign, have volunteers, have written
position papers on issues and are receiving broad voter support and
broad financial support.
The Green Party gathered 13,000 signatures to petition its
way on the November ballot. The Concerned Citizens party did not meet
the League's criteria, Burnett said.
'Things being what they are, I think that our partners looked
at it somewhat differently — their interpretation of broad financial
support,' Burnett said. 'We've agreed to disagree basically. We are
sorry that it happened that way, but I think we all must follow
whatever criteria we have established.'
Burnett said she is concerned about a trend toward candidates
arranging debates.
'It seems to me, when all is
said and done, if you are doing a debate, the person organizing the
debate, as long as the criteria are fairly applied, needs to have the
final say,' she said."
Not so
fast...
The Day, Channel 8 To Sponsor First Debate Of 2006 Gubernatorial Race
DAY
Published on 9/29/2006
New London — The Day and the League
of Women Voters of Connecticut (see above part of wire service article)
will
co-sponsor the first gubernatorial debate of the 2006 election at the
Garde Arts Center in New London.
WTNH-News Channel 8, The Day's television partner, will broadcast the
debate live at 8 p.m. Monday, Oct. 9.
Representatives of Gov. M. Jodi Rell and Mayor John DeStefano of New
Haven, the Republican and Democratic candidates, respectively, reached
agreement on two televised debates Thursday. The other debate will take
place at 7 p.m. Oct. 18 and will be sponsored by WVIT-Channel 30 in
West Hartford.
A panel of editors and reporters will ask questions of Rell and
DeStefano in the one-hour debate in New London. The panel will comprise
Morgan McGinley, editorial page editor of The Day, political reporter
Ted Mann of The Day and Capitol correspondent Mark Davis of WTNH.
The Day will make available free tickets to the debate as soon as they
are printed. Details on the availability of tickets will be reported in
The Day and on theday.com, its Web site.
Rell,
DeStefano agree to debates
By:Keith M. Phaneuf, Journal Inquirer
09/22/2006
...Rell's decision also left Green Party candidate Clifford Thornton of
Manchester and Concerned Citizens Party member Joseph Zdonczyk of
Wolcott uncertain as to whether they would get to participate in any
forums.
The Republican governor originally said she only wanted two debates and
that they must feature all four candidates, But DeStefano's campaign
criticized her this week, accusing the governor of trying to avoid a
direct comparison with her major-party competition.
The DeStefano camp said it remains willing to participate in as many
group debates as Rell is willing to, but wanted at least two match-ups
featuring only the Republican and Democratic nominees.
Rell campaign spokesman Rich Harris said Friday that the governor never
had ruled out any head-to-head debates with DeStefano. Rather, he said,
"she felt strongly that the minor party candidates deserved a role" in
these forums.
Rell's campaign also issued a brief written statement.
The governor did say, "Unfortunately, we were not able to come to
agreement on allowing the participation of third-party candidates. But
I'm sure there will be ample opportunity for voters to hear from all of
the candidates at the various events and public meetings on the
campaign trail."
The statement adds that details of the televised debates are being
finalized.
"The DeStefano campaign is pleased Governor Rell has reconsidered and
decided to debate John DeStefano one on one," campaign spokesman Derek
Slap said.
"Ultimately, it's voters who win, because they will have the
opportunity to contrast John DeStefano's vision for helping
Connecticut's families with Governor Rell's record of failure."
The two sides also agreed upon one head-to-head debate between the
major-party candidates for lieutenant governor: Democrat Mary A.
Glassman, former Simsbury first selectwoman, and Republican Michael
Fedele, a former state representative from Stamford.
Thornton said Friday that he has felt pessimistic from the start about
his chances of getting to debate Rell and DeStefano.
"Even though they've talked about the democratic process, they would
not even allow us at the table in these negotiations," he said. "They
have violated the democratic process."
Zdonczyk said it's ironic that American soldiers are dying in a war
reportedly being fought to bring democracy to Iraq, "and then here in
this country we find people that are saying, in effect, that democracy
is not that important. What we see here is exclusionary politics being
practiced by politicians who are allegedly trying to get the support of
the entire populace."
Election Day '06 and you choose, not newspapers
Norwalk HOUR editorial
November 5, 2006
Here we are with Election Day coming up Tuesday, a day on which we will
choose the person to lead our state — the executive branch and the
General Assembly — as well as our delegation in the U.S. House of
Representatives and one U.S. senator.
As we approached this election, The Hour has made every effort to bring
the candidates and their views to the reading public. We have run
biographical backgrounds about them, have contrasted their views on the
issues they feel are important. We have covered extensively the debates
as they unfolded during the campaign. Our coverage of this campaign was
more extensive than any in recent years.
We have not endorsed any candidates, and some readers wonder why. We at
The Hour feel, as the primary voice of the community, our role to
provide you with the best possible information available, to allow you,
the voter, to make a well-thought-out, reasoned choice.
It's not a question of party labels, but the candidate you think will
best serve your interest and the interests of the state and nation.
Your vote should go to the person best suited to carry out your hopes
and wishes.
There's another aspect to our position concerning endorsements.
Newspapers do not elect candidates — at least, they shouldn't — voters
do. Certainly if a candidate fails to get an endorsement from this or
that newspaper, he or she may feel that their chances (rightly or
wrongly) of getting fair coverage of their campaign are compromised.
Make no doubt about it; we have made our best effort to keep an even
hand in our coverage to better serve you, the reader.
This paper proudly proclaims itself as the voice of the community for
135 years, and we have done that as an independent voice, not answering
to some disconnected chain corporate headquarters halfway across the
country.
Decision are made here by individuals who don't wait for 'direction"
from some distant boardroom.
Today, we stand as the only independently-owned daily newspaper in the
county and one of only six left in the state of Connecticut who can
claim that independence.
No newspaper is perfect, whether it's owned by a giant chain or is an
independent. We are an organization run by dedicated individuals, and
we can make mistakes, which, we add, we try to amend expeditiously.
We won't tell you who to vote for on Tuesday, but we hope we have
provided you with the information you need to carry out your duty as a
voter. Polls open at 6 a.m. and close at 8 p.m. Don't dismiss your vote
as "not important" — every vote is important, no matter which candidate
you choose.
We hope this Election Day will reverse the trend of lower and lower
turnouts each year, an embarrassment for the world's longest-standing
democracy.
Lieberman apparent pick of independents
Waterbury Re[ublican-American
BY PAUL HUGHES
Thursday, November 2, 2006
Independent voters, the kingmakers of Connecticut politics, are
apparently sticking with U.S. Sen. Joe Lieberman.
Much is made of the Democratic senator's support among Republicans, but
Lieberman's success or failure as an independent candidate also depends
on unaffiliated voters.
Independents are the largest group of voters in Connecticut, and voter
polls suggest that a majority of them favor Lieberman.
But Scott McLean, a professor of political science at Quinnipiac
University, cautions that support may not be rock solid.
"The funny thing about independents is they switch back and forth ...
It is just hard to predict what independents will do," said McLean.
There are twice as many unaffiliated voters as registered Republicans
in Connecticut, and they outnumber Democrats by the tens of thousands.
Because of their numbers, election analysts said independents can sway
elections.
Unaffiliated voters favored Lieberman before he lost the Democratic
nomination to Greenwich businessman Ned Lamont in an Aug. 8 primary.
The senator is now running as a petition candidate.
Ken Dautrich, a professor of public policy at the University of
Connecticut, said the primary defeat boosted Lieberman's standing with
independent voters.
"Independents like candidates to be independent of political party," he
said. "I think Lieberman is independent of party. He was tossed out by
the party. He can truly claim he is an independent."
Dautrich said a lot of what Lieberman is saying also appeals to
independent voters.
He condemns partisanship in Washington, highlights his independent
streak and his work with Republicans, and promises to put the public
interest ahead of politics and party loyalty.
"I will feel empowered if I can get elected running as an independent
to go down there and carry this message that the people are fed up with
the partisanship, that they want us to work across party lines to get
something done," Lieberman said.
Lamont is also trying to appeal to independents, but a majority still
seem to prefer Lieberman.
Independents split 51 percent for Lieberman to 34 percent for Lamont in
a new poll from Quinnipiac University that was released Wednesday.
However, Lieberman lost 6 percentage points among independents from an
Oct. 20 poll, and Lamont gained 4 percentage points.
Tom D'Amore, a senior Lamont adviser, said the movement among
independents is "a very good sign" for Lamont.
The war in Iraq is the signature issue of the U.S. Senate election.
Approximately 14,000 independents registered as Democrats in order to
vote in the Aug. 8 primary. Gary Rose, a political science professor
from Sacred Heart University, contends an overwhelming majority did so
because they opposed the war.
Nearly two-thirds of independent voters agreed with Lamont that the
decision to go to war in Iraq was a mistake, according to a Quinnipiac
poll from Sept. 28.
Yet, a majority of unaffiliated voters still consistently side with the
pro-war Lieberman. Dautrich and McLean said this must be frustrating
for the Lamont campaign.
Independents are not only the largest group of voters in Connecticut,
but they are the fastest growing group of voters.
Through Tuesday, 53,477 new voters had registered since the Aug. 8
primary. Of that number, 26,192 didn't sign up with a political party,
or nearly 49 percent.
Rose said this is part of a trend of declining party affiliation.
"There was a time when party affiliation was a meal ticket. Those days
are gone," Rose said.
Polls differ on size of Rell's lead
By Keith M. Phaneuf, Journal Inquirer
09/30/2006
If a new poll this week from Quinnipiac University is correct,
Democratic gubernatorial challenger John DeStefano Jr. would have to
make a comeback of historic proportions to catch Republican Gov. M.
Jodi Rell.
But a new poll from Zogby International effectively questions whether
the whopping 33 percentage-point lead Quinnipiac reported is inflated.
Zogby, a Utica, N.Y.-based polling firm that reports on a variety of
races and issues nationwide through its Internet site, said Thursday
that Rell leads DeStefano 51 percent to 35 percent. That 16-point
margin is about half the 63 percent to 30 percent differential
Quinnipiac reported.
But that's not the only difference between the two polls. Quinnipiac
surveyed 1,181 voters and its poll has a 2.9 percent margin of error.
Zogby, whose poll is co-sponsored by The Wall Street Journal, relies on
a considerably smaller sample - 550 people - and as a result has a 4.2
percent error margin.
Zogby also draws answers from a pool of individuals who have
volunteered to participate in its public-opinion polls. Quinnipiac does
use a series of screening questions to determine if voters are "likely"
to cast ballots on Election Day, and its most recent polls have
reflected only answers from likely voters. But Quinnipiac doesn't use a
group of preselected participants.
Rell campaign spokesman Rich Harris said Friday that "we certainly
expect the race to narrow" from a 33-point advantage. "We've said that
all along. But we also think the Zogby poll methodology is suspect. Any
self-selected poll is simply not scientific."
This isn't the first time Zogby and Quinnipiac have been far apart. On
Aug. 17, Quinnipiac reported Rell leading by 32 points. Zogby's last
poll, issued Sept. 11, had the governor ahead by 19 points.
Even if the Zogby poll paints a more accurate picture, DeStefano still
would be trailing by double digits with less than six weeks before
Election Day.
The latest poll "indicates that John DeStefano is gaining significant
ground on Governor Rell, despite her early advantage in TV
advertising," DeStefano campaign spokesman Derek Slap said. "Frankly,
the Wall Street Journal-Zogby poll is much closer to where our internal
polling has us than the Quinnipiac poll. It is further proof that
people realize it's too expensive to live in Connecticut and DeStefano
offers real change."
Rell, who formally launched her bid for her first full term in October
2005, has held wide leads over all of her rivals in all polls, even
before her campaign began.
Quinnipiac reported this year that Rell's job-performance approval
rating had cleared 80 percent, setting a record for its polling service.
DeStefano, who began his campaign for governor more than two years ago,
narrowly won the Democratic gubernatorial nomination after an
exhausting primary battle with Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy.
Cheat sheet to Connecticut politics 101
course
CT POST "Capitol view"
By Ken Dixon
Article created: 09/05/2006 09:08:00 AM EDT
Our story up until now. If you're a normal person, as opposed to a
political reporter, you've possibly enjoyed the summer of 2006. You
haven't had to traipse all over the state legitimizing the future
careers of pols by transcribing shallow promises, narrow visions and
pie-in-the-sky goals. Now, school's back in session, the sun's setting
earlier and earlier and the low-level buzzes in the back of your mind
are the siren calls of Ned, Joe, John and, to some, extent, Jodi.
So here's a little Labor Day cheat sheet on who's left in Connecticut's
major races. NED LAMONT
Greenwich multi-millionaire whose actual name is Edward and whose
public- policy experiences consists of minority representation on his
town's Board of Selectmen and volunteer work teaching entrepreneurship
to high-schoolers in Bridgeport.
Like the super wealthy everywhere, it's hard for Lamont, the Democratic
primary winner over three-term incumbent U.S. Sen. Joe Lieberman, to
pin down what he's really worth. You know what that's like, right?
It's somewhere between $90 million and $300 million, he's been saying
since May, minus the $4 million he sunk into the August 8 primary.
Lamont's rap includes the claim that he "started" his own telecom
business. But the Lamont family wealth goes back to his great
grandfather, Tom Lamont, who was a right-hand man for J. Pierpont
Morgan, the robber baron who died in 1913, and his son Jack Morgan.
Tom Lamont was known for perfecting the art of the holding company,
keeping corporate assets out of public scrutiny. He also headed a
syndicate that purchased land around Stonehenge, the pre-historic site
on England's Salisbury plain, then turned around and donated the land
back to that country. For more information, dive into the index of the
National Book Award-winning "The House of Morgan by Ron Chernow,
published by Touchstone in 1990.
Ned Lamont won the primary in stunning fashion by focusing on the war
in Iraq. That worked out in the primary, but with a weak Republican
Senate candidate in Alan Schlesinger, the former Derby mayor and state
representative, Lamont's trying to expand his message in the weeks
heading to Nov. 7. U.S. SEN. JOE LIEBERMAN
You've heard of the recruiting slogan "An Army of One?" Consider
Lieberman a party of one. Lieberman, like a dwarf planet in an long,
elliptical orbit around the sun, had gotten into the habit of
reappearing in Connecticut every six years to wave at the crowd, then
head back to Washington.
We've seen more of Lieberman since May than the entire 18 years he's
been representing Connecticut in the Senate. Now he's desperate to win
the November election and supposedly return to the bosom of the
Democratic Party.
But Lamont's primary victory has put many high-profile Democrats in the
uncomfortable position of having to support Lamont as the primary
winner and keeping Lieberman at an arm's length, until the senator's
presumed re-election in November.
Of the best-known state Democrats, only Speaker of the House Jim Amann
of Milford has come out front for Lieberman, who, in the spirit of
former-Gov. Lowell "Big Guy" Weicker, has created his own political
party for this fall occasion: "Connecticut for Lieberman."
Voters not among the projected 4 percent who say they'll vote for
Schlesinger, will have to decide for themselves which is the lesser of
two evils: a multi-millionaire with no track record and a limited
agenda, or a long-in-the-tooth incumbent who never saw a campaign check
from an international corporation — except apparently from Wal-Mart —
that he didn't cash. MAYOR JOHN DESTEFANO
Crawling out from the successful but financially devastating primary
victory over Stamford Mayor Dan Malloy, who narrowly won the Democratic
State Convention, DeStefano needs to raise another $3 million to tackle
Rell.
After spending $4 million in the primary, DeStefano says he's ready to
go back to his contributors — they're not donors because political
campaigns are not charities — to do what it takes. He's in the process
of rethinking the type of media campaign to direct toward Rell, but
it's unlikely to get too aggressive because that kind of gloves-off
stuff doesn't play well with voters when the target's a grandmother.
But during a news event in Bridgeport's Columbus School last week,
DeStefano showed that party workers have burrowed deeply into Rell's
record, hauling out a 1992 vote when, as a member of the state House,
she voted against Head Start legislation. GOV. M. JODI RELL.
Rell rose from lieutenant governor in July 2004 as a breath of unfouled
air in the midst of the corruption investigations that landed John G.
Rowland, her disgraced former three-time running mate, in prison.
Rell has tried to make ethics the hallmark of her administration and
while the digressions of Lisa Moody, her chief of staff, have created
headaches, Rell, unlike everyone else running for state office, has
accelerated the state's landmark campaign finance reforms, which take
effect next January 1.
Rell refuses to take campaign contributions from lobbyists and state
contractors.
The governor has benefited from the DeStefano/Malloy primary by keeping
a low profile this summer and essentially playing a Rose Garden
strategy, making few appearances for reporters beyond ceremonial bill
signings.
The latest mock bill signing of major transportation legislation,
conveniently included a little train tour in southwestern Connecticut.
Forget the fact that the bill was actually signed on June 6. A photo op
for the news cameras, called "free media" by the more cynical
politicians, is cheaper than an advertisement.
A Noble Drive For Rowland
Mustang; Restored Car To Be Raffled For Charity
By JON LENDER, Courant Staff Writer
September 9, 2006
The infamous Rowland Mustang is back.
The restored 1967 convertible - whose shadowy history surfaced as
ex-Gov. John G. Rowland's political career spiraled toward its messy
end - is now the grand prize in a $100-a-ticket raffle to help children
with autism.
"WIN A 1967 MUSTANG CONVERTIBLE," says the website of the Connecticut
Autism Resource & Education (CARE) Alliance. The announcement for
the Nov. 17 drawing says the green Mustang has "only 1,035 miles" on it
since its restoration - along with a 289-cubic-inch V-8 engine and
automatic transmission.
But those standard vintage-car assets may not have been enough to reach
the goal of selling 500 raffle tickets - and the promoters spiced their
announcement with a provocative fact: "PREVIOUSLY OWNED BY GOVERNOR
JOHN ROWLAND."
Rowland's brief ownership of the vehicle came in 1999 after friends and
aides pooled resources to restore it and give it to him for his
birthday. That celebration turned scandalous: A witness later told the
FBI that $8,000 in cash, supplied by now-jailed businessman William
Tomasso, was delivered for the restoration effort in a briefcase by a
top Rowland aide. Even now, seven years later, several Mustang-related
questions remain unanswered.
So why inject the whiff of scandal into a charity effort by mentioning
the car's history?
"I almost think I should. I have nothing to hide, " said Margaret
Jordan of East Hampton, president of the CARE Alliance and raffle
organizer. "Something really good has come out of what could be called
a bad situation."
Jordan said the raffle proceeds will benefit intensive programs that
enabled her 7-year-old son to overcome autism. Anyone interested can
call her at 860-918-0283 about the Nov. 17 drawing at Angelico's
Lakehouse Restaurant in East Hampton.
Jordan is getting the Mustang from the man who bought it for $22,000
from Rowland in late 1999 - Steven Wilson of Berlin, a Republican
political donor and the owner of a software company. "He isn't donating
it," Jordan said Friday. She said she didn't know yet how much Wilson
wants to be paid, but "he tends to be a very generous individual" as a
top supporter of the alliance.
Jordan had not known the history of the Mustang until Wilson explained
it to her. "He never told me why he wanted to get rid of it" - or how
he came to buy it - "but he said, `I'd like to do something for CARE
Alliance,'" she said.
"Steve knows the details" on the other questions, she said. But he
could not be reached Friday.
Nation's attention trained on Shays
By PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
September 5, 2006
REGION — Five minutes before show time and U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays
was perched on his seat, trying to get comfortable.
Feet resting on a bar between his stool's legs, or dangling above the
ground? Eventually, a production assistant taped several wooden boxes
together to provide a footrest. A flyaway hair was detected, and
smoothed down. And could somebody please get the congressman a bottle
of water? No, not cold water.
"You know what cold water does? It tightens the throat," said Shays,
R-4.
Shays is hardly a prima donna, but the congressman does
recognize he is in his toughest re-election fight since taking office
in 1987, and neither he nor his staff plan on leaving anything to
chance. With the Republican and Democratic parties slugging it out over
control of Congress, Connecticut's hyper-competitive 4th-District race
now commands attention from the national media.
And so, last week, Shays was in a television studio, readying for
interviews on Bloomberg Television and MSNBC's "Hardball."
"Rather than saying 'noble cause,' I'm going to say 'I believe in our
mission in Iraq,'" Shays told his campaign communications director
Brett Cody, tweaking his rhetoric moments before going on the air.
A small earpiece allowed Shays to speak with producers at Bloomberg and
MSNBC. "What are we talking about? Iraq?" he asked. Both confirmed that
was the subject. The interviews were taking place less than a week
after Shays announced he will support a timeline for U.S. military
withdrawal from Iraq.
With political pundits speculating he was bending to political
pressure, Shays said he was eager to reassert his support for U.S.
involvement.
"I believe in the mission in Iraq," Shays said. "I believe people are
entitled to know what is happening. There are salacious press (who say)
because I am for a timeline, therefore I don't support our position in
Iraq."
Democratic challenger Diane Farrell has been a long and
vocal critic of the Iraq war, narrowly losing to Shays on an anti-war
platform in 2004. Several days before Shays' "Hardball" interview, she
appeared on the show to slam his exit plan – which he said will be
based on time projections for training Iraqi military and police.
"Chris Shays hasn't offered a policy," Farrell told "Hardball" host
Chris Matthews. "All he has offered ... is some sort of an abstract
timetable because he recognizes that he's in enormous trouble
politically."
On top of dissatisfaction with the war, focus from national media could
drive up voter turnout, said Dr. Gary Rose, chairman of the Political
Science department at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield.
"It elevates, I would say, the centrality of the race in the minds of
voters," Rose said. "Certainly, I would say that national coverage in
particular would make the race very salient in the view of the
electorate."
Rose in-part credited the record 43-percent voter turnout in August's
Democratic Primary to national media interest in the campaign between
veteran U.S. Sen. Joe Lieberman and anti-war novice Ned Lamont.
Shays said the only time he has drawn more media attention than this
year was in December 1999, when he was one of only a handful of House
Republicans to vote against impeaching President Bill Clinton.
Modern technology now makes it easy for Shays and Farrell to take part
in the national debate. Last week, Shays was interviewed from a
basement studio at Fairfield University, a 10-minute drive from his
Bridgeport home. The school recently purchased a satellite truck,
allowing it to uplink with any national network.
The newly built studio includes a distinguished-looking background of
bookshelves that, on closer appearance, are stocked with outdated legal
tomes.
Another such studio is available in Stamford, Shays said.
When it came time for Shays to answer questions, the interviews took
different tones. On Bloomberg, the congressman spoke more deliberately.
Responding to the more aggressive Hardball guest host Norah O'Donnell,
his voice raised in pitch and in volume.
As Shays said he believes a timetable will motivate Iraq's government,
O'Donnell jumped in, pointing out President Bush has said any timeline
would embolden the insurgency.
"Well, I think he's wrong," Shays replied.
After the interview, Shays said he takes little issue with the strident
tone of many cable news television personalities.
"What is your biggest concern is that you'll run out of time," Shays
said. "That's why I love going on C-SPAN."
Duplicating
Lamont Win No Easy Task
By DAVID LIGHTMAN, Washington Bureau Chief
September 5, 2006
Rhode Island congressional candidate Jennifer Lawless was ready for the
Ned Lamont wave to come crashing over the border into her state.
Her campaign created a website, LangevinEqualsLieberman.com, headlined
"James Langevin is Rhode Island's Joe Lieberman." Lawless is
challenging Langevin, a Democratic House incumbent, in the state's
Sept. 12 Democratic primary.
But though Lawless has gained by painting Langevin as too tied to
Washington and too soft on President Bush, she is still the clear
underdog. Her experience mirrors what has happened to others across the
nation who hoped for momentum from the Greenwich businessman who beat
Lieberman in Connecticut's Aug. 8 primary: He gave them some energy,
but they are unlikely to duplicate his success.
"The big effect of that race is that's it's increased people's interest
in our elections. Is [Lawless] going to win? No. But she'll do better
than most candidates," said Maureen Moakley, a professor of political
science at the University of Rhode Island.
Doing better, though, does not mean the country is about to elect lots
of Lamont wannabes in other states.
"I don't see it," said Sen. Charles E. Schumer, D-N.Y., the chairman of
the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.
He and others cited several reasons why Lamont's victory didn't herald
a national movement to topple entrenched Democrats in the 13 primaries
being contested this month. Most notably, the party has turned its
attention to recapturing control of Congress in November, and that
means emphasizing not just opposition to the Iraq war but a variety of
other issues.
"George Bush isn't on the ballot in November, but his agenda is,"
AFL-CIO President John J. Sweeney said. When Sweeney rolled out labor's
strategy for the fall campaign, he dwelled almost exclusively on
economic issues, not national security.
Guy Molyneaux of Hart Research, who polls for the unions, explained
why: "Americans are very worried and concerned about the state of the
economy, and that will play a central role in their voting decisions
this year."
His findings were similar to those of a CBS-New York Times poll taken
Aug. 17-21, which asked 1,206 people what issue they wanted politicians
to concentrate on most this fall.
Fighting terrorism and the war in Iraq topped the list, but very close
behind were strengthening the economy and health care costs.
Lamont's primary win was widely seen nationally as an anti-war message.
Although Bush's Iraq policies have been unpopular, the country is still
divided on how to deal with U.S. troops - and on which party can best
manage the war.
A series of polls last month found Democrats with only a slight edge as
the party that could best oversee the conflict, and an ABC News survey
Aug. 3-6 found that although 53 percent of those polled wanted troop
levels decreased, 44 percent said the numbers should remain about the
same or be increased.
"A lot of people are still reluctant to simply say Iraq is a mistake,"
said John Hibbing, a congressional expert at the University of
Nebraska. "It's hard for people to say the troops may have died in
vain."
Anyone wanting to piggyback on Lamont's success has faced another
hurdle: The Lamont-Lieberman race involved "a unique set of
circumstances," as Washington political analyst Jennifer Duffy put it.
It would be difficult to replicate the combination of a wealthy
challenger who eventually pumped about $4 million into his campaign; an
incumbent senator whose war views and praise of White House policy were
highly unpopular at home; the notion that Lieberman had announced his
intention to run as an independent if he lost; and the fact that the
race was run in a small state where individual voters are easier to
reach.
In addition, Lamont's win taught incumbents elsewhere that they had
better not leave themselves vulnerable.
As a result, the September primaries shape up as a big win for
incumbents. Among them:
Washington: Sen. Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., was thought to be shaky in
the Sept. 19 primary because of her support for the war. But Cantwell
has lately been critical of administration policy - perhaps, said the
Seattle Times, because she sensed the "strong wind" coming from
Connecticut.
One of her anti-war rivals, businessman Mark Wilson, dropped out of the
primary race recently and reportedly took a job with Cantwell's
campaign.
New York: Economic consultant and writer Jonathan Tasini's effort to
unseat Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, D-N.Y., in that state's Sept. 12
primary continues to lag.
"For one thing, Hillary Clinton can't be morphed into George Bush,"
said Lee M. Miringoff, director of the Marist Institute for Public
Opinion in New York, referring to a Lamont ad that compared Lieberman
with the president.
Clinton, like Lieberman, voted in 2002 to give Bush broad authority to
wage war in Iraq, but she has been more consistently skeptical about
Bush's conduct of the war, and her public upbraiding of Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld at a Senate hearing Aug. 3 got wide attention.
She was also quick to embrace Lamont after his victory, meeting with
him at her Chappaqua home last week and promising to help his campaign.
Maryland: Attorney Donna Edwards, challenging incumbent Rep. Albert
Wynn, D-Md., in that state's Sept. 12 primary, said she sees Lieberman
in Wynn's voting record. Wynn is expected to defeat Edwards
handily. If there is a lasting impact in the party, it could
become more apparent as the 2008 presidential primary season unfolds.
That season has unofficially begun and will accelerate almost as soon
as the November election is over.
And the Lamont win, said Tom Matzzie, the Washington director of
MoveOn.org, served notice that "2008 candidates need to pay attention
to the progressive base of the party." And so they have, with Clinton,
former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, Massachusetts Sen. John F.
Kerry, Wisconsin Sen. Russell Feingold and Connecticut Sen. Christopher
J. Dodd all offering strong support for Lamont. New Mexico Gov. Bill
Richardson has called on Lieberman to drop his independent run.
The Lamont win sent all these hopefuls a strong message from the
activist Democrats likely to dominate the 2008 primaries and caucuses.
"Lamont's victory," said Miringoff, "was a real warning shot to the
2008 candidates."
Rell, DeStefano yet to schedule
debates
New Haven REGISTER
Gregory B. Hladky, Capitol Bureau Chief
08/23/2006
HARTFORD — The traditional
maneuvering over how many gubernatorial debates should be scheduled has
already begun between Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell and Democratic
challenger John DeStefano Jr.
DeStefano and Rell’s campaign were
playing coy Tuesday about their target number for face-to-face debates
this fall.
"I don’t really have a right
number," DeStefano said during a campaign endorsement event at a
Hartford middle school. "I think three or four debates sound good —
maybe less, maybe more."
DeStefano said he wants a
"reasonable number" of debates to allow voters "to see us together" and
get an idea of where each candidate stands on key issues.
"This is something that needs to be
hashed out between the two campaigns," said Rell’s campaign spokesman,
Rich Harris. "I don’t think those negotiations have begun yet."
"A reasonable number is what we’re
looking for, too," Harris said. "But I really don’t know what that
number is."
Harris said the campaigns have
received offers to host debates from three TV network affiliates as
well as a number of other organizations.
A Quinnipiac University Poll last
week showed Rell holding onto a massive lead, with 64 percent of voters
polled saying they favor her compared to 32 percent who said they
support DeStefano. The Democrat is still having problems with name
recognition, with 49 percent of those surveyed saying they didn’t know
enough about him to have an opinion.
Candidates who are challenging
better-known, popular incumbents traditionally want to have as many
debates as possible to let voters know who they are and to appear as
equals with the incumbent. The
routine strategy for front-running incumbents is to seek to limit the
number of debates unless they believe they can dominate their opponent
in face-to-face confrontations.
In Connecticut’s last two
gubernatorial elections, the Republican incumbent was John G. Rowland.
He debated Democrat Barbara Kennelly four times in 1998 and Democrat
Bill Curry four times in 2002.
The major party candidates were
involved in at least six debates during the 1994 gubernatorial campaign.
The 1994 gubernatorial contest was
unusual in various ways, with five candidates on the ballot and none of
them an incumbent. The race included Rowland and Curry as the
Republican and Democratic candidates, with Lt. Gov. Eunice Groark
running as the A Connecticut Party candidate. Also in the mix were
conservative Tom Scott and independent candidate Joseph A. Zdonczyk of
the Concerned Citizens Party.
DeStefano and his running mate, Mary
Messina Glassman, were in Hartford Tuesday for an endorsement
announcement by the 26,000-member Connecticut American Federation of
Teachers.
Sharon Palmer, president of AFT
Connecticut, said her union is endorsing DeStefano and Glassman because
of their support for universal health care, property tax reform,
closing corporate tax loopholes and more state funding for local
education.
Green Party making points on thorny
issues
CT POST
By Ken Dixon
Article created: 09/10/2006
05:02:13 AM EDT
Consider the Green Party with its warts, threats to the status quo and
all. Decriminalizing and "medicalizing" drugs could jeopardize the
judicial system, where a disproportionate percentage of inner-city
blacks and Hispanics fill the state's prisons.
That's one of the Green Party planks that, in real life, marginalizes
the group in so-called mainstream public-policy debates. While it may
make eminent sense to many people around the world, any Democrat or
Republican who even utters the word "decriminalize," is soft on crime
and a candidate for early political retirement. Every year it costs
about $600 million in your tax dollars to keep Connecticut's prisons
operating, including paying for its 7,000 employees. This week, more
than 23,300 are being "supervised" by the state's Department of
Correction, including 17,334 men and 1,403 women in prison, plus nearly
5,000 people in local jails awaiting court appearances.
The judicial system costs another $395 million a year.
At the intake end of the system, defense lawyers make millions trying
to keep dealers and users out of the slammer. So if the Green's ideas
of decriminalizing small amounts of marijuana and turning cocaine and
heroin into prescription drugs were realized, does that mean more
defense lawyers would be driving Chevys instead of Mercedes? What if
you could cut the DOC budget in half? You could offer $300 million in
state-college scholarships. Chances are, if you see Cliff Thornton, the
Green's candidate for governor, during the upcoming gubernatorial
debates, he'll point out the fiscal and social costs of
institutionalizing a portion of the state's population at per-capita
costs comparable to room, board and classes at a state university.
"This is a tremendous uphill battle," Thornton admitted in an interview
last week. "But we're the only party that's going to raise the issues
that people are most concerned with."
Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell last week asked Democratic challenger John
DeStefano to include Thornton in whatever debates they may agree to
along the way to November.
It's a good strategy for Rell. Another person on the stage means less
time for the New Haven mayor to possibly attack her. "She is for real
democracy," Thornton said of the governor. "If we're on the ballot, we
should be part of the debates."
Thornton also understands the governor's motives for adding another
voice in the debate, especially one that's not expected to win.
"Pawns, in the game of chess, can become queens," he said, noting for
you non-players that if a pawn occasionally survives the game, it
reaches the opponent's end of the board, then is transformed into the
most-powerful of pieces. Thornton and the rest of the Green Party
slate, including Ralph Ferrucci, the Green's candidate for U.S. Senate,
have two chances on Nov. 7 — slim and none.
But for the first time, the little national party has a complete team
of high-level candidates in Connecticut. Consider the Greens more than
a boutique party for the patchouli-oil-and-water-pipe set in
Connecticut college towns. Then ponder the similarities between
Connecticut Republicans and Democrats.
Forget those whines from hyperventilating Democrats over Green Party
icon Ralph Nader's 2000 Election Day showing. He siphoned so many
Florida votes from Al Gore and Joe Lieberman, that they conveniently
forgot that they couldn't even win Gore's home state of Tennessee.
During a coming-out event for Nancy Burton, the Green's candidate for
attorney general, last week in Hartford's Bushnell Park, the campaign
staff busily erected a circle of campaign signs, arranged campaign
material on a table and tethered the green balloons.
The staff then jogged over to the parked Jeep and changed from garden
boots into black pumps and kicked off the brief press conference for
herself. The odds are so stacked against Burton, that it's quite likely
the issue of her having been disbarred as an attorney in Connecticut
will never come up. It is intriguing to think, though, what would
happen if she were elected to a job that requires a lawyer have their
license. "Anyone who votes for me is voting for someone who qualifies
for this office," Burton said last week, adding that she's still a
member of the New York bar and if she wins, will apply for
reinstatement in Connecticut. "I'm qualified for this office and would
serve this office well. I should have my law license returned."
Burton's main platform is a promise to close the Millstone nuclear
complex in southeastern Connecticut. "There are good grounds to shut it
down as a public nuisance," she said.
What about the argument that Connecticut needs the megawatts? She
recalled that in 1996, the state was without any nuclear generation for
two years.
"There was never a blackout or brownout, but we should have learned our
lesson long ago," said Burton, of Redding. "We need clean, sustainable
energy including solar, wind and other sources."
Connecticut voters, emerging from their summer slumbers, should pay
attention to the Greens and the resulting public policy issues that
will rise during the march to Election Day.
Greens claim to have
enough names for ballot
Angela Carter, Register Staff
08/22/2006
HARTFORD — The Connecticut Green Party Monday announced it had reached
the required number of 7,500 signatures to qualify its slate of
candidates for the November ballot, but the secretary of the state’s
office did not concur with the press release.
If enough signatures are validated by the secretary of the state’s
office, then the Greens will qualify a full slate of candidates for
state and congressional offices for the first time in state history and
they will run the first-ever black candidate for governor, Clifford
Thornton.
"This is a historic day that adds to Connecticut’s rich political
legacy," said Thornton, a 61-year-old Glastonbury resident, in a
statement.
Campaign spokesman Tim McKee did not know what was causing the
discrepancy and said a field coordinator spoke Friday with Pearl
Williams, a Legislation and Elections Administration Division staff
member who allegedly confirmed the campaign team had topped the mark
with 7,505 signatures.
"We’ve been turning ours in as we go along," McKee said.
Williams could not be reached for comment but Dan Tapper, spokesman for
Secretary of the State Susan Bysiewicz, said the office still is
verifying the Green Party’s petitions.
Greens vying for other statewide offices are: Nancy Burton, for
attorney general; Mike DeRosa, for secretary of the state; Ralph
Ferrucci, candidate for U.S. Senate; and Daniel Sumrall for the 3rd
Congressional District.
Thornton said more than 75 volunteers "braved the heat, voter apathy
and rejection on summer days to collect almost 13,000 signatures to
guarantee the voters more choices and voices on the ballot in November."
Once ballot access is achieved officially, Thornton said the party can
set its sights on another hurdle: "Our next step is to gain access to
the gubernatorial debates and the polls which currently exclude minor
parties," he said. "The Green Party will lead Connecticut’s effort to
democratize the electoral process."
Senate
Passes State Budget; Rell signature expected
DAY
By Ted Mann
Published on 5/1/2006
Hartford -- The state Senate voted, 35-1, today to approve a $16.1
billion budget for fiscal year 2007, sending the spending plan on to
Gov. M. Jodi Rell, who is expected to sign it into law.
The budget does not eliminate the tax on automobiles and valuable
estates, nor does it include the Democrats' chief tax proposal --
instead, it would boost the property tax credit on the income tax to
$500, offer new tax credits for businesses creating jobs and hiring
laid-off workers, and funnel an extra $33 million in surplus funds to
cities and towns.
The compromise agreement was reached Saturday between representatives
for Rell, a Republican, and the legislature's Democratic leadership.
The House approved the budget Sunday night, 138-9.
Budget deal kills Rell's prized car
tax elimination plan
DAY
By SUSAN HAIGH, Associated Press Writer
Apr 30, 12:22 AM EDT
HARTFORD,
Conn. (AP) -- Gov. M. Jodi Rell and Democratic legislative leaders
agreed Saturday to a one-year budget that abandoned a plan to abolish
Connecticut's car tax, a centerpiece of the Republican governor's
proposed budget.
Rell also lost out on her proposal to phase out the state inheritance
tax.
But the nearly $16.1 billion tax and spending plan, which takes effect
July 1, axed some key initiatives the majority Democrats wanted, such
as a $500 tax credit for low-income taxpayers and a new earned income
tax credit program, Democratic leaders said.
Tax relief in the proposed budget comes in the form of a higher
property tax credit against the personal income tax, to $500 from the
current $400.
"Basically we've reached a budget detente and avoided nuclear disaster
here as far as budgets go," said House Speaker James Amann, D-Milford.
"This morning we came to a final agreement with the administration on a
great budget and tax package."
Rell, in a statement, said the tax and spending plan controls spending
and improves the state's business climate.
"This budget keeps us on the road to job growth and economic expansion,
which have been my top priorities since I announced my budget package
in February," she said.
Republican lawmakers and Rell's spokesman dismissed claims by Democrats
that the governor gave up on her car tax plan during negotiations. The
proposal had come under fire from Democrats, who said it might lead to
a revenue loss for some cities and towns, and could create budget
problems in the coming years.
"I cannot stress enough that Gov. Rell fought hard for elimination of
the car tax, believing it was the best form of tax relief for
Connecticut families," said Judd Everhart, Rell's spokesman. "It is
wrong for the majority to say the governor somehow just gave up on it.
She did not. In the end, it was not part of (the) final agreement, but
neither is the earned income tax credit."
The House of Representatives has scheduled a rare Sunday session to
vote on the budget proposal. The Senate is expected to take it up on
Monday. The General Assembly is set to adjourn at midnight Wednesday.
"We did not want to leave here without running a budget and a tax
package," said Senate President Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn.
Rell and lawmakers had some leeway: a surplus of about $660 million as
they negotiated a revised version of the second year of the two-year
budget that was approved last year.
Under the agreement, the largest portion of the surplus, $246 million,
will make a full payment to the teachers' retirement fund, which is
estimated to be underfunded by $5 billion. Nearly $136 million will be
deposited into the state's Rainy Day Fund, $33 million distributed to
cities and towns for a one-time revenue sharing program and $85.5
million to pay off borrowing from the 2003 budget crisis, Republican
lawmakers said.
A detailed version of the budget was not available on Saturday.
Rep. Denise Merrill, D-Mansfield, co-chairwoman of the Appropriations
Committee, said funding for some new programs has been eliminated. She
said legislators focused on replenishing money to programs that
suffered reductions in federal funding.
She estimated that nursing homes across the state will receive about
$40 million more than previously budgeted. Democrats relented and
agreed not to target additional aid to only unionized facilities.
Calling the budget agreement "lean and fiscally prudent," Democrats
said it sets aside enough money to help ward off future budget
deficits. The legislature's nonpartisan Office of Fiscal Analysis says
the state could be $224.4 million in the red in fiscal year 2008,
$307.7 million in fiscal year 2009, and $412.5 million in fiscal year
2010.
"By not cutting permanent taxes any deeper than the ones we've made,
we've made great progress in balancing those budgets right out of the
gate," said Rep. Cameron Staples, D-New Haven, co-chairman of the
tax-writing Finance, Revenue and Bonding Committee.
The budget also includes Rell's job creation tax credit for companies
that create at least 50 jobs. The credit would be equal to 25 percent
of the estimated withholding tax per employee. Rell's tax credit for
companies that hire laid-off workers also is part of the budget
agreement, her spokesman said.
Republican legislators said they were pleased with the tax and spending
plan.
"The governor succeeded in keeping the Democrats under the spending
cap. It's much closer, only $17 million more than she proposed. It
really is on the spending side a Republican proposal," said House
Minority Leader Robert Ward, R-North Branford.
Democrats say the budget is $1 million under the spending cap.
Ward said the GOP is particularly pleased the budget eliminates the 15
percent surcharge on the corporate income tax in 2007.
Bills already approved by the legislature call for phasing out the
local property tax on manufacturing machinery and equipment over five
years and establishing incentives for the film industry.
More State Corruption
Hartford Courant Editorial
July 10, 2006
A recent guilty plea by
a former high-ranking state Department of Transportation official on
charges relating to a corrupt no-bid contract scheme is a helpful
reminder that there is still cleanup work to do in state government.
Gov. M. Jodi Rell created a
contracting standards board by executive order last year. But it should
be formalized in state law. That will help put an end to no-bid
contracts and other abuses. Putting the final fixes on the state's
broken contracting procedures and taking other steps against corrupt
officials ought to be a top priority when the General Assembly next
convenes.
Raymond
F. Cox, who was assistant administrator of the DOT's rail operations in
2003 and 2004, admitted in federal court last month that he diverted
money meant for renovating offices at Union Station in New Haven to pay
for television sets, computers and refrigerators that DOT employees
took home. He also admitted that he was part of a scheme to cover up
no-bid contracts by paying a company $3,500 to submit phony bids well
after work at Union Station had been awarded to another company, Unicco
Service Corp., to make it appear that the contract had been properly
put out to bid.
Mr. Cox, the first DOT employee to
admit guilt in the federal investigation, pleaded guilty to one count
of theft and one count of obstructing justice. He faces up to 10 years
in prison.
Federal authorities started their
investigation of the rail operations unit after state auditors found in
2004 that of 13 contracts worth more than $100,000, only two were
properly bid.
How much more criminal behavior in
the state bureaucracy will it take to force change? Favors done for
politically connected contractors were at the heart of the Rowland
scandal. But politicians and judges have been curiously reluctant to
clean up the system or throw the book at offenders. Shouldn't the
public expect more?
Mr. Cox should be given prison time,
and so should anybody else who pleads guilty or is convicted as a
result of this investigation.
Put contracting reforms in statute.
Mrs. Rell had to veto three such
reform bills last year because the Democratic-controlled legislature
encumbered them with a controversial and unnecessary provision
restricting the state's ability to use private contractors instead of
state workers to provide some services. Lawmakers should pass a
contracting reform bill that is stripped of the so-called privatization
language. First things first.
The case against the DOT rail
operations unit officials is further evidence, as state Attorney
General Richard Blumenthal noted, of the need for legislation to
terminate pension benefits for state employees who confess to, or are
convicted of, corruption. Timid lawmakers have been reluctant to take
such a logical step to deter wrongdoing.
Maybe if state employees hadn't been
so busy fixing contracts and carting off TVs and computers for their
own use, greater progress could be made on providing more parking at
Union Station for commuters who use Metro-North. The lack of adequate
parking at train stations is a scandal all its own.
Comment made (withdrawn after objection)
by Senator Freedman, according to the report in Hartford Courant's
report...see full comment here*
Fundraiser probe devolves into sniping
By Tom Breen, Journal Inquirer
05/11/2006
HARTFORD - One lawmaker
likened it to an episode of the Jerry Springer show, but that
television spectacle usually features some kind of resolution.
By contrast, the first day of
legislative hearings into a 2005 fundraiser held on behalf of Gov. M.
Jodi Rell featured fierce, protracted squabbling between Republicans
and Democrats - leaving lawmakers time to question just one witness.
After roughly four hours of
procedural challenges, extended debate, and at least one
characterization of a co-chairman as a
"dictator," the first hearing ended with
little new information on the fundraiser that led to 16 state officials
paying $500 ethics fines.
"This is really theater of the
absurd," Rep. Robert Farr, R-West Hartford, said.
Farr and his fellow Republicans,
including the minority leaders of the House and Senate, sitting in as
nonvoting members of the committee, charged that the hearings, which
are scheduled to last through the middle of next week, amount to
nothing more than a partisan attempt to embarrass the governor.
"This is nothing more nor less than
free publicity for incumbents running for office," Livvy R. Floren,
R-Greenwich, said.
Democrats, though, blasted
Republicans for holding up proceedings when Rell herself has cooperated
fully with the committee, and said the purpose of the inquiry has
nothing to do with politics. If
anyone should object to the proceedings, it's the governor, said Rep.
Christopher L. Caruso, D-Bridgeport, co-chairman of the Government
Administration and Elections Committee.
"In contrast to you, she is saying,
'Come on in. I welcome you,'" he told Republicans.
"I am doing nothing wrong," Caruso
said. "This is not a partisan witch hunt."
Democrats say the purpose of the
inquiry is to learn whether it was proper for Jeffrey A. Garfield,
executive director of the Elections Enforcement Commission, a state
watchdog agency, to have contact with Rell's campaign manager, Kevin
Deneen, over possible punishments for state officials involved in the
Dec. 7 fundraiser.
Rell's chief of staff, M. Lisa
Moody, handed out invitations to the fundraiser at East Hartford's
Marco Polo restaurant to department heads to distribute.
That's a violation of state election
law, although Moody, as the governor's chief of staff, is not barred
from doing so. The department heads, including commissioners and deputy
commissioners, were not permitted to distribute the invitations.
Although Chief State's Attorney
Christopher L. Morano investigated the affair and said there were no
grounds for criminal prosecution, the department heads were fined by
the Elections Enforcement Commission.
Before those fines were issued,
though, Deneen contacted Garfield to try to broker a deal, which
Democratic lawmakers say may have been inappropriate.
The committee may end up finding
nothing untoward, Rep. Tim O'Brien, D-New Britain, said, but the
purpose was to determine whether the 16 state officials got special
treatment because of their connection to the governor.
"We want to make sure that things
are equitable," O'Brien said. "That's what this hearing is about."
The hearing, though, lasted only a
little more than 20 minutes, with most of the day being taken up by
procedural challenges and recesses to consult with staff lawyers.
The lone witness who testified, Rell
campaign Treasurer Luigi G. Vasquez, said he had no knowledge of the
circumstances surrounding the fundraiser.
There can be as many as three or
four fundraisers a week in a gubernatorial campaign, he said, and as
treasurer his chief role is to make sure the financial records of the
campaign are filed complete and on time with the state.
Four witnesses were scheduled to
testify today, although Garfield and Deneen are not among them.
Republicans said the whole process could be done in a day simply by
calling those two to testify first, but Democrats say they want more
details concerning the fundraiser.
Governor seals up 'slush funds'
By Keith M. Phaneuf, Journal
Inquirer
05/11/2006
HARTFORD - Republican Gov. M. Jodi
Rell's budget director said Wednesday the administration doesn't plan
to allow legislative leaders to tap controversial contingency funds in
the new $16.07 billion state budget. Office
of Policy and Management Secretary Robert L. Genuario said the
administration remains uncomfortable with the undefined accounts, worth
$6.6 million and labeled "slush funds" by critics.
"This money was not placed in the
budget at the governor's request," Genuario said. "Any expectations
that leaders may have about this money would be premature, to say the
least."
The Republican governor and
Democrat-controlled legislature compromised on a new spending and
revenue plan for the 2006-07 fiscal year three days before the 2006
legislative session ended May 3. Rell signed the budget into law Sunday.
But while an agreement was reached
on the overall plan, Genuario said, the administration never agreed to
three contingency accounts included in the budget by leaders of the
Democrat-controlled House and Senate.
Those accounts would be used to pay
for a series of unspecified projects to be selected over the course of
the next fiscal year by House Speaker James A. Amann, D-Milford, Senate
President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn, and Rell.
Specifically, the budget includes
$3.3 million each for Amann and Williams, and $2.3 million for Rell.
The basic premise behind these pools
of money is that, unlike other sections of the budget, no specific
projects or other use is defined in the document that legislators
review and approve.
In addition, the budget bill simply
states this money would be assigned to various projects by the Office
of Policy and Management.
In actuality, the use of the money
is determined not by OPM, but by each official given control over the
pool of funds it is drawn from.
For this system to work, then, there
must be an informal agreement that the governor's budget agency will
follow legislative leaders' directions on how to use the money.
These types of funds were challenged
on several grounds in a 2002 report from state Auditors Kevin P.
Johnston and Robert G. Jaekle.
The auditors, who called this system
"inequitable," wrote that money allocated from the funds shouldn't be
referred to as grants, as no formal application rules are drafted and
there is no actual competition for these resources.
The auditors also said this system
doesn't guarantee that the recipients of the money are evaluated,
before or afterward, to ensure public resources were used properly.
Republican legislators said the
funds are used by legislative leaders to fund pet projects and win
votes, without these projects being identified publicly and having to
undergo the scrutiny of the budget process.
For example, a contingency fund
Williams controlled last August provided $10,000 to help the Shoreline
Arts Alliance put on performances of a Shakepspeare play.
On Feb. 7, one day before the 2006
legislative session began, the Senate Democratic Caucus issued a news
release that began: "The 5,000 people who attended five performances of
'Romeo and Juliet' last August on the Guilford green, can now thank
state Sen. Edward Meyer and state Rep. Patricia M. Widlitz, D-Guilford,
for making those performances possible, at least in part."
Senate Minority Leader John
McKinney, R-Fairfield, called these accounts "slush funds" last week,
adding it was "back-door budgeting."
Rell did allow Democratic leaders to
operate contingency funds last year, something Genuario said was
accepted only because "it was necessary to reach a budget deal," but
not because it was something the administration liked.
Genuario said last week the governor
wouldn't use the contingency fund that Democrats had built into the
budget for her because "it's not consistent with her belief on how
things should be handled."
The budget director added that the
administration would be willing to meet with legislative leaders to
discuss Rell's concerns about the funds. "They didn't negotiate these
with us, but obviously they have some expectations about this money,"
he said.
Amann could not be reached for
comment.
Williams declined to comment. But
Senate Democratic Caucus spokesman Patrick Scully said the repeated use
of the term "slush fund" is unfair.
"Those who use it should be asked,
'What evidence do you have of corrupt practices?'" he said, adding
these funds have been used in past years. "The use of the phrase should
cease or be backed up with some facts. These are contingency funds to
deal with matters as they arise."
---------------------------
*
Sen. Judith G.
Freedman, R-Westport, complained that Caruso ignored the Republican
complaints about the fairness of the proceeding.
"Mr.
Chairman, you are acting like a dictator. Do you know that?" Freedman
said.
She
retracted her comment after Rep. James O'Rourke, D-Cromwell, reminded
her that legislative rules prohibit name-calling.
From Judges To Witnesses? Legislature Seeks Their Testimony
In Review Of Actions Taken To Aid Rell Nominee
By MARK PAZNIOKAS And LYNNE TUOHY,
Courant Staff Writers
April 27, 2006
Legislators intend to publicly question each member of the state
Supreme Court about the unusual steps taken to aid the nomination of
Associate Justice Peter T. Zarella as chief justice and whether Zarella
tried to mislead lawmakers about his role in the controversy.
All six current justices and their
recently retired chief, William J. Sullivan, will be asked to appear
voluntarily at a hearing that promises to expose the politics and
personalities of the state's highest court, legislators said Wednesday.
At
issue is Sullivan's decision to delay the release of a court ruling
that he feared could harm Zarella's prospects, as well as claims by
Zarella and the court's senior associate justice, David M. Borden, that
the other man lied in describing what happened following Sullivan's
admission.
Rep. Michael P. Lawlor, D-East
Haven, the co-chairman of the judiciary committee, said legislators
want to probe the circumstances of the Zarella nomination - and the
evident disharmony on the court.
"Legislators will want to ask, aside
from this case, what the hell is the problem over there?" Lawlor said.
Politicians in both parties said
they believed that Gov. M. Jodi Rell would abandon efforts to promote
Zarella rather than see him face a protracted legislative inquiry while
she is seeking election.
Rell withdrew Zarella's nomination
Monday night at his request, but she can re-nominate him after the
legislature's session ends May 3.
Political and legal sources have
said Rell is considering Appellate Court Judge Barry R. Schaller to
fill the vacancy on the high court created by Sullivan's decision to
take senior justice status. It was unclear if he would be considered
for chief justice.
Schaller, 67, is a highly regarded
judge and scholar who lectures at his alma mater, Yale Law School, as
well as at Wesleyan University and Trinity College. His lecture topics
go beyond law and include bioethics, bioterrorism and ethics. He has
been a judge for 32 years, and a member of the Appellate Court since
1992.
Rell declined to address Zarella's
future Wednesday. She told reporters that she would not discuss a
nominee for chief justice until questions surrounding Sullivan's
actions "were fully answered.
"Anyone, everyone, has every right
to ask questions and get answers," she said. "What Justice Sullivan did
was wrong."
Borden disclosed Sullivan's actions
Monday to legislators and Rell, rocking all three branches of
government.
Lawlor and his co-chairman, Sen.
Andrew J. McDonald, D-Stamford, asked Borden, who effectively is the
acting chief justice until Sullivan's successor is confirmed, to
safeguard all e-mails and documents that may be relevant to the
legislature's inquiry.
Borden replied Wednesday that he has
no authority to direct other justices to comply, but told them, "I have
no reason to believe that any of them will not do so."
Since the legislature has yet to
request testimony from the justices, Borden did not address whether
they were likely to appear.
Legislators said they had no
intention of trying to compel testimony by subpoena.
Sullivan did not contradict Borden's
account of how Sullivan secretly withheld a court ruling about whether
court computer records are subject to the Freedom of Information Act,
but Borden subsequently took exception to Zarella's written assertion
Zarella had favored disclosing Sullivan's actions to the governor and
legislature.
Borden told Zarella by letter: "Your
statement that, `we all agree disclosure is important' is wholly
inconsistent with your stated positions here on this entire matter for
the past week."
Zarella, replying by letter, said
that Borden had misstated the facts. All letters were made public by
lawmakers.
House Minority Leader Robert M.
Ward, R-North Branford, said he believes that other members of the
court witnessed the original exchange between Zarella and Borden about
whether Sullivan's actions should be disclosed.
All should be questioned, he said.
Ward and Senate Minority Leader
Louis C. DeLuca, R-Woodbury, said they believe that the Democrats had a
partisan interest in discrediting Zarella, but each said he believed
the hearings by the judiciary committee were warranted.
The caustic exchanges by members of
a court whose deliberations and disagreements are carefully kept from
public view stunned politicians.
"I have never seen politics played
out in the judicial department," Rell said. "That's politics, and it
does not have a place there."
Rep. Robert Farr, R-West Hartford,
dryly suggested that the justices take advantage of the counseling
services offered by the judicial department's family relations office.
Legislators also want to inquire
about how Sullivan knew that Zarella was his heir apparent.
Rell said Wednesday she first
learned Sullivan might retire early from the judicial branch's top post
in a meeting with him Dec. 13 about the judicial department's
legislative proposals.
"At that time he indicated to me he
was seriously considering retiring early, and that he wanted to talk to
his wife and he would let me know," Rell said. "I told him if he chose
to retire, then that more than likely I would choose Peter Zarella to
succeed him. I know Peter. He's a good man. He's a good justice."
Rell said she started the background
check and nomination process for Zarella "immediately" after receiving
Sullivan's letter March 15 stating he would take senior justice status
effective April 15.
Rell Withdraws Zarella's Name For Chief Justice; High court justice
makes request after confirmation ploy revealed
DAY
By Ted Mann
Published on 4/25/2006
Hartford –– State Supreme Court Justice Peter T. Zarella asked Gov. M.
Jodi Rell to withdrew his nomination to be chief justice Monday night,
hours after a colleague revealed that the outgoing chief justice had
secretly delayed the release of a court decision to help Zarella win
confirmation.
Rell's office announced the withdrawal of Zarella's nomination shortly
before 8 p.m. Rell had nominated Zarella March 17, the same day former
Chief Justice William J. Sullivan announced his resignation.
In a brief letter to Rell requesting that she withdraw his name,
Zarella appeared to leave open the option that she resubmit his
nomination after the current legislative session ends May 3. He also
seemed to allude to criticism from Rell and other Republicans that
Democrats had shirked their obligations by failing to conduct a public
hearing on his nomination during the current session.
“It has become apparent to me that I will not be given a public hearing
and that my nomination will not receive final action during this
regular legislative session,” Zarella wrote.
“I am confident that, given a public hearing and public airing, I will
be able to justify your confidence in me,” he concluded.
The letter made no mention, however, of Monday's first bombshell: the
revelation, in a letter sent to lawmakers by Senior Associate Justice
David M. Borden, that Sullivan had secretly ordered court
administrators to withhold a potentially controversial decision,
apparently believing it would aid Zarella's chances of confirmation.
The decision, reached March 14 on a 4-3 vote, was quietly put on “hold”
by Sullivan, Borden wrote in an account that lawmakers said was
confirmed by Sullivan himself Monday morning. The decision, which
exempted a broad range of court documents from the state's open records
law, remained in limbo and unpublished until other justices learned of
the hold and complained, Borden wrote.
“The intent and effect of Chief Justice Sullivan's conduct was to
deprive the legislature of the timely knowledge of Justice Zarella's
vote in that case,” Borden wrote. In a second missive, addressed to
Zarella, Borden also questioned the accuracy of Zarella's own public
statement on Sullivan's intervention, which he called “misleading.”
Borden's first letter was addressed to Sen. Andrew McDonald,
D-Stamford, the co-chairman of the legislature's Judiciary Committee,
which has been the sight of frequent partisan squabbles since Rell
announced Zarella's nomination. McDonald and his co-chairman,
Rep. Michael Lawlor, D-East Haven, have said Rell sprung the nomination
on them with insufficient notice, leaving them little time in a short
legislative session to research Zarella's background and make a
decision on what Lawlor calls “without a doubt the most significant
nomination the legislature could ever consider.”
Through a spokesman for the court, both Sullivan and Borden declined
comment.
Republican legislators have vehemently objected to that argument,
however, contending that the legislature has had ample time to schedule
and conduct hearings on Zarella, and accusing the Democrats of holding
up the nomination for political reasons, including the hope that
Zarella could be replaced by another justice if Rell is defeated by a
Democrat in the fall.
The Judiciary Committee voted Monday morning to issue a favorable
report on Zarella's nomination and forward it to the Senate, but most
Democrats abstained since he had not received a hearing.
Legislative leaders had decided not to take action on the nomination,
Senate President Donald E. Williams, D-Brooklyn, announced earlier in
the day, when he called for Sullivan to give up his new position, as a
semi-retired senior justice, in light of his efforts to hold back the
court decision on behalf of his colleague.
In a statement released after Zarella withdrew, Rell said she believed
him to be “a man of integrity and outstanding judicial ability.
“I am troubled by the revelations that have been brought to light, and
am equally troubled by the politics –– in both the legislative and
judicial branches of government –– that have overshadowed this
important nomination,” Rell said. “The next step must be to get answers
to everyone's questions. Once I am satisfied that all relevant
questions are answered and concerns addressed, I will proceed with the
nominating process.”
Zarella's withdrawal did not come as a surprise to some lawmakers.
“I think it had essentially become a fait accompli for the regular
session,” Lawlor said. “No question about that. The ball's in the
governor's court now.”
Borden's account of the behind-the-scenes maneuver to boost Zarella's
nomination –– and a subsequent public exchange of letters in which
Borden questioned the veracity of Zarella's own public reaction to the
incident –– have highlighted the “extraordinary disharmony” currently
prevailing on the court, Lawlor said.
“Apparently, inadvertently, the governor has opened Pandora's box in
the Judicial Branch, and a lot of things are pouring forth,” he
said. Republican lawmakers, re-sponding after Zarella withdrew
his nomination, criticized Democrats for failing to conduct a hearing
during the session, and questioned Borden's motives. Borden is
serving as acting chief justice until a permanent successor to Sullivan
is confirmed.
Rep. Lawrence Cafero, R-Norwalk, a member of the judiciary panel,
dismissed Borden's letter as “high school tactics,” and said both the
tone and content of his criticism “gives a lot of us pause.”
•••••
Legislators and legal experts alike said they were stunned at
Sullivan's actions to hold back the court decision, which was finally
released Friday, after fellow justices complained to Sullivan.
“ 'Astonishing' wouldn't be too strong a word,” said Richard Kay, a
professor at the University of Connecticut School of Law since 1974 and
an expert on the state constitution. “It's something I've never come
across before, both with what the chief justice is supposed to have
done, and with regard to the letter to the legislature on Justice
Borden's own initiative.”
Sullivan's offense probably did not rise to the level of impeachment,
Kay said, and that point would likely be moot since he has already left
the Supreme Court. Sullivan's actions also might not prompt
reconsideration of the court decision, or a reprimand by the Judicial
Review Council, which has apparently been informed of the case, Kay
said.
What is most striking, he said, is that “it's so clearly wrong.”
“There's no doubt at all, again assuming this is all true, that the
chief justice acted improperly, to put it mildly,” Kay said.
McDonald said he was sitting in his office before the Judiciary
Committee meeting started Monday morning when an aide informed him he
had a visitor: Sullivan. In a brief meeting in McDonald's
chambers, the senator said, Sullivan conceded that the events Borden
had described were accurate, and that he believed he'd made a mistake.
What this will mean for Zarella is unclear. Rell could wait for any
investigations of Sullivan's conduct to conclude, or choose another
nominee. She could also resubmit Zarella's name May 4, one day after
the session ends. But lawmakers did not appear to be expecting that.
Rell Trails
DeStefano, Malloy In Fund Raising; Governor running third despite
strong 1st-quarter showing
By TED MANN
Day Staff Writer, Politics/Government
Published on 1/11/2006
Hartford –– Gov. M. Jodi Rell's gubernatorial campaign got off to a
roaring start, as the popular incumbent raked in more than $873,000 in
her first quarter as an official candidate despite a self-imposed ban
on contributions from state lobbyists and contractors.
But Rell still trails her two potential Democratic rivals, New Haven
Mayor John DeStefano and Stamford Mayor Dan Malloy, according to
campaign finance reports filed Tuesday with the office of Secretary of
the State Susan L. Bysiewicz.
DeStefano raised $251,063 in the quarter, bringing his fund-raising
total to $2.84 million, which the campaign said was more than any other
Democratic candidate for governor has raised in the state. The previous
high, the campaign said in a statement, was former Gov. William
O'Neill's total of $2.55 million in 1986. DeStefano reported a total of
$1.88 million in cash on hand.
Malloy was closing fast by the quarter's end, raising $477,034 to
increase his total to $2.2 million, with $1.24 million in cash on hand.
The governor, who has sworn off contributions from political action
committees, state lobbyists, fund-raising “ad books” and some state
contractors, received cash donations from almost 2,000 people across
the state, her campaign staff said, more than half of which were for
$100 or less.
“The outpouring of support is humbling and truly appreciated,” Rell
said in a written statement. “I believe that people are responding to
the job I have been doing for the past 18 months –– they appreciate the
hard work and the changes I have made for our great state.”
Her campaign also was buoyed by financial help from a bevy of state
department heads and employees, many of whom contributed the legal
maximum of $2,500 over the three months since Rell officially announced
her candidacy.
Among those giving the maximum allowable amount were Rell's chief of
staff, M. Lisa Moody; Department of Mental Retardation Commissioner
Peter H. O'Meara; Department of Public Health Commissioner Norma D.
Gyle; Department of Transportation Commissioner Stephen Korta II; and
W. David LeVasseur, an undersecretary at the Office of Policy and
Management, the governor's budget-writing agency.
Moody, an adviser to Rell since her tenure as lieutenant governor, was
suspended from work for two weeks late last year after revelations that
she instructed state commissioners to attend a Rell fund-raiser while
on state time, a potential violation of campaign finance laws. Chief
State's Attorney Christopher L. Morano is investigating the reports.
And despite her pledge not to take money from contractors, there were
between 40 and 45 contributors who answered yes on the campaign finance
forms asking if they were “associated” with any business with a state
contract worth $5,000 or more.
A campaign spokesman, Rich Harris, said that was because of the broad
definition of the word “associated” in the state law. The governor, he
said, would not take any money from anyone who could decide whether a
company sought or secured state business.
“She is not taking contributions for anyone who has direct
responsibility for soliciting, developing, executing or signing a state
contract,” Harris said.
DeStefano's campaign staff, meanwhile, cited their candidate's growing
financial advantage –– along with an impending endorsement by the
members of several large labor unions –– as proof of a gathering of
support for the mayor.
“With a $700,000 cash advantage over our Democratic opponent; mounting,
broad support from organized labor; and growing support from Democratic
leaders and grassroots activists, the DeStefano Campaign is putting
together all the key elements of a winning campaign,” campaign
spokeswoman Shonu Gandhi said in an e-mail to reporters.
DeStefano is scheduled to receive an endorsement today from members of
the SEIU and HERE-UNITE labor unions, which represent more than 30,000
workers in the state.
Almost half of the Malloy campaign's donors came from outside his base
in Fairfield County.
That fact, campaign manager Chris Cooney said in the campaign's
fund-raising announcement, “speaks to the viability of Dan's message
and candidacy in our state.”
Stamford Withdraws Job Offers To
Firefighter Alternates; Officials say letters were sent because
of a 'mix-up'
Hartford Courant
By Donna Porstner, Staff Writer
December 28, 2005
STAMFORD -- The city has rescinded firefighting job offers made to the
mayor's nephew and a fire commissioner's son.
The city's Human Resources Department sent Brien Malloy, nephew of
Mayor Dannel Malloy, and Christopher Brennan, son of fire commissioner
E. Gaynor Brennan, job offers in anticipation of their appointment at
the Dec. 13 Fire Commission meeting. But the commission did not vote on
their hiring at the meeting, and the offers were withdrawn.
The reversal has come at a time when applicants for firefighter jobs
who earned high scores on the exam but were not offered jobs have
questioned why the commission would hire friends and relatives over
more qualified applicants. Officials say the employment offers
were rescinded because of miscommunication between the commission,
which chooses the new hires, and Human Resources.
As alternates on the hiring list, Malloy and Brennan were the next in
line to be hired by the city. So when two firefighting positions
opened, Felicia Wirzbicki, who oversees the hiring of city
firefighters, said she prepared letters offering them employment on
Dec. 13 before she left on a business trip. The commission's vote
is usually a formality since there is a list of alternates in numerical
order designating who's next in line, she said. When she returned
two days later and learned the commission made no appointments,
Wirzbicki sent both a second letter rescinding the offers.
"It was just a plain old mistake," she said. "I anticipated action by
the Fire Commission that just did not happen." Wirzbicki, who
notified the commission in a letter Dec. 5 that it had two more
vacancies to fill, said she does not know why it decided to wait.
Fire Commission Chairman Richard Lyons said he had not yet read the
letter from Human Resources the night of the Dec. 13 meeting and was
not aware there were vacancies to be filled. He said he does not know
why Human Resources thought the appointments would be voted on that
night because it wasn't on the agenda.
What was on the agenda could not be verified because no minutes of the
meeting or agenda was on file in the town and city clerk's office
yesterday. For Christopher Brennan, it was the second offer to
work for Stamford Fire & Rescue rescinded in a month. He was
first sent a conditional offer of employment Nov. 17 that was retracted
12 days later. The commission appointed five firefighters, although it
only had approval from Human Resources to appoint four. Brennan's
job offer was rescinded and he was put at the top of the alternate list.
In a Nov. 29 letter, City Director of Human Resources Dennis Murphy
told Brennan, a Norwalk resident, that he "drew the unlucky straw"
because he had the lowest score of the five on the Aug. 6 exam. Brennan
scored a 55, while the others scored 82, 80, 60 and 58. E. Gaynor
Brennan could not explain why his son's job offer was rescinded a
second time. He said he knew there "a mix-up or something" but did not
know the particulars. Brennan said he was not aware his commission had
vacancies to fill because such notifications go directly to Lyons as
chairman.
"I don't deal with Human Resources. I am just a member," he said.
Mayor Malloy said the job offers and retractions were a result of a
series of missteps on the part of the commission and the Human
Resources Department.
"Hopefully, they'll get their act together," he said.
Though critics behind the scenes speculate Malloy halted the hiring
process for fear it would look like cronyism, Malloy said he never got
involved. "People make all kinds of assumptions. The
reality is I don't get involved in hiring and firing," he said.
Malloy, who has been mayor since 1995, said through the years people
have come to him and asked him to put a good word in for a job
candidate and he always refuses. Still, it doesn't stop people from
trying time to time.
"You get unsolicited things like 'Help this guy out' and frankly you
just shake your head," he said. The mayor said he only found out
his nephew took the firefighter's test after he heard the newspaper was
asking questions about his application.
"Honestly, I didn't even know he was applying, to tell you the truth,"
the mayor said. Commission member Ralph Murray said there was no
political pressure to hire a fellow commissioner's son or the mayor's
nephew.
"No one made any suggestion that I vote for anyone," he said.
Murray and E. Gaynor Brennan are Republicans appointed by Malloy to
serve on the fire commission. Lyons is a Democrat. Brennan said
that there is nothing unusual with the hiring process, saying nothing
has changed in his 19 years on the commission.
"And over the years we've done a pretty good job," he said. "It's a
pretty good fire department. A very good fire department. And they do a
hell of a job. They're trained well. They're professional."
Brennan said it's unfair for the newspaper to print the names of job
applicants like his son who have not yet been hired by the city. He
said the newspaper is jeopardizing their current employment, because
they may not have told their bosses they are applying for other jobs.
All the new hires and alternates passed the written and physical exams,
making them eligible for employment with the city, he said. During the
interview the natural leaders stand out, Brennan said.
"We don't have a lot time because we have a lot of candidates, but we
can glean a lot in a short period of time," he said. Lyons said
commission members would discuss filling the two vacant positions at
the commission's January meeting.
A Mere $4,000 Traffic Ticket?
Hartford Courant
Laurence Cohen
December 23, 2005
The campaign for governor has barely begun in Connecticut, yet two
major candidates already find themselves in hot water for not following
state law.
We've read plenty about Gov. M. Jodi Rell's chief of staff, who is
being investigated by the chief state's attorney for distributing
invitations to a campaign fundraiser to state commissioners, who then
allegedly gave them to subordinates in violation of state law. Mrs.
Rell's aide was roundly, and properly, denounced for this misconduct.
Now we're reading about the $4,000 fine levied by the State Elections
Enforcement Commission on New Haven Mayor John DeStefano's
gubernatorial campaign. The commission said the DeStefano camp
committed "serious neglect" of state law by failing to include the
occupations and employers of 32 of the 612 contributors who gave Mr.
DeStefano more than $1,000 each.
Such reporting is required to give the public an opportunity to learn
the sources of campaign money. The elections commission could have
dealt more severely with the DeStefano campaign, but concluded that the
"serious neglect" was unintentional - an oversight, a clerical error,
proofreading failure, etc.
Mr. DeStefano said there is a distinction with a big difference between
his $4,000 fine and the criminal investigation of Mrs. Rell's aide.
Shonu Gandhi, the mayor's campaign chief, suggested that the contrast
is as stark as between a traffic fine and a bank robbery.
Comparing who has been the worse actor in this political farce is
silly. Inattention to the finer points of the law is no excuse.
The candidates for the state's highest election post owe us a more than
casual accounting of who is giving how much to their campaigns.
Rell Says She
Won't Use GOP Funds
December 10, 2005
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
Gov. M. Jodi Rell said Friday she will take no funds for her
gubernatorial campaign from the Republican Party, which accepts money
from sources banned from her campaign. Democrats have long
predicted that the Republican governor will use her party to get around
a self-imposed ban on contributions from lobbyists and state
contractors.
"I am not taking money from the Republican Party, period," Rell told
reporters. But Rell said she would not be averse to her campaign
viewing polling data collected by the state party, which would be an
in-kind contribution. And a solicitation policy released by the
governor's campaign clarifies that she has no blanket ban on
contributions from state contractors.
According to a notice given to donors, the ban applies only people who
have "personally solicited, negotiated or signed a contract with the
state since July 1, 2004." By that standard, the owner of a
company with a state contract still could be a campaign donor as long
as he or she played no personal role in arranging the contract.
Rich Harris, a campaign spokesman, said the campaign did not want to
set a standard so broadly that it would ban contributions from those
with no role in the contracting process. The standard voluntarily
set by Rell is still stricter than the state rules followed by her two
Democratic challengers, New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. and Stamford
Mayor Dannel P. Malloy.
In a WTNH, Channel 8 interview in October, DeStefano accused Rell of
taking lobbyist money funneled through the state GOP.
"Of course, the governor's taking this money. She's taking, just
through the Republican Party, and she's trying to present it as
something else," DeStefano said. Rell declared her candidacy in
October and is not required to disclose the source of any contributions
until the end of this month. Malloy criticized both opponents in
a statement issued by his campaign.
"Both Jodi Rell and John DeStefano are being disingenuous," Malloy
said. "Gov. Rell wants to have her cake and eat it too by refusing
`special interest' money and then accepting money from the state party
- most of which comes from special interests. Meanwhile, John DeStefano
is trying to wear a mantle of reform that doesn't fit."
Malloy said DeStefano rejected a proposed spending cap in his 2001 race
for governor. George D. Gallo, the new GOP chairman, said both
Malloy and DeStefano are "raising money hand over fist" from state and
city contractors. He denied the state party would take on any
gubernatorial campaign expenses, despite the claims from Malloy and
DeStefano.
"It's ridiculous," Gallo said. "To even insinuate that - the funneling
of money forward and backward, backward and forward - it's not going to
happen."
For one thing, the party is nearly broke and does not expect a sudden
influx of money from lobbyists, contractors or anyone else, he
said. Gallo said his first tasks as state chairman will be to
find a headquarters cheaper than its present home near the Capitol and
Bushnell Park and possibly reduce staff.
Dueling
School Lawsuits:
Connecticut
needs to sort out the mess 30 years of public school litigation has
created before the judiciary adds another level of unworkable
complexity.
New London DAY editorial
Published on 11/27/2005
Attorney General Richard Blumenthal, who is leading the state into a
lawsuit against the federal government over school funding, soon will
find himself defending Connecticut against a similar lawsuit by a state
organization representing the interests of local governments.
On Tuesday, the Connecticut Coalition for Justice in Education filed a
lawsuit challenging Connecticut's system of distributing funds for
public schools. This is the third major lawsuit lodged against the
state over school funding in the last 30 years. The first, Horton v.
Meskill, forced Connecticut to revamp its method of supporting public
schools through a formula that redistributes the funds based on need
and the ability to pay. The current lawsuit attacks that formula and
the state's poor record of fully financing it.
A second lawsuit, Sheff v. O'Neill, raised the question of whether
minority and poor children in urban schools like Hartford's were
getting an equal education. The courts concluded they were not, and
this led Connecticut on a course of building almost a parallel school
system made up of magnet and charter schools designed to end de facto
segregation and improve the quality of public education for children
trapped in under-performing city schools.
Now, as the state faces a third such challenge, Attorney Gen.
Blumenthal has filed suit in federal court, charging that the federal
No Child Left Behind school mandate is unfair to the states because
Congress has under-funded it.
The various lawsuits all deal with one issue: money. The state's system
of financing schools relies largely on local property taxes. The strain
of school budgets on local taxpayers has expanded from the cities and
poor suburban communities that sought relief from the courts in the
Horton and Sheff cases into more well-to-do suburbs. This discontent is
played out in increasingly bitter budget fights and referendums each
year.
But the courts have been poor problem solvers. The method of
redistributing school funds to the systems supposedly the most in need
hasn't worked because the state shortchanged the various formulas. And
the Horton case has produced a wave of expensive investments in
experimental schools that are not accountable to the democratic
machinery that oversees public education.
The Day has argued against Attorney Gen. Blumenthal's effort to redress
Connecticut's grievances with Congress and the federal Department of
Education in court. This action is hypocritical, coming from a state
that issues educational mandates to local government without adequately
funding them.
It is not merely the need for consistency that compels us to be
skeptical of this current lawsuit, as well meaning and born out of
years of frustration as it is. If the lawsuit follows the course of the
earlier ones, it will lead to a judicial mandate calling for a costly
solution enforced by the courts. Connecticut's current problems with
its schools are a tangle of decisions reached under pressure from the
judiciary.
Gov. M. Jodi Rell has set out on a more promising course. She has
formed a commission, the Commission on Education Finance, to attempt to
untangle the mess and determine what needs to be done to make it more
rational, so that one hand knows what the other is doing.
If that commission does a good job, the state will have a clear picture
of what it needs to do to make the public schools work better.
The second, and larger problem, is one that Gov. Rell and the
legislature have refused to address, but will need to: property tax
reform. Connecticut cannot hope to hold its schools accountable for
their failures and improve their performance as long as local taxpayers
pay for more than half the costs. The state shouldn't need a court to
tell it this.
This lawsuit will go forward whether or not we or anyone else agree
with it. But the governor, the legislature and the participants in the
Connecticut Coalition for Justice in Education in the meantime should
be putting their heads together to figure out how to unravel the mess
30 years of litigation has produced before the judiciary adds to that
another level of unworkable complexity.
State Sued Over School Funding; Town Aid Called Lacking;
Issue For Governor's Race
By MARK PAZNIOKAS And ROBERT
A. FRAHM, Courant Staff Writers
November
23, 2005
A school-funding lawsuit filed
Tuesday aims to increase state aid to municipalities by as much as $2
billion annually, creating an instant issue for the 2006 campaign for
governor. Nearly 30
years after Horton vs. Meskill, a landmark lawsuit that opened the
state coffers for school aid, the courts once again are being asked to
force political leaders to redefine the state's role in local education.
The
lawsuit claims there are vast disparities in opportunities and levels
of achievement among Connecticut's public schools. The
long-anticipated legal action is based on the widespread belief that
the General Assembly lacks the will to tackle a major spending increase
without the threat of court intervention.
"It's the big stick out there," said
Stephen Cassano, executive director of the lead plaintiff, the
Connecticut Coalition for Justice in Education Funding. The
two Democratic mayors running for governor, John DeStefano Jr. of New
Haven and Dannel P. Malloy of Stamford, are among the sponsors of the
litigation, which names Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell as a defendant.
"It's going to be a central issue in
the gubernatorial campaign," said Robert DeCrescenzo, a former East
Hartford mayor and Democratic activist.
New Haven and Stamford joined
Bloomfield, Bridgeport, Danbury, East Hartford, Hamden, Hartford,
Manchester, Middletown, New Britain, New London, Norwalk, Plainfield,
Putnam and Windham in underwriting the litigation, along with teachers'
unions and associations of school administrators. Rell
tried to blunt the issue two months ago, announcing the creation of a
commission to review the formula for computing school aid, the
Education Cost Sharing program.
Tuesday, she expressed
disappointment at the lawsuit.
"I hope that this lawsuit does not
become a distraction to the important work of this commission," Rell
said in a statement. "The governor and the General Assembly are in the
best position to address ECS issues, not judges."
A prominent Democrat, Sen. Thomas
Gaffey of Meriden, who is co-chairman of the legislature's education
committee, also viewed the case warily. He
said it relies on a coalition study that projects a need for millions
of dollars more for successful and relatively wealthy suburbs such as
Glastonbury, Simsbury and South Windsor while shortchanging struggling
school districts such as Bloomfield or Chaplin.
The lawsuit is a class action filed
in Superior Court in Hartford on behalf of 15 children and their
families. Like Horton vs. Meskill and the long-running Sheff vs.
O'Neill school desegregation lawsuit, the new legal challenge asserts
that equal educational opportunity is a right under the state
constitution.
"I'm very concerned about the
education my children are receiving," said Nekita Carroll-Hall, one of
the plaintiffs and the mother of two children, a kindergartner and
second-grader at Bridgeport's Classical Studies Academy. The
school, she said, has classes with as many as 30 students, compared
with classes almost half that size in neighboring Fairfield schools.
In Horton vs. Meskill, the state
Supreme Court ordered the state to close a large funding gap between
the state's wealthiest and poorest cities, sending millions to the
state's poorest cities. But the state's share of education funding has
been shrinking in recent years. Fifteen
years ago, the state paid nearly 46 percent of the cost of running
public schools; that figure has dropped to about 38 percent.
With education costs rising faster
than property tax revenue, the cry for more state aid has spread from
the cities to suburbs. The
issue is inextricably intertwined with the state's reliance on local
property taxes for local education, a system that depends on a constant
flow of new development to meet rising expenses.
But House Minority Leader Robert M.
Ward, R-North Branford, said the lawsuit appears to call for a sharp
increase in state taxes on income and sales without any guarantee that
local property taxes would be frozen or reduced.
"For Democrats who consider
themselves pro-education, it's suddenly a difficult issue when people
realize it doesn't help their property taxes and increases their income
taxes," Ward said. Malloy
and DeStefano have been careful not to commit to a state tax increase
as the means of relieving pressure on local taxpayers.
"Revenues go up almost every year,
so I'm not going to play the game that you have to advocate increases
in taxes," Malloy said. "I think you have to advocate spending the
resources differently."
Although some similar lawsuits in
other states have been resolved out of court, "typically these cases do
go to trial," said Molly A. Hunter of the Campaign for Fiscal Equity, a
New York City-based advocacy group that monitors school-funding
cases.
Latest effort to get
campaign finance reform...
Link to Manchester Journal-Inquirer series on Campaign Finance Reform
in CT HERE.
ACLU
Files Campaign Finance Lawsuit
Hartford Courant
By PAT EATON-ROBB, The Associated
Press
9:36 AM EDT, July 6, 2006
The state chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union and several
minor party candidates said Thursday they filed a federal lawsuit
claiming Connecticut's campaign finance law violates the candidates'
rights to free speech and association.
The law, which Gov. M. Jodi Rell
signed on Dec. 7, 2005, includes a voluntary public financing system
for campaigns that is set to affect next year's elections.
It also bans campaign contributions
from lobbyists, their families and state contractors.
"For more than 17 years, the ACLU
has supported public financing for political campaigns as a means of
facilitating the candidacy of individuals from diverse socio-economic
and political backgrounds," said Roger Vann, the executive director of
the Connecticut ACLU. "At the same time, however, we have been
concerned that election campaign reforms be achieved by means that do
not sacrifice basic civil liberties."
The ACLU and minor party candidates
say the financing system unfairly benefits major party candidates.
Democratic and Republican candidates
would qualify for public financing of $25,000 for a House race, $85,000
for a Senate contest and $3 million to seek the governor's office if
they meet private fundraising thresholds of $5,000 for a House
campaign, $15,000 for a Senate race and $250,000 for governor.
To obtain the same money given to
Democrats and Republicans, minor-party and petitioning candidates would
have to collect signatures from eligible voters equal to 20 percent of
the turnout in the most recent election for the office.
Based on a turnout of more than 1
million voters statewide in 2002, a minor party candidate for governor
would have to collect more than 200,000 signatures to qualify for full
funding.
"The Connecticut legislators who
drafted this law in the dead of night knew that they were creating a
system that would perpetuate two classes of political parties that are
separate and unequal," said S. Michael Derosa, a plaintiff in the
lawsuit and the Green Party's candidate for secretary of the state.
A message was left Thursday morning
seeking comment from Attorney General Richard Blumenthal, who
represents the state in the lawsuit.
Weicker Calls Reform
Unfair; Vows Legal Fight, Saying 3rd Parties Hurt On Funding
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff
Writer
December
3, 2005
Former Gov. Lowell P. Weicker Jr. said Friday he will ask a judge to
strike down Connecticut's new system of publicly financing campaigns,
saying it discriminates against minor parties. Weicker, who
outflanked the two-party system in 1990 to win the governor's race as a
third-party candidate, said that the bill passed Thursday virtually
locks out minor candidates for statewide office.
"It is entirely, in my opinion, illegal or unconstitutional to go
ahead and in effect set the bar higher for third-party candidates,"
Weicker said. Weicker said he probably will offer himself as a
plaintiff in a legal challenge he expects to be filed by the American
Civil Liberties Union, but he would file his own lawsuit if necessary.
"I'm not going to let this thing die, not by a long shot," Weicker
said. The bill bans contributions from lobbyists and state
contractors and creates a system of publicly financing campaigns,
beginning in 2008 for legislative races and 2010 for governor and other
state constitutional offices.
Weicker, 74, who left office in January 1995 after a single term as
governor, said he had no opinion on public financing. The only source
of his ire was the bill's treatment of minor candidates. His old
party, A Connecticut Party, is inactive, but Weicker remains an
unaffiliated voter who sees minor parties as a necessary check on the
majority parties. He and his wife, Claudia, recently endorsed an
independent candidate for town council in West Hartford, where Claudia
Weicker grew up.
Gov. M. Jodi Rell said she was aware of Weicker's plans.
"Gov. Weicker called me as a courtesy to share his concerns about the
bill and to let me know about a possible legal challenge because of the
constraints the new law will put on third-party candidates. I share his
concerns. This is one of the troubling aspects of the bill that I
intend to address," Rell said. The threat of litigation will not
alter her plans to sign the legislation next week, Rell said.
"The important thing is that the bill was passed, I plan to sign it
into law and the much-needed reform of our election process is becoming
a reality," she said. The ACLU of Connecticut is considering also
challenging the constitutionality of the ban on contributions by
lobbyists and contractors. Courts have equated donations with free
speech.
Under the bill, Democratic and Republican nominees will automatically
qualify for public financing of $25,000 for a House race, $85,000 for a
Senate contest and $3 million for a gubernatorial run if they meet
private fundraising thresholds of $5,000 for a House campaign, $15,000
for a Senate race and $250,000 for governor. Minor-party and
petitioning candidates must clear an additional hurdle of mounting a
major petition drive. To obtain the same money given Democrats and
Republicans, minor candidates would have to collect signatures from
eligible voters equal to 20 percent of the turnout in the most recent
election for the office.
Based on a turnout of more than 1 million voters statewide in 2002, a
minor party gubernatorial candidate would need more than 200,000
signatures to qualify for full funding. Candidates for legislative
office would need anywhere from several hundred signatures for House
races in low-turnout urban districts to several thousand for Senate
seats in highly competitive suburban areas.
Lesser public grants could be obtained by collecting signatures from 10
percent or 15 percent of voters - still a daunting a task, according to
many politicians. Qualifying for the ballot requires only 1
percent. Legislative sponsors defended the requirements as
necessary to keep frivolous candidates from obtaining public money.
Tom Swan of the Connecticut Citizen Action Group said the state
legislation is friendlier to minor candidates than the federal public
financing law for presidential races.
Sen. Andrew McDonald, D-Stamford, who reluctantly voted for the bill,
said his colleagues rejected his idea for a uniform public financing
system: For every dollar raised in small contributions from local
voters, the state would provide $3 in matching funds. "It would
have clearly treated all candidates for public office the same - and
the grants would be directly correlated to the amount of work
candidates put into it," McDonald said. He said Weicker's
involvement will give great visibility to the complaints about the
campaign-finance bill.
"He is a great spokesman for the rights of minority parties, and he
does well on the soap box," McDonald said. "He's got great credentials
for advocating that position."
The Good-Government State
Hartford Courant editorial
December 2, 2005
There's plenty of credit and
praise to be passed around now that the General Assembly passed
landmark campaign finance reform legislation this week - the Senate
Wednesday evening and the House early Thursday morning. For the first
time in what seems like eons, the "Corrupticut" nickname can be retired
and Connecticut can look forward to being called the land of clean
government.
When Gov. M. Jodi Rell attaches her
signature, our state will have one of the most comprehensive campaign
reform statutes in the country. Connecticut will be a national leader -
on the right side of the law.
The
scandals involving Gov. John G. Rowland, state Treasurer Paul
Silvester, Bridgeport Mayor Joseph Ganim and state Sen. Ernest Newton
of Bridgeport - all now "formers" with one out of prison, two still
behind bars and one to be sentenced later this month - made Connecticut
a national joke and dramatically stated the case for changes in ethics,
contracting and campaign financing laws.
Mrs. Rell, a Republican, quickly
made ethics her No.1 priority after succeeding Mr. Rowland on July 1,
2004. She changed her mind after years of opposing public financing and
embraced it as a way to find common ground on campaign reform with the
Democratic majority in the legislature. Democratic
leaders pledged fealty to reform, but it was hard work weaning the rank
and file from a system that sustained them over the years - a system
rich with special interest money and one that favors incumbents over
challengers. Our fear was that in the end, the majority party would not
rise to the occasion.
But behold, after weeks of special
session silence, the legislature, with Democrats at the helm, produced
what Mrs. Rell would call "a national model for reform" - and enough
votes to pass it. Democratic leaders - Senate President Donald E.
Williams Jr., House Speaker James Amann and their lieutenants - deserve
to sit at the head table along with Mrs. Rell.
Clean-government advocates lobbied
effectively for change, as did other elected officials.
Mayor Dannel Malloy of Stamford, for example, was credited with
persuading several doubting members of his city's legislative
delegation to vote for reform. Shame
on those who cast their lot with the corrupt old system by voting no.
Hartford state Rep. Marie Kirkley-Bey, a Democrat, was one. Forty-five
of the 53 House Republicans voted no.
The legislation bans most special
interest money - political contributions from lobbyists and their
clients, state contractors and corporations - and sets up a system of
voluntary public financing of campaigns for all state offices. That
does not guarantee an end to scandal or influence peddling. Interests
wanting business or favors from government will always seek an edge and
there will always be people in power to grant them one, for a price.
But the campaign reform enacted this
week will make scandal less likely. Experience in the two other states,
Arizona and Maine, that have forms of public financing indicates that
Connecticut's new system should help to level the playing field for
challengers in elections. It should elevate the average citizen, too,
who heretofore hasn't had the cash it takes to get his elected
representative's ear.
The Rowland scandal centered on
state contracting abuse, but efforts to reform the contracting process
have not yet succeeded. If Mrs. Rell and Democratic leaders could agree
on campaign financing changes, surely they can get together to clean up
contracting.
First, however, they deserve a
chance to bask in the glow of this week's historic moment - one that
all Connecticut residents can be proud of.
Rell Exults After Vote; GOP
Legislators Parted With Governor
December 2, 2005
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
Gov. M. Jodi Rell celebrated the passage of far-reaching campaign
finance reforms Thursday, even though fellow Republicans largely
abandoned her on the issue and a court challenge is possible.
"We have set the standard," Rell said. "We are now a role model for the
rest of the nation. I think that Connecticut can be very proud of this
bill."
The Democratic-controlled Senate and House combined for nearly 14 hours
of debate Wednesday night and Thursday morning, concluding at 2:44 a.m.
with passage by the House on an 82-65 vote.
Seven hours earlier, the Senate voted 27-8 to approve the legislation,
which bans contributions from lobbyists and contractors and creates a
voluntary system of publicly financing campaigns for state office.
Only four Republicans in each chamber supported the bill, which was
drafted by Democrats.
House Minority Leader Robert M. Ward, R-North Branford, rebuffed
overtures from Rell's senior staff and led a vigorous floor fight
against a bill that he described as badly flawed. The political
parties and legislative leadership's political action committees will
be permitted to make unlimited expenditures, such as paying for direct
mail appeals, on behalf of candidates who accept public financing.
"I found that loophole to be so overwhelming I couldn't support the
bill," Ward said.
Rell said that she also was troubled by those provisions, but that bans
on lobbyist and state contractor dollars, as well as public financing,
go far to minimize what she called the corrosive influence of special
interests in politics.
"I believe we got 85 percent or more of what I had hoped we would be
able to have in a bill at the end of June," said Rell, who intends to
sign the bill in the next few days. The legislature had ended its
regular session in June deadlocked over campaign finance reforms, an
issue that Rell had made a priority soon after succeeding John G.
Rowland as governor in 2004.
Rell said that she would seek legislation in the 2006 regular session
to correct flaws in the bill. She wants to limit party and leadership
expenditures and lower the threshold that petitioning and minor-party
candidates must meet to qualify for public funds.
Petitioning candidates must gather signatures from 20 percent of
affected voters, nearly an impossible task, to qualify for the same
public funds available to Democrats and Republicans.
The Green Party is considering challenging the provision in court, said
Michael DeRosa, the co-chairman of the party. The American Civil
Liberties Union of Connecticut is exploring a challenge on two grounds
- the unequal treatment of major and minor candidates, and the
violation of lobbyists' free speech rights. Courts have held that
political contributions are a form of speech.
"We are obviously concerned about the constitutional issues raised by
the law," said Roger C. Vann, executive director of the state's ACLU
chapter. Vann said that he expected no decision on a lawsuit for
weeks.
"This kind of case potentially would go all the way to the U.S. Supreme
Court. It would be potentially a long and difficult battle," he said.
"We don't take these decisions lightly."
Passage of the legislation was a personal victory for the Democratic
legislative leaders, who had been repeatedly outmaneuvered by Rell on
the issue, most recently by her calling legislators into special
session to tackle reform after they had refused to do so on their own.
House Speaker James A. Amann, D-Milford, and Senate President Pro Tem
Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn, delivered on a promise made Monday:
If necessary, Democrats could have passed the measure without a single
Republican vote.
Senate OKs Campaign Finance
8:22 PM EST, November 30, 2005
Associated Press (Courant)
HARTFORD, Conn. -- The state Senate approved some of the most sweeping
reforms of campaign finance laws in the country on tonight, including
tight restrictions on contributions and a voluntary, publicly funded
election system.
The House of Representatives was to
take up the bill later in the evening. A close vote was expected.
"The bill before us ... does things
that no other state in this union has done. It will give us the
cleanest, most comprehensive system," said Sen. Donald DeFronzo, D-New
Britain, co-chairman of the Government Administration and Elections
Committee.
The Democrat-controlled Senate voted
27-8 in favor of the bill. Four Republicans supported the legislation,
which would take effect on Dec. 31, 2006. Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell
said she will sign the bill into law if it reaches her desk.
"This is truly a historic bill. I'm
optimistic that it's going to be passed ... I'm looking forward to
being able to sign it into law," she said in a taped message sent
electronically to reporters. "I have said all along that Connecticut
citizens really want us to eliminate the corrosive and compromising
influence of special interest money."
To reduce the influence of special
interests, the bill bans campaign advertising booklets and political
contributions from lobbyists and state contractors.
It comes in the wake of a corruption
scandal last year that sent former Republican Gov. John G. Rowland to
prison and led to his former co-chief of staff and a major state
contractor pleading guilty in federal court. Connecticut has also been
rocked by two mayors going to prison in recent years.
What's The Hurry In
Hartford? Democrats aren't allowing time to read a major
campaign-finance-reform bill.
New London DAY editorial
Published on 11/30/2005
The Democratic Senate and House caucuses are making much fanfare of a
campaign-finance reform proposal they say will be the strongest law in
the nation. The problem is, they're trying to ram this complicated
legislation through the Capitol today and in the next few days.
Gov. M. Jodi Rell had nothing to look at early Tuesday afternoon. Nor
did the General Assembly's Republicans. Nor did the public. That's
because the Democrats had not even finished drafting the bill for state
officials and lawmakers to vote upon.
And, the Democrats said, the bill, when drafted, would be about 120
pages long.
Who in his right mind would try to draft such a comprehensive,
important and far-reaching bill and then allow virtually no time to
peruse the details before the Democrats, who control both houses, call
for a vote?
This is irresponsible legislating. It is a mockery of the purist
motives the Democrats ascribe to themselves in their lofty descriptions
of the bill they plan to craft.
What is the reason for not allowing time? Could it be that there are
potential loopholes built into the proposed bill? Are the Democrats
afraid of a full and fair discussion? The public relations explanations
put out in advance of the bill suggest there are elements of their plan
that look very good — namely the bans on ad books, contractor and
lobbyist donations and modified public financing of elections. All were
proposed first by Gov. Rell.
Perhaps this will be a wonderful piece of legislation. But unless
legislators have a written proposal, prepared to become law, how can
they expect to ask the right questions, or even any questions at all?
Such complicated legislation, which involves hundreds of details about
campaign donations and public financing, deserves time for everyone in
the political process to look at it. Then, the Democrats should
schedule hearings that offer lawmakers, state officials and the public
time to comment.
This is not trivial stuff. It is not one of the thousands of political
proclamations that lawmakers and the governor post each year to note a
person or event in the towns and cities. Rather, this is the outcome of
the Rowland administration scandal and it deserves careful
consideration, not slippery skullduggery.
Slow down the train. Let's make sure all the passengers are on board.
The people of Connecticut deserve much better than this performance on
such important legislation that will influence elections for years to
come.
Unfit To Lead?
Hartford Courant editorial
November 28, 2005
Next year's legislative session is within sight, and so far lawmakers
and Gov. M. Jodi Rell have fallen far short of concluding this year's
business. Unfulfilled are promises they made in the aftermath of the
Rowland scandals to clean up state contracting procedures and squeeze
dirty money out of political campaigns.
Blame for the impasse continues to
lie mostly with Democratic legislators who control both the House and
Senate. If they can't make good on their promises, Democratic lawmakers
won't deserve the confidence of Connecticut voters.
Earlier this month, Mrs. Rell vetoed
a bill passed in special session to reform the way the state hands out
contracts for such things as construction and providing the state with
goods and services. The bill outlined new contracting standards and
created a much-needed review board that would, for example, prevent
agencies from handing out no-bid contracts to political friends.
This was the second time Mrs. Rell
vetoed such legislation because, again, it contained language that the
governor believes would make it harder to hire contractors such as
nonprofit agencies that run group homes. These service providers are
essential. As a sop to their state-employee supporters, Democrats
insist on the privatizing language that Mrs. Rell opposes.
The governor is right. The
legislature should present her with a "clean" contracting bill with
elements on which they all can agree and take up the privatizing issue
separately.
Irresolute Democratic leaders can't
seem to fashion majorities in either of their House or Senate caucuses
behind significant campaign finance reform legislation. One reason that
lawmakers - many Republicans as well as Democrats - won't pull the
trigger on reform is because they benefit from the present system.
Money from lobbyists and their clients, state contractors and
corporations (through the ad book loophole) always seems to fill
incumbents' campaign coffers.
Reformers would replace much of the
corrosive special interest money with a voluntary public financing
system. Mrs. Rell says she'll go along with that. Democrats complain
that the governor has not yet twisted Republican arms to vote for
reform. That she should do. But so far the Democrats, who are in the
majority, have not produced a draft bill that contains their latest
vision of campaign finance reform.
Let's see a bill, and soon. Let's
see something besides excuses.
Incumbents Refuse To
Do Right Thing
By MORGAN MCGINLEY
Day Staff Columnist, Editorial Page Editor
Published on 11/27/2005
The Democrats are afraid to pass the tough campaign-finance reforms
Gov. M. Jodi Rell challenged them to do. They don't want to do what's
right because they control both houses of the legislature and next year
will bring a heated contest for governor. With Gov. Rell already out
front saying she won't accept campaign money from lobbyists, Political
Action Committees and contractors, the Democrats apparently are content
to sit back and take advantage of their multitude of connections to
special interests. They intend to go into the 2006 gubernatorial race
with buckets of money and they are pointing toward the legislative
races in 2007 with a similar intent.
So much for the high-minded rhetoric the legislative Democrats handed
out as they got ready to impeach the disgraced former Republican
governor, John G. Rowland. Now we know that this issue is not about
ethics and doing what's right, in their minds, but about preserving a
system that benefits the incumbents even as it might encourage
unethical behavior.
Shamelessly, the Democrats and some Republicans want to be able to
continue hitting up lobbyists, trade groups, businessmen and women and
contractors for big donations to fuel their campaigns and more. The
money raised by Political Action Committees goes for campaigns, but
lawmakers also use the funds to pay for meals for themselves and staff,
pay party workers, including relatives sometimes, and egregiously
solicit so much money that they intimidate would-be opponents from
running.
Campaign records in Hartford show that Senate candidates are raising up
to $200,000 in a single campaign. What in the world was a Senate
candidate doing raising that much money?
The Capitol has metamorphosed into a place where lobbyists and special
interests have far too much power because they provide the campaign
money and pay for ads in books at fund-raisers so that candidates can
be re-elected. Incumbents constantly pressure lobbyists for
contributions, to buy tickets to fund-raisers and for any other legal
form of money for their re-election campaigns.
Veteran lobbyists say political campaigns used to have many volunteers,
but more recently, professional campaign managers and consultants,
including some prominent former legislators, are charging large fees to
take over those roles.
The amounts of money raised are excessive. And the number of PACs is
proliferating.
Peter Tercyak, the representative from the 26th House District, gave
$2,000 in donations from his campaign fund-raising to Tom Swann of the
Connecticut Citizen Action Group, a reform organization. Previously,
CCAG took money from PACS controlled by House Speaker James Amann and
state Rep. Denise Merrill, the Mansfield Democrat.
What is going on?
It doesn't take a Ph.D to understand that special-interest money is
undermining the democratic process.
Mayor John DeStefano Jr. of New Haven has already raised $2.57 million
to run for governor. Mayor Dannel Malloy of Stamford has raised $1.7
million for the same purpose. A spokesman for Gov. Rell, who just
announced she will run a short time ago, said her campaign is doing
well raising money, but had no figure to report. Gov. Rell will be
facing increased financial pressure as her Democratic challengers keep
upping the ante. The governor's campaign spokesman, Rich Harris, says
Gov. Rell has pledged not to take money from PACs, contractors and
lobbyists and will remain true to that promise.
Campaign finance in Connecticut is a rotten system that deprives the
average taxpayer of the kinds of decisions that are in the best
interests of the people of Connecticut. Campaign finance is about
people who want to benefit personally from the state and about
incumbents who don't want a level playing field on which they face
competition for re-election.
Those who say public financing of campaigns is unappealing ought to
look more closely at the corrosive system that now runs Connecticut.
Campaign finance in gridlock again
Manchester Journal Inquirer
By Keith M. Phaneuf, Staff
Writer
November 19, 2005
HARTFORD
- For the third time this year, the push to write tougher state
campaign finance laws appears to be snarled by heated emotions and hurt
feelings.
Democratic
legislative leaders, contending they were insulted by Gov. M. Jodi
Rell's office, said this week they need to be convinced she is sincere
about enacting tougher rules before they'll share with her the bill
they're writing. The
governor, a Republican, arguing that Democrats are asking her to
blindly lobby support for a bill she's never seen, recalled that
Democrats specifically excluded her office from the bill drafting.
And all the while, the
calendar keeps rolling toward the winter holidays, at which point the
odds of any special session vote in 2005 are very slim. If
Rell and Republican legislators "were sincere about wanting to work on
this bill, not just read it so they can lob verbal grenades, they would
have asked to meet with us," House Speaker James A. Amann, D-Milford,
said Wednesday following a House Democratic caucus on campaign finance.
"If she would really like to sit down with us, would we do it?
Absolutely."
The governor said this week
that "I have been working for campaign finance reform for some time
now. If I get a bill, and if I can support it, I will work to get the
voters for that bill. But I am not going to work in a vacuum." Amann
also said he took offense earlier this month when Rell spokesman Judd
Everhart was quoted as saying, "it's pathetic that the majority
leadership is once again looking to Gov. Rell to bail them out on an
issue they say they support. The Democrats overwhelmingly control the
General Assembly and it is up to them to round up the votes necessary
to produce a bill."
Everhart said that what the
governor's office called "pathetic" was that House Democratic leaders
were demanding that Rell lobby for support on the same day nearly half
of their members didn't even attend a caucus to discuss campaign
finance legislation. Rell
and the Democrat-controlled state legislature have been grappling since
January about how to re-write the state's campaign finance laws.
Democrats, fueled by the
bid-rigging scandal that drove former Gov. John G. Rowland from office
in 2004 and eventually into a federal prison this past April, began
2005 by calling for tougher campaign finance rules. But
Democratic lawmakers' early proposals focused all or nearly all of the
changes on races for governor - the one seat they haven't held since
1990 - and for the other constitutional offices, but not on their own
legislative races.
With just under two weeks
left before the regular legislative session ended on June 8, Rell
challenged Democrats. She agreed to end her opposition to public
financing of state elections, provided Democrats would agree to weed
all special interest money out of state elections, and agree that new
rules would be applied equally to races both for governor and for the
legislature.
June 8 came without any law
being passed after House Democrats agreed to make all changes by late
2006, while Senate Democrats wanted to keep some special interest
sources available until 2010. Tempers
flared as Rep. Christopher L. Caruso, D-Bridgeport, arguably the most
vocal advocate of tougher campaign finance laws in the House, labeled
Senate President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn, "an
obstructionist," and "not a real Democrat."
At Rell's request,
legislators formed a summer working group to find a compromise. And
this time, House and Senate Democrats were united that public financing
would start in December 2006, and that all special interest dollars -
lobbyists, contractors, other businesses and political action
committees - would remain available until then as well.
Republican legislators on
that panel then chastised Democrats for refusing to shut off any
special interest sources now, and predicted few if any Republicans
would vote for such a bill. Democratic
leaders, whose members hold 99 out of 151 seats in the House and 24 out
of 36 in the Senate, responded by saying if they had to find all of the
votes, they would write the bill themselves, and not negotiate
compromise language with Rell.
"I'm not going to judge their
motives or their goals," Rell said this week, but added she doesn't
understand Democrats' recent cries for her to press for Republican
votes - for a bill she has never seen. Caruso,
though he would not discuss specific details, told Capitol reporters
this week he believes it contains several provisions Republicans could
support.
But House Minority Leader
Robert M. Ward, R-North Branford, said "I find the concept that the
Democrats can give us a bill and say 'take it or leave it' insulting. I
don't believe any Democrat, when they say 'don't worry, you don't need
to see it, it will be close to what you want.' To me, that's
meaningless." Ward
added he suspects Democrats are hiding details of the bill because they
hope to craft loopholes that will continue to give the majority party a
financial advantage. Caruso
charged Capitol news reporters with giving Rell "a free pass" and
failing to recognize that she can exert influence on her fellow
Republicans even without analyzing a bill.
Caruso also said he is
willing to meet with Rell personally to try to smooth things over, but
doesn't believe Rell's chief of staff, M. Lisa Moody, would allow it.
"You can't get in to see the governor because you can't get past the
palace guard," he said. "Lisa Moody needs to open the gates to the
Emerald City and let us in."
Everhart said Friday that if
Democratic legislative leaders want to present a bill to the governor,
she remains interested in talking. But he also said that Caruso, who is
co-chairman of the Government Administration and Elections Committee,
is neither the House speaker nor House majority leader, and isn't in a
position to negotiate on behalf of his caucus.
Legislators united in tackling
traffic woe
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio, Staff Writer
Published March 24 2006
STAMFORD -- A bipartisan panel of state legislators agreed yesterday
that improving Connecticut's rails and roads must be a top
priority. But party lines emerged when talk turned to paying for
the improvements.
The discussion during the Business Council of Fairfield County's
legislative breakfast at the Sheraton Hotel in Stamford included
Speaker of the House James Amann, D-Milford, Senate President Pro
Tempore Donald Williams, D-Brooklyn, House Minority Leader Robert Ward,
R-North Branford, and Senate Minority Leader Pro Tempore John McKinney,
R-Fairfield.
Amann discussed his proposal to fund a $5 billion transportation
improvement plan that was crafted by the state Transportation Strategy
Board. The proposal, backed by the Democratic Party, would be a
significant upgrade of Gov. M. Jodi Rell's transportation initiative,
which calls for $1.3 billion for Metro-North Railroad's New Haven Line
and highways last year, and another $600 million this year to build a
New Haven to Hartford rail line.
"We need to resolve this problem now," Amann said. "What are we waiting
for?"
The state could pay for the plan by raising the gross receipt tax and
through bonding, Amann said. Williams proposed paying for the
improvements with tolls.
"We can't take anything off the table," he said.
McKinney and Ward said leaning too much on bonding could put the state
into debt. The strategy board proposals must be prioritized before they
are funded, they said.
"We're not going to be able to just fund $5 billion all at once,"
McKinney said.
When the debate shifted to Rell's proposal to repeal the car tax and
the ongoing battle about the estate tax and millionaires' tax on
high-income residents, lawmakers differed on how to generate
revenue. Williams said Rell's car-tax proposal could hurt
low-income families who own an inexpensive car or no car because they
would lose a property tax credit worth up to $400.
Amann proposed repealing the estate tax but only if a millionaires' tax
is established.
"So the answer is to put a gun to the governor's head or a knife to her
throat," McKinney shot back.
Amann said the Democrats never wanted the estate tax and approved it
only as a compromise with the governor, who wouldn't accept the
millionaires' tax. The Democrat-controlled General Assembly reinstated
the controversial estate tax last year after it was off the books for a
decade. It applies to estates of $2 million and higher, and ranges from
5 percent to 16 percent of the value of an estate.
"We wanted to tax the living millionaires, and the Republicans wanted
to tax the dead ones," Amann said. But the Republicans said many
Democrats supported the estate tax.
"We shouldn't be engaged in this tax class warfare," McKinney said.
"I'm sick of hearing how the Republicans are the party of the rich."
Ward dismissed Democratic criticisms of Rell as something "common
during an election year."
Rell Sets Off
Tax Battle Over Wealth; Governor Wants To Phase Out Estate Levy,
But Opponents Call It Election-Year Ploy
Hartford Courant
By CHRISTOPHER KEATING, Capitol Bureau Chief
February 26, 2006
The battle lines are not only being drawn, they are being fortified at
the state Capitol over Gov. M. Jodi Rell's plan to eliminate
Connecticut's estate tax.
In fact, the clash has turned into class warfare (link to 2004 session
notes by "About Town").
Democrats say Rell's plan to phase out the tax over the next four years
is simply a giveaway to the rich when the state is expecting future
budget deficits. Republicans say the current tax is a counterproductive
levy that forces the state's wealthiest residents to move to warmer and
more tax-friendly states such as Florida.
A probate database for 2005 obtained by The Courant shows that 264
deceased residents had estates of at least $2 million, the threshold
required to trigger the tax. The database does not show how many
actually paid the tax because it can be temporarily avoided if the
estate is passed to a surviving spouse.
The deceased lived in 53 of the state's 169 towns and not all of them
in the "rich" towns.
As the nation's wealthiest state, Connecticut's affluence stretches far
beyond the rich enclaves of Fairfield County at the top of the economic
pyramid. Estates of $2 million or more were filed in East Hartford,
East Windsor, Bristol, Enfield, Hartford, Meriden, Milford,
Southington, Stafford, and Torrington, according to the database
compiled by the state probate court administrator's office.
The highest total was 73 in Southbury, a town known for its high number
of nursing-home beds that cater to "self-pay" residents who are too
wealthy to qualify for Medicaid. The second highest total was in
Greenwich with 38 estates over $2 million, including five worth more
than $22 million each.
The estate tax would cost a person with an estate of $2.1 million more
than $100,000. The tax ranges from 5 to 16 percent depending on the
size of the estate. The highest amount in taxes paid on an estate in
2004, for example, was $41 million, meaning that the estate could have
been worth $250 million or more, Democratic legislators and estate-tax
lawyers said.
At the state Capitol, the tax-writing finance committee will debate the
issue in the coming weeks, but the committee's co-chairman, Rep.
Cameron Staples, was harshly critical.
"It looks like an election-year tax cut that ignores" future deficits,
said Staples, a New Haven Democrat. "I would not want to reduce a tax
this year only to have to increase it next year. How do you propose
eliminating a tax when we are facing deficits? It would be foolish to
dig a trench for ourselves by cutting taxes dramatically when we're
projecting deficits."
The legislature's nonpartisan fiscal office is forecasting deficits of
hundreds of millions of dollars in the 2008, 2009, and 2010 fiscal
years - a sharp contrast to the $661 million projected surplus in the
current year and another surplus of about $500 million projected in the
next fiscal year.
But Rell's spokesman, Judd Everhart, said that any deficits in the
future would only worsen if the state's wealthiest residents move out
of state and no longer pay income, sales, or other taxes in Connecticut.
"Any CPA will tell a wealthy client to protect assets, and one way to
do that right now is to leave Connecticut," Everhart said. "Phasing out
and ultimately eliminating the estate tax will make Connecticut much
more competitive with states like Florida and Arizona, where there is
no estate tax."
Rell's plan calls for gradually eliminating the tax by 2010, pushing up
the threshold each year for those who must pay. The current $2 million
threshold would be increased to $4.1 million this year, $5.1 million in
2007, $7.1 million in 2008 and $10.1 million in 2009.
Rell is also calling for eliminating the "cliff," which under the
current system means that those with estates above $2 million must pay
the tax on the full amount - not just the portion above $2 million. For
example, a person with an estate of $1.99 million would pay nothing,
but a person with an estate of $2.1 million would pay more than
$100,000 in tax. The tax rates range from 5 percent to a high of 16
percent for the portion above $10.1 million.
Rep. Timothy O'Brien, a New Britain Democrat, said he cannot support
Rell's plan because the wealthy have already received a series of
federal tax cuts in recent years.
"I'm not in favor of giving rich people a tax break," O'Brien said.
"They're getting enough of a tax break from George Bush. They're paying
too little in Connecticut taxes now as a whole."
Everhart rejected that notion, saying that Connecticut cannot afford to
lose taxpayers because "we could never pay for the Democrats'
profligate spending" and would be unable to balance the budget.
"Already this year the Democrats have spent and re-spent the
anticipated budget surplus, with their multibillion-dollar
transportation plan and their proposed child-health initiative that
could add something like $500 million a year to the budget," Everhart
said.
Republicans have stated for years that increasing estate taxes or
instituting the so-called millionaires' tax on the wealthiest residents
would drive away those who pay the most taxes to the state. But
Democrats have repeatedly dismissed the idea, saying that the wealthy
could have long ago left Connecticut and its high quality of life if
taxes were the deciding factor.
Connecticut Voices For Children, a New Haven-based think tank that
analyzes the state budget, issued a recent analysis that there is no
evidence that the estate tax through the years has prompted residents
to leave.
"Anecdotes about wealthy Connecticut residents fleeing to warmer climes
should not drive public fiscal policy," the analysis said.
Both the well-known and the obscure are affected by the estate tax.
While public figures such as developer Donald Trump are known for their
wealth, the probate system's database of nearly 12,000 names from all
walks of life showed that many of those with multimillion-dollar
estates often avoid publicity. Others are known on a local or regional
level.
In West Hartford alone, 10 people filed estates of $2 million or more
in 2005, including a high of nearly $15 million for Millard Pryor Jr.,
former president of the Wadsworth Atheneum Museum of Art. A noted
philanthropist, Pryor was a self-made business executive who
volunteered his time for various arts organizations, including the
Hartford Symphony Orchestra and the Connecticut Opera.
Longtime First Amendment attorney Ralph Elliot, who often defended The
Courant before his death last February, left the second highest estate
in West Hartford in 2005 at $12.299 million.
Some of the largest estates statewide were from Greenwich, often
considered the state's wealthiest town.
Attorney Allen Maulsby, a former partner at the well-known law firm of
Cravath, Swaine, & Moore, left an estate of $27.8 million.
Attorney Robert Cantwell, the former general counsel for
Colgate-Palmolive Co. in New York City, left $27.5 million, while
business executive Gerard Finneran left $26.2 million.
Those estates are still smaller than one of the largest in Greenwich
history - the $68.4 million left by former IBM Corp. Chairman Thomas
Watson Jr. upon his death more than a decade ago.
Milford resident Benjamin P. Trivelli, the founder of Applied
Engineering Products Inc. of New Haven, left $20.89 million. Philip
Johnson, one of the nation's best-known architects for creating the
famous "Glass House" in New Canaan and other structures, left $13.1
million.
In Hartford and Farmington, two estates were above $2 million, while
Simsbury and Avon had one each for 2005.
State Rep. Livvy Floren, R-Greenwich, who has sponsored a bill to
repeal the tax in its entirety this year, said her constituents were
stunned when the legislature voted last year to impose the $2 million
threshold and make the law retroactive for wealthy people who died
after Jan. 1, 2005.
"It's caused a furor because people felt they were truly being gouged,"
said Floren, who represents one of the state's wealthiest districts.
"If we can up [the threshold] to $4 million, that's a good start."
When Floren campaigns in her upscale district, she says she often bumps
into constituents who say they cannot vote for her because they are
registered voters in Florida.
"That," Floren said, "breaks my heart."
Underestimating Wealth
Day editorial
Published on 2/13/2006
A University of Connecticut study is one that the legislature would
probably rather not know about, because dealing with it would involve
changing the formulas upon which state aid is distributed. If the study
from the Center for Population Research is correct, that should be done
as quickly as possible.
The study examined how Connecticut determines a town's wealth. It found
that the state relies upon U.S. Census data, gathered once every 10
years, to guide it in distributing money to towns. Using the census
formula is a problem. It means that the state underestimates the wealth
of rich towns, and probably overestimates the wealth of poor towns,
according to a Manchester Journal-Inquirer article.
The census figures on income do not count capital gains. Yet it is very
common for many people in Fairfield County to have significant income
from sales of stocks, which is counted as part of capital gains. So,
using these incomplete figures, the state probably gives too much aid
to rich towns.
At the same time, the census gives weight to the presence of colleges
and even prisons, and counts the low income of people who live at such
places toward a community's per-capita income.
Thus, the per-capita income of the people of Somers, which includes a
sizable prison, is said to be $23,000 according to the U.S. Census. But
the Internal Revenue Service puts the income at closer to $33,000.
At the same time, the state claims that no town in the state has a per
capita income above $100,000, based on Census Bureau data, while the
IRS says that about six towns have an income into the six figures. The
Census Bureau also says that just 12 Connecticut towns have per-capita
income of less than $20,000, and the IRS says 28 state towns have
incomes less than $20,000.
It's understandable that state officials might rather avoid controversy
by not changing the way that the state measures income. But the least
citizens can expect of their government is fair and accurate data, and
the income figures from the U.S. Census Bureau are incomplete at best.
Census data show need for tax cuts
CT POST editorial
Article created: 02/10/2006 04:32:56 AM
U.S. Census Bureau data released this week certainly underlines why
Connecticut residents deserve tax cuts, even if they are as modest as
Gov. M. Jodi Rell proposed in her budget address Wednesday.
During the past decade, according to the Census Bureau, Connecticut has
earned the dubious distinction of being one of the top five states in
the nation with the highest state tax receipts per person.
The Census Bureau data is pretty blunt: Connecticut's state taxpayer
burden increased by an average of 41 percent from 1994 to 2004.
That percentage increase matches the national average for the decade,
but it's indicative of how high the tax burden was even before 1994.
In her budget address Wednesday, Rell called for several tax
reductions, including elimination of the regressive local motor vehicle
tax and a 25 percent cut in the gross receipts tax on gas and electric
utility bills.
Repeal of the local motor vehicle tax is coupled with eliminating the
property tax credit on the state income tax, but its repeal would
extend the tax cut to many more taxpayers — especially poorer citizens
— who do not own homes.
It's a tax that the General Assembly examines periodically and once
actually approved in the early 1990s.
Well, now it's back on the table and majority Democrats seems to be in
apoplexy thinking they might actually have to cut taxes his session.
Leading Democrats spent most of Thursday trying to knock down the tax
repeal, which is popular with the general population.
Sure, gubernatorial politics and this year's election are strong
factors influencing Rell's proposals, but let's see what the Democrats
offer in tax cuts.
The Census Bureau report underscores the need for a modicum of tax
reductions this session when the state is sporting a current budget
year surplus that could be as high as $600 million, with another
surplus projected for the coming fiscal year beginning July 1.
Third contract bill merits a veto,
too
CT POST editorial
March 3, 2006
Is the Democratic majority in the state General Assembly striking out
on state contract reform? We think so.
On Wednesday, the Democrats railroaded passage through the Assembly of
their third attempt at a major state contracting reform bill. And
it's probable that they may take a call third strike when the measure
is considered by Gov. M. Jodi Rell.
In a statement issued shortly after the bill's passage, mainly along
party lines, Rell expressed frustration that the Democrats retained
portions of their earlier bills relating to private contracts for state
services. Rell last year vetoed two versions of the reform bill
because they would have eliminated the flexibility of a governor to
contract with private companies for services.
While the Democrats made some concessions in this third attempt — such
as exempting nonprofit agencies from the privatization restrictions —
the bill approved Wednesday still contains language that Rell
administration officials contend was almost certainly written by state
employee unions. In the end, the privatization restrictions could
end up costing state taxpayers more money for the same services.
That's because the bill would require a cost-benefit analysis of all
privatized contracts and require that the private workers receive pay
and benefits that compare to those earned by state employees performing
similar jobs. No doubt there's a lot of politics involved here
since it's a state election year and state employee unions almost
always line up behind the Democratic candidate for governor.
However, lawmakers ought to be more interested in making state
contracts more affordable for taxpayers not more expensive. It's no
secret that state employee benefits are far more generous than most of
those found in the private sector.
After vetoing the two contracting reform bills last year, Rell
established a bipartisan state contracting standards board through
gubernatorial executive order. It has started its work and it certainly
should move forward and create its own privatization standards.
In the meantime, Rell must give this latest contracting reform bill a
third strike and call the Democrats out.
Don't Block Contract Reform
Hartford Courant editorial
March 2, 2006
Here we go again; same song, third verse.
Last year, Gov. M. Jodi Rell vetoed two bills reforming state
contracting procedures because both pieces of legislation were
encumbered with provisions authored by Democrats that would hinder the
governor's ability to outsource state work when it makes sense to do
so. Mrs. Rell was right to reject the bills, even if that meant
delaying needed reform.
The governor is back at it this year. She is sponsoring a bill that
represents the work of a bipartisan task force that made
recommendations for changes in the way the state buys goods and
services in the wake of contracting scandals during the Rowland
administration.
Same as last year, her proposal calls for the creation of a contracting
standards board and a uniform procurement code. Officials in state
government who approve contracts and contractors who win bids to do
state work would be held accountable for complying with consistent
rules. Gone, presumably, would be the days of sweetheart deals and
no-bid contracts for buddies.
But Mrs. Rell may be forced to veto yet a third time because Democrats,
at the behest of unions, insist on "privatization" standards in
whatever bill passes. The standards would require, for example, that
employees working for for-profit contractors who do state work be paid
the same as state employees. That's not necessarily a cost-effective
way for the state to do business. The executive departments ought to
have flexibility to get the best deal for taxpayers when the state
purchases goods and services.
Lawmakers and the governor should agree to enact legislation that sets
up a contracting standards board and a procurement code. First put the
worst of the Rowland-era contracting scams behind us.
Then they can take up the privatization issue. Some sort of compromise
may be possible. Already, Senate President Pro Tem Donald Williams has
agreed to exempt nonprofit service providers from privatization rules.
The governor says she might be able to support privatization
legislation that addresses situations in which outsourcing work would
lead to the layoff of state employees.
If Democrats, who control the legislature, insist on burdening the
contracting bill with the privatization rules, thereby provoking a
third Rell veto, the death of contracting reform will be their fault
alone.
Of the possibility of another veto from the governor, one Democratic
senator said last week, "I really think on this one we're bumping up
against some Republican ideology." That's a laugh.
The obstacle blocking contracting reform is not Mrs. Rell.
Mayor
DeStefano wins Primary!

He will run with Mayor
Malloy's running-mate, Mary Glassman, former Simsbury First Selectwoman.


Gubernatorial
candidates take off the gloves
Andy Bromage, Register Staff
07/19/2006
NEW LONDON — Democratic gubernatorial candidates Dannel P. Malloy and
John DeStefano Jr. snarled over health care, campaign finance reform
and ethics in a 60-minute televised debate Tuesday in which they sought
to distinguish themselves three weeks ahead of an Aug. 8 primary.
DeStefano, the mayor of New Haven, and Malloy, Stamford’s mayor,
alternately called each other "friend" or slammed each other for
"dramatics" and distorting their records before a packed house in the
Garde Arts Center, an ornate 1920s movie and live theater palace.
Ten minutes in, panelist Mark Davis of WTNH Channel 8 asked the
question probably on many viewers’ minds: "What the heck is the
difference between you two?"
DeStefano, wearing a red tie to Malloy’s blue, begin with a stock
answer about the election being a choice between "four more years of
the same or..." when Davis cut him off, barking, "You are not answering
the question. This has nothing to do with (Republican Gov.) Jodi Rell.
It has to do with the two of you."
DeStefano said he supports funding universal health care by closing
corporate tax loopholes, while "Dan has George Bush pay for health
care" through Medicaid and will leave state health care in "critical
condition." Malloy tore into DeStefano for suggesting his own plan
would do away with mandates for birth control pills and three-day
hospital stays for new mothers.
Malloy ripped DeStefano for refusing last year to commit to forfeiting
the millions he raised for his campaign if the legislature adopted
campaign finance reform in time for the 2006 governor’s race.
"I truly think that if you had agreed we would have had campaign
finance reform," Malloy said. "When the opportunity presented itself,
not in the abstract, not in the future, you failed."
DeStefano shot back: "I appreciate Dan’s dramatics, but voters deserve
better than this. You are better than this on most occasions. Rise to
the occasion."
The candidates were asked their positions on eminent domain for private
development in a city that has become synonymous with property takings.
New London used eminent domain to take private property for homeowners
for private commercial development, touching off a national furor over
eminent domain.
Malloy said local governments should wield eminent domain carefully and
compensate homeowners based on the value the property would have as
private development, not as a house.
DeStefano said eminent domain should be confined to the 25 cities and
towns considered designated as distressed municipalities, and advocated
giving the power solely to elected legislative bodies.
Each candidate touted their records in their respective cities, in
cutting crime, building affordable housing and providing quality pre-K
education.
Before the debate, hundreds of supporters chanting and holding big blue
"Malloy" or "DeStefano" signs rallied outside the theater in a
flashback to the Democratic Party convention in May, when Malloy won
the endorsement by the narrowest of margins.
Polls give DeStefano a slight edge over Malloy, though neither fares
well against Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell, who rose to governor after
her predecessor John G. Rowland resigned in disgrace. Rell beats either
Democrat 2-to-1 in the polls.
Democratic
candidates assail lack of housing
New Haven REGISTER
Gregory B. Hladky, Capitol Bureau Chief
07/09/2006
Editor’s note: This is another in an occasional series of stories
examining the Democratic gubernatorial candidates’ stands on the issues
leading up to the Aug. 8 primary.
HARTFORD — Connecticut’s Democratic gubernatorial candidates agree that
shortages of affordable housing are boosting crime rates, forcing
population declines and cheating minorities out of the opportunities of
home ownership. But the candidates, Stamford Mayor Dannel
P. Malloy and New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr., have some very
different ideas about the best way to solve Connecticut’s spreading
housing crisis.
Recent studies have found that Connecticut housing costs have boomed by
63.6 percent in the past five years, while wages have risen by only
18.5 percent. Another report warned that workers forced to leave
Connecticut because they can’t find housing could cost the state as
much as $133 million a year in tax revenues.
"The lack of affordable housing affects everyone in Connecticut,"
Malloy said.
DeStefano said affordable-housing shortages are having a ripple effect
across the state, with the Naugatuck Valley being forced into the role
of housing provider to Fairfield County workers who can’t afford to
live in Fairfield County.
Malloy said that many of the initiatives he’s been a part of as mayor
of Stamford, including requiring all new developments to include some
affordable-housing units, can serve as models for the rest of the state.
Connecticut must vastly increase its investment in housing and provide
incentives for communities to build housing that will offer real
home-ownership opportunities to African-Americans and Hispanics, Malloy
said.
DeStefano said his long experience as mayor of New Haven has convinced
him that urban housing models aren’t likely to be accepted by or meet
the needs of suburban and small-town Connecticut. He wants to see
regional planning that unites concerns about housing, transportation
and economic development before allocating state money.
And if a municipality objects to providing affordable housing as part
of a regional scheme, DeStefano said the state should be ready to use
state aid or withhold it as a carrot to encourage cooperation.
Rich Harris, campaign spokesman for Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell,
disputed claims by the two Democrats that the state hasn’t made
affordable housing a priority. "Just since July 1, 2004, (when Rell
became governor), the state has invested $65 million in affordable
housing," Harris said.
According to Harris, those state dollars "have leveraged $145 million"
in federal and private money for affordable-housing projects in
Connecticut and Rell has had a special task force working on the issue
since April 2005.
"Since she took office, more than 4,000 new units of affordable housing
have already been built or are in the pipeline," Harris said.
DeStefano and Malloy are headed for a Democratic gubernatorial primary
showdown on Aug. 8. Housing issues could provide Democratic voters one
way to differentiate between the two candidates.
Malloy’s and DeStefano’s complaints about the inadequacy of
Connecticut’s past efforts to build affordable housing echoed many of
those being made by the Connecticut Housing Coalition.
Members of the coalition warn that skyrocketing housing costs are
having a damaging impact on this state’s economy and quality of life.
Studies found that 257,000 Connecticut families are earning less than
80 percent of the state’s median income and are paying 30 percent or
more of that income for housing.
Malloy said a major part of the state’s failure to find a way to
provide more affordable housing is a general lack of understanding of
the problem by the public.
"There is still this huge, huge disconnect in the minds of most of our
fellow Connecticut citizens when it comes to the issue of affordable
housing," said Malloy. "It’s as if the only thing they can think about
is a failed housing project built in the 1950s or 1960s."
Malloy said the success Stamford has had in building or planning for
more than 5,700 new housing units in recent years began with a public
education campaign.
According to Malloy, the state’s annual investment in
affordable-housing construction has declined from $125 million in the
late 1980s to "only a pittance" of $5 million to $6 million a year
today.
Malloy argued the state must dramatically increase spending on housing
programs to alleviate low- and moderate-income housing shortages or
face serious consequences in population losses, increasing urban crime
and sluggish economic growth.
"There is no wiser investment than good, safe, decent housing," said
Malloy.
Malloy cited Stamford’s requirement that all new developers include a
certain percentage of affordable housing in their projects as one model
that can work across Connecticut. He said other communities could also
copy another Stamford rule banning the tearing down of
affordable-housing units unless an equal number of new affordable units
are built.
Malloy said the state must refocus the Department of Economic and
Community Development to emphasize housing. "When you take housing out
of (the title of) an agency that’s supposed to build housing, you’re
sending a powerful message," said Malloy.
Malloy said he is convinced that Connecticut communities across this
small state have much more in common on the issue of affordable housing
than they have differences. "We are more alike simply because we live
in this little corner of the world," said Malloy.
DeStefano sharply disagreed. He told members of the housing coalition
that small towns and suburban municipalities face "a very different
kind of challenge … than mature urban communities."
"The solutions of New Haven are not particularly relevant outside of
New Haven," DeStefano said. He said 80 percent of New Haven’s housing
units are rented, three-quarters of the city’s housing stock is more
than 70 years old and densely packed into a small area with access to
mass transit.
"Frankly, it’s not the issues or challenges I see when I go to
Fairfield County," said DeStefano. He added that eastern Connecticut
has a different set of issues because the casinos have created 25,000
new jobs without providing any new housing for those workers.
"There is not one solution that fits the state of Connecticut," said
DeStefano. What needs to happen is to have regional councils of
government develop real plans that address housing, transportation and
economic development at the same time.
DeStefano said it’s impossible to deal with any one of those issues
without affecting the others.
He also argued that Connecticut’s heavy dependence on local property
taxes to finance education "is driving land use" and housing
development. As one example, he said many towns now prefer to build
senior citizen affordable housing because they don’t want the
additional school children that family housing would bring to already
overburdened school systems.
DeStefano disagreed with Malloy that so-called "inclusive zoning,"
requiring municipalities to force the inclusion of affordable housing
in all new development projects, is a solution.
According to DeStefano, the state shouldn’t be allocating any money for
local housing or other types of projects unless those developments fit
into an overall regional plan.
DeStefano said he would like to see state financing for local projects
tied to a community’s willingness to take part in regional planning
efforts.
"I think there are carrots the state hands out all the time that ought
to be tied to reform," he said.
Rivals question
cost of Malloy policing plan
By Keith Phaneuf,
Journal Inquirer
06/28/2006
HARTFORD -- Democratic gubernatorial contender Dannel P. Malloy
unveiled a crime reduction plan Monday that would place 1,000 new
police officers on the streets
over the next four years.
Malloy, who announced his plan in the capital's violence-plagued north
end, also would bolster municipal gun-control efforts, invest in youth
development programs, and raise the age for young offenders to be
referred to juvenile courts.
The Stamford mayor's plan, which would invest more than $90 million
over four years, came under fire from gubernatorial rivals, whose
campaigns charged it would
cost far more -- and ultimately would shift those costs onto cities and
towns.
"It is time Connecticut's leadership recognized that an increase in
crime and illegal gun activity can be slowed and eventually stopped,
but only with strong, progressive leadership -- leadership that takes
into account community involvement and acts as a true partner," Malloy
said.
"Fighting crime is critical to building successful, economically
strong, and culturally vibrant communities," he added. "It's one of the
keys to building a better Connecticut."
Malloy, who announced his plan Monday at Bethel AME Zion Mission, would
invest:
-- $35 million over four years to increase state trooper staffing from
the minimum required by law of 1,248 to 1,600 and to expand municipal
community policing programs.
-- $10 million over four years in competitive grants to help towns
crack down on illegal gun activity.
-- $30 million over four years in youth service bureaus, mentoring
programs, after-school and weekend youth activities, teen job pilots,
and other youth development initiatives.
-- $17.5 million over two years in a "justice reinvestment initiative"
to expand support services for parolees and thereby reduce recidivism
and the number of non-violent offenders in prisons.
Malloy has said he believes he can find room in the state budget for
new initiatives through better prioritization and efficiency. He added
he believes his plan would save millions of dollars annually, including
$12.5 million per year in reduced prison costs.
"All plans in the world won't make a difference if you can't pay for
them," Rich Harris, spokesman for Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell's
campaign, said today.
"The governor, on the other hand, has made sure that money was included
in this year's budget to fight violent crime and to reduce violence,
especially among juveniles in our urban areas," he said. "That's the
difference between rhetoric and reality."
New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. will face Malloy in an Aug. 8
Democratic gubernatorial primary.
DeStefano's spokesman, Derek Slap, said today that Malloy's plan likely
would cost tens of millions more per year than Malloy estimates,
considering that new police officers will require vehicles and other
equipment.
"He provides no funding for this," Slap said. "We would assume he would
raise property taxes in communities to pay for it. It looks like this
is an unfunded mandate."
Malloy campaign spokesman Roy Occhiogrosso responded that "Dan Malloy
is the only candidate in this race who's put together a comprehensive
public safety proposal that is innovative, that is progressive, and
that will help make Connecticut what Stamford has become under his
leadership: a safer place in which to live."
"The plan is paid for and it will be paid for once he's elected
governor," Occhiogrosso added.
Dem candidates trade accusations
By
PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
June 23, 2006
NORWALK — Campaigns for the two Democratic primary candidates for
governor each accused the other of dirty tricks Thursday, in a dispute
over a labor endorsement.
New Haven Mayor John DeStefano's campaign said Stamford Mayor Dannel
Malloy fabricated an endorsement from a government employees' union,
while the Malloy camp said DeStefano supporters used thug tactics to
pressure the union into withdrawing its endorsement.
The Malloy campaign issued a press release Friday afternoon, announcing
it had received the endorsement of the Association of Federal, State,
County and Municipal Employees Local 1303-393, representing workers at
New Haven's Water Pollution Control Authority. Council 4, the
group representing 35,000 AFSCME workers in Connecticut, including
Local 1303-393, last month endorsed DeStefano.
Less than four hours after Malloy's release, the DeStefano campaign
issued its own statement, calling the endorsement a fabrication.
Both releases included quotes from local 1303-393 President Arthur
Sandella. In Malloy's release, Sandella called the Stamford mayor "the
strongest Democratic candidate," and said "we're proud to endorse him."
In DeStefano's subsequent release, Sandella said those quotes were
invented by the Malloy campaign.
"I never said that," the DeStefano campaign quotes Sandella as saying.
"There was no vote among members or the executive board. There was no
endorsement."
A Malloy spokesman said Sandella's quotes supporting their candidate
were drafted in direct consultation between the union head and campaign
officials. Sandella did not return calls requesting
comment. DeStefano's campaign called the situation "laughable."
"It's just kind of incredible," said Derek Slap, a DeStefano campaign
spokesman. "If you're going to put something like this out, you need to
make sure that it's true."
Malloy's camp responded, alleging DeStefano supporters pressured the
local into revoking its endorsement.
"Any thinking person can see what happened here — It was a startling
reversal after things went public," said Chris Cooney, a Malloy
campaign spokesman. "(The local) clearly came under immeasurable
pressure from the John DeStefano campaign ... We saw that kind of
thuggery leading up to and at the (state Democratic) convention, and
frankly we all know how that turned out for Mayor DeStefano."
At the convention, Malloy won the party's official endorsement by a
four-vote margin, after last minute politicking by the campaigns and
vote switching by delegates. Cooney said Malloy was to be
endorsed by the union at an event this afternoon, but a scheduling
conflict forced its cancellation. He said all quotes in the
campaign's release were cleared with union leaders, adding he does not
blame them for the "attack on their own freedom of choice at the hands
of Mayor DeStefano."
"I just think it's sad that the Malloy campaign is calling (Sandella) a
liar," Slap responded. Malloy and DeStefano will face off in an
Aug. 8 primary, with the winner challenging Republican Gov. M. Jodi
Rell in November. Council 4 spokesman Larry Dorman said he has
not heard of any AFSCME locals supporting Malloy.
"Individual locals can always feel free to make their own choices, but
our union is in support of Mayor DeStefano," said Dorman. "I think this
is something that's going to have to be played out between the two
campaigns."
Convention
special:
Stamford mayor
gets Dems nod in gov race
By PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
May 21, 2006
HARTFORD — By a four-vote margin,
Stamford Mayor Dannel Malloy squeaked to victory at the Democratic
nominating convention Saturday, beating New Haven Mayor John DeStefano
to win the party's endorsement for governor.
Only after several challenges and a
handful of delegates switched their votes was the total finalized.
Malloy's victory at the Connecticut
Expo Center does not cement his place on the November ballot, as
DeStefano has vowed to mount a primary challenge...
And from the
Greenwich TIME:
Malloy takes Dem nod, but primary looms
By Tobin A. Coleman
TIME Staff Writer
Published May 21 2006
HARTFORD -- In a pitched, seesaw battle, Stamford Democratic Mayor
Dannel Malloy pulled off a political upset yesterday, winning his
party's nomination for governor by four votes.
Malloy beat New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr., 799- 795, after a
convention floor contest not seen in Connecticut state politics in many
years.
The two are headed for an Aug. 8 primary for all registered Democrats
to decide who will face Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell Nov. 7.
Malloy, 50, hoarse after climbing atop chairs on the convention floor
and urging supporters at the top of his lungs with, "Let's take it!
Come on!" accepted the nomination at about 5 p.m.
"I want to congratulate and thank my noble opponent in this convention,
John DeStefano, who fought a good fight," Malloy said to energetic
cheers surrounded by his wife Cathy, his family, closest supporters and
campaign aides. "And, I want you and I want him to know that I am
prepared to work with every single Democrat in this state to make sure
Connecticut gets the job done. . . . You know, Republicans will say,
'Boy, those Democrats are awful messy.' And on the day after Election
Day in November, we'll say, 'Boy, those Republicans shouldn't have
counted us out.' "
In an interview, Malloy said he would "protect this nomination" in a
primary against the New Haven mayor.
Malloy said he will work to bring 100,000 new jobs to the state, fix
transportation problems, make sure education is affordable and change
the way the state pays for education.
Malloy was nominated by former Westport First Selectwoman Diane
Farrell, who is running to unseat U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Conn.
Among those seconding the nomination were former super welterweight
boxing champion Travis Simms of Norwalk.
"I refer to him as 'Danny Boy Malloy,' " Simms said.
DeStefano, 51, his wife Kathy at his side, was upbeat in defeat,
promising a vigorous primary -- a contest both men had promised no
matter what yesterday's result.
"Tomorrow, the real campaign begins," DeStefano said after the
nomination. "The campaign to go to the Democrats in the state of
Connecticut and talk about the things that are important to them."
DeStefano, the mayor of New Haven for the past 12 years, for the first
time publicly, named West Hartford Mayor Scott Slifka, 32, as his
running mate.
"This is about this November, bringing back this state from a
Republican governor and bringing it back to the Democratic Party and
this is the team that's going to do it," Slifka said.
On the eve of the nomination, DeStefano claimed he would win the
nomination with 900 votes. But that is not how it played out.
Malloy viewed his victory as a political comeback, particularly since
his campaign was stymied for more than eight months while the chief
state's attorney conducted an investigation into whether he had given
preferential treatment for city work to contractors who had worked on
his Shippan home. Chief State's Attorney Christopher Morano later
publicly cleared Malloy.
The floor fight took two hours, during which both men went to the floor
and fought for votes.
The initial convention tally went to DeStefano by three votes. The
rules then allow towns one chance to make changes and several towns
did, notably Greenwich, which switched two votes after some pressure by
Farrell.
After the vote switches, some town delegate counts were challenged,
some on the basis that delegates whose votes were counted were not
physically present, which is against the rules, and some based on
claims that votes were not properly recorded.
Vote counts changed as party leaders met and handled each challenge.
Malloy drew his strength from Connecticut's big cities and towns
throughout Fairfield County.
"I've been (here) 24 years and I've never had more fun at a state
convention," said House Speaker James Amann, D-Milford, a Malloy
supporter. After the initial vote, Amann was instrumental in keeping
the DeStefano camp from siphoning off a vote from the Milford
delegation, helping the Stamford mayor maintain his slim margin.
The convention also nominated Malloy's choice for lieutenant governor,
former Simsbury First Selectwoman Mary Glassman, 47.
DeStefano confident
as he seeks nomination at convention
Stamford
ADVOCATE
By Tobin A. Coleman
Published May 14 2006
HARTFORD -- Sometime Saturday, New
Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. and his Democratic rival, Stamford Mayor
Dannel Malloy, will give their speeches at the Democratic state
convention and 1,607 delegates will vote on who to nominate for
governor.
It is only the first step in the
process for the nomination. Both men have said they intend to run a
primary campaign regardless of the outcome.
If so, a primary will be on Aug. 8.
Leading up to the convention at the
Connecticut Expo Center, the candidates' efforts have been the
unremarkable, retail-level politics that usually characterize campaigns
in a state as small as Connecticut.
DeStefano, who turned 51 on
Thursday, said in an interview last week that the meetings with local
Democratic town committees, phone calls to potential supporters and
donors, endorsements and rallies, have led him to the conclusion that
he has enough delegates to win the nomination Saturday and ultimately
prevail in a primary.
He also says that, win or lose this
week, the effort has been worthwhile.
"It's fun. It's draining, but it's
fun," DeStefano said. "Most people are pretty good. Really good.
Positive."
He called the months of campaigning
necessary for Democrats facing an incumbent governor as popular as
Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell, who has a 77 percent approval rating,
according to a Quinnipiac University poll released May 2.
The exposure the two men have
received because of their campaign against one another has been
positive, he said.
"I think it's been good in terms of
engaging Democratic elites in all these towns, because we never would
have been out there in January, February, March, April, talking to
Democratic Party people ," DeStefano said.
Between now and Saturday DeStefano
will spend much of his time speaking to delegates.
"You meet with delegates in their
town committees, you meet with delegates in regional meetings, you know
you're mostly concentrating on folks who haven't made a decision yet,"
DeStefano said. "You just talk to them every night, every day."
DeStefano won't say how many
delegates he has, but believes it is at least the 804 he needs to win
the convention.
"We feel we'll win the convention,"
DeStefano said. "If you ask Dan, I think he'd say he'll win the
convention. I know where I am and I feel intellectually honest saying
it."
To date, the campaign has been
relatively friendly focusing mostly on differences between themselves
and Rell, though there have been a few spats.
During a debate before the Latino
and Puerto Rican Affairs Commission at the state Capitol, the two camps
argued about how many Latinos Malloy had hired in his administration.
Malloy's camp said DeStefano was intentionally repeating erroneous
numbers DeStefano's camp said the numbers were accurate.
The two candidates have different
approaches on some of the major issues, but their goals are often close
or indistinguishable. For example, Malloy released a plan to provide
health care for all children in the state, while DeStefano unveiled a
plan for universal health-care coverage.
DeStefano has put a lot of effort
into connecting with labor unions. He often cites his union
endorsements and points out the power of having union members, skilled
at organizing, as a major component of his field operation. Last week
his campaign held a training session for about 300 union members to
teach them how to be effective knocking on doors and organizing for the
primary race.
The campaign also requires cash and
DeStefano has spent a lot of time fundraising.
"We're budgeting to spend every dime
(by) August 8 and we've had some discussions what we'll do August 9
about fundraising," DeStefano said. "Right now I'm just focused on
raising money between now and August 8. I think we have a good network
now, and that's one advantage of having started two years ago."
DeStefano had raised a total of $3.3
million at the end of March, compared with $2.8 million for Malloy and
$1.8 million for Rell, who started raising money last fall -- more than
a year after the Democrats.
Both men vowed there will be a
primary, though that's the same promise Democrats Bill Curry and George
Jepsen made four years ago when, in a move to unite the party, Jepsen
gave up his race for governor and joined Curry to run for lieutenant
governor.
They lost to former governor John
Rowland and Rell, his lieutenant governor, 56 percent to 44 percent.
"I don't know of anyone who thinks
that's going to happen" this time around, DeStefano said of him and
Malloy joining forces. "I haven't had a discussion with anybody about
it. I don't see it happening. "
Governor Rell
(R) with Mike Fedele, Lt. Governor candidate; Mayor
DeStefano(D) and running-mate Mary Glassman (was Dan Malloy's Lt.
Governor choice)

No surprises, no challenges for GOP bids
Greenwich
TIME
By
Brian Lockhart
Published May 21 2006
NEW BRITAIN -- There's no shortage
of potential slogans for Gov. M. Jodi Rell's gubernatorial campaign.
A few seen on the floor of the
party's convention at Central Connecticut State University, read "Give
'Em Rell," "Rell Rocks" and "Rell is Swell."
Or perhaps, Rell coined her own in
accepting her party's nomination, as she acknow-ledged potential
criticism from her Democratic opponent.
"To those who seek to tear down our
state to build themselves up I say 'Open your eyes and close your
mouths,' " Rell said to rousing applause.
It has been nearly two years since
Rell, then a lieutenant governor, was thrust into her current position
by Gov. John Rowland's resignation during impeachment proceedings. She
enjoys a 77 percent approval rating and the full support of a state GOP
appreciative for helping restore its image.
Greenwich Sen. William Nickerson
summarized the mood at yesterday's convention as "a love fest of
admiration for a governor who's going to win."
Rell's nomination was preceded by
uncontested votes for Bob Farr for Attorney General, Cathy Cook for
Comptroller, Richard Abate for Secretary of the State and Michael
Fedele for Lieutenant Governor.
"I am honored -- deeply honored --
to be here," said Fedele, a former state representative from Stamford.
He was nominated yesterday by Rep. Lawrence Cafero, R-Norwalk.
Rell's speech yesterday did not
remind the room of Rowland's troubles. That was left to a video, shown
just prior to her entrance, of her July 1, 2004 swearing-in.
"This is a time unlike any other in
our state's history. . . . Let us not squander our opportunity," said
the woman on the monitor screens. "My pledge as your governor is
simple. I'll work tirelessly with honor, dignity and civility."
Rell made the case yesterday that
she kept her word and deserves a full four-year term. She cited
accomplishments such as committing $3.6 billion to transportation;
establishing an ethics office; changing how the state awards contracts
and reforming campaign finance regulations; fully funding teachers'
pension funds; expanding health care; and growing the state's rainy day
fund.
"They talked about it for 20 years,"
Rell said of the legislature's Democratic majority. "We did it in 20
months."
If she wins in November, Rell said
she will turn her attention to controlling energy and gas costs,
revamping the state's method of education funding and trying to revive
her recently failed effort to abolish the car tax.
"As a governor, I knew I was in a
unique position to shape his world of wonderment and possibilities,"
said Rell, recalling the first time she held her grandson, Tyler.
"Those of us in public service must continually look into the eyes of
our children to see their future and grasp the present."
The governor showed a sense of humor
in her decision to have Juliet Ben-Ami, a 17-year-old who sideswiped
Rell's car in February, make the initial nomination.
"Governor Rell and I met under the
most unusual circumstances," said Ben-Ami to a round of laughs, adding
the way the governor treated her is how she runs Connecticut.
"She helps us feel at ease, looks
towards a bright future and creates it. I was lucky to run into her and
so was the great state of Connecticut."
A Good Veto Of A Flawed Bill;
Democrats imply Gov. Rell is a
hypocrite because she's vetoed the clean-contracting bill three times.
She may be stubborn, but she's no hypocrite.
By Day Staff Writer -
editorial
Published on 3/18/2006
For the third time, a bill that sets
ethical and financial standards in state contracting and privatized
state services passed the General Assembly, and for the third time,
Gov. Rell has vetoed the bill, to the outrage of Democrats who have
accused her of hypocrisy.
But there's no hypocrisy here. The
concepts involved are really very simple. Gov. Rell wants the state to
contract for services in a way that is ethical and saves taxpayers
money. This bill would not have saved taxpayers money. So she was right
to veto it. Having
said that, it is hard to imagine a clean-contracting bill that both
Gov. M. Jodi Rell and the Democratic leaders in the state House of
Representatives and Senate could agree upon.
Senate President Don Williams
believes that every time he and other legislative leaders tried to
satisfy the governor's office, the governor changed the rules of the
game. “We may have hit the ideological wall” with a third veto, Sen.
Williams said.
Previous bills the governor vetoed
would have forced nonprofit organizations to pay wages, pension and
health insurance similar to those of state workers. Previous proposals
also engendered considerable opposition from nonprofit agencies, which
feared paying higher salaries. So
this year, the legislature wrote a contracting bill which would have
exempted nonprofit institutions from its provisions on wages and
benefits. But standards remained the same for others.
The current bill would have forced
private contractors who bid on state services to pay wages equal to
average private-sector salaries or the lowest pay grade of state
workers who perform similar functions. That's reasonable. But
Democrats kept language that would also have forced contractors to pay
pension and health benefits similar to those enjoyed by state workers.
That's the provision the governor objected to.
That's also the provision the opponents of the bill point to when they
say that Democrats want to protect state workers at all costs. Both
sides, instead, should agree on language that would require contractors
to pay the average of the pension and health benefits found in the
private sector. That change would be reasonable. Private-sector
workers envy state workers' benefits. A typical state health insurance
plan has no deductibles for family coverage and has a mere $3 or $6
co-pay for even the most expensive prescriptions. Pension benefits are
also far greater than those granted by most private employers.
Forcing private contractors to pay
such benefits would drive up the cost of privatization for the state —
which is one reason that the state AFL-CIO characterizes this bill on
its web site as an “anti-privatization bill.”
Both sides disagree on how much
benefits and pensions add to state workers' salaries. The governor's
office says they add 47 percent. The state AFL-CIO says the cost of
state pensions and benefits adds about 23 percent. That's a huge
difference.
John Olsen, head of the state
AFL-CIO said, “You have to have some standards. We don't think that
government should be undermining wages, those of state workers or
municipal workers or anyone else.”
Indeed, standards are critical. But
whose standards? In a state where most state workers make more in wages
and benefits than do most people doing equivalent jobs in the private
sector, who is supporting whom? Are
taxpayers supporting state government to get the most efficient and
cost-effective services for their money? Or are our tax dollars
earmarked merely to support an envied class of workers whose benefits
and wages are higher than those who pay their salaries?
Gov. Rell might be stubborn on this
issue, but she's no hypocrite.
What Kind Of Candidate Will Rell Make?
Michele Jacklin, Hartford Courant
October 16, 2005
And they're off.
That is, with the
exception of Attorney General Richard Blumenthal, who, for the
umpteenth time, never made it to the gubernatorial starting gate.
But
then, we knew he wouldn't. We've been aware of Blumenthal's disinterest
in the governor's office since 1993, when he first demurred. To my
chagrin, I allowed myself to be snookered in late 2002, when he told me
that he would soon begin raising money for an '06 gubernatorial
campaign. I foolishly put it in the paper, not once but twice. I should
have followed my instincts.
When Blumenthal didn't file the
necessary papers and kept coming up with lame excuses ("To run against
John Rowland would compromise my investigation of his office"), it
became readily apparent that the yin had prevailed over the yang. The
fire in Blumenthal's belly didn't burn brightly enough, and despite
persistent Democratic entreaties that he enter the race, he couldn't
bring himself to jump in.
Blumenthal told reporters last week
that he reached his decision Tuesday during his 4:30 a.m. jog. That's
nonsense. He may have decided Tuesday morning to go public with his
decision before Gov. M. Jodi Rell's announcement Friday so as not to
seem as though she had frightened him off. Better for the sake of one's
ego to leave of your own volition than to be pushed off the ledge by a
woman who, until a year ago, was thought to be a political lightweight.
Credit
Blumenthal for following his heart and for abiding by his family
members' wishes that he not sacrifice their lifestyle for his political
ambition. Ensconced in distant Greenwich, they value their privacy and
have no desire to move to Hartford or live in a fishbowl.
But
Blumenthal also merits criticism for dallying with state Democrats. For
the better part of three years, he led them on. He insisted it was just
a matter of time before he got in the race and asked for their patience
and forbearance. Democrats deserved better; they deserved the truth. By
the time it came Tuesday afternoon, it was greeted with a collective
yawn.
Contrast Democrats' apathy with Republicans' palpable
relief that Rell finally stopped dithering and formally became a
candidate. Without Rell at the top of the ticket, Republicans would
have been forced to run Rep. Jamoke from East Overshoe and would have
faced the likely prospect of losing an office they've held since 1995.
Now
Rell starts out from a position of strength against the two, and
probably the only, Democratic contenders - longtime Mayors John
DeStefano Jr. of New Haven and Dannel P. Malloy of Stamford.
With
Rell's job approval ratings in the stratosphere, there will be a great
temptation to hand her the election without having to go through the
rigors of a campaign. That temptation should be resisted. Thirteen
months is a political eternity and Rell has never been battle tested.
Running for a House seat in Brookfield, where everyone knows his
neighbors, is a far cry from waging a statewide race for governor.
History is littered with the names of politicians who have been superb
public officials and awful campaigners, and vice versa.
Indeed,
it will be interesting to see whether voters' perceptions of Rell
change markedly as she transitions from chief executive to candidate.
It could be legitimately argued that her popularity is due in no small
measure to the image she's cultivated of a woman who is above the fray,
who's not overtly partisan, and who is committed to honest, ethical
government.
But it's hard to mount a campaign for political
office without being partisan; it's hard to raise millions of dollars
without accepting money from special interests, whether they're
lobbyists at the Capitol or corporate muckety-mucks in the ranks of the
Republican Party.
Rell talks a good game, as she has on campaign finance reform, and as
she did in Friday's kickoff speech.
As
such, she'll be given a lot of leeway, especially by the easily
romanced news media. Recall, if you will, how gently Rowland was
treated by the media in 2002, the last time he ran for election, and
how dismissive reporters and editorial writers were of Democrat Bill
Curry. That was before the curtain was drawn and Rowland was shown to
be corrupt. He left state government in a shambles.
Let the 2006 race for governor begin. But let Rell be held to the same
high standards as DeStefano and Malloy. It's only fair.
DeStefano Opens TV Campaign; Candidate For Governor In 2006 Will
Air 30-Second Spots
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
October 18, 2005
With the election 13 months away,
Democrat
John DeStefano Jr. intends today to air the first television commercial
of the 2006 campaign for governor.
But
viewers will have to watch carefully to catch the 30-second spot: The
ad introducing the New Haven mayor will be on the air today and
Wednesday only. DeStefano, who is competing with Stamford Mayor
Dannel
P. Malloy for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination, said the early
commercial is a signal to Democrats.
"Clearly
this is a message, and not just to the general public, that our
candidacy is going to be aggressive and is not going to pull any
punches," DeStefano said. The commercial ignores Malloy and
instead offers implicit criticism of Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell for
Connecticut ranking last in job creation in one recent study.
"Fifty
states, but Connecticut is last in job growth," intones a narrator over
pictures of tense workers and jammed roads. "Property taxes
skyrocketing. Endless traffic jams. We can do better."
Then the spot abruptly shifts to introduce DeStefano.
"John
DeStefano. The son of a police officer, devoted husband and father. As
New Haven mayor, new jobs created, crime cut over 40 percent, drop-out
rate cut over 40 percent."
The spot was done by DeStefano's
media consultants, Squier Knapp Dunn Communications of Washington, D.C.
The firm represented President Clinton in his 1996 re-election
campaign. One of its biggest current clients is a Republican: New York
Mayor Michael Bloomberg.
"Unfortunately, John DeStefano is doing
exactly what Gov. Rell thought he would do - tear down the state just
to build himself up," said Adam Jeamel, the spokesman for the Rell
campaign. Malloy's campaign questioned investing in television
commercials so far in advance of the Democratic primary in August and
the general election in November 2006.
"It's so odd, frankly, we were wondering if our recent momentum" was
the cause, said Chris Cooney, Malloy's campaign manager.
Malloy
raised more money than DeStefano in the three-month period ending Sept.
30, but DeStefano has the overall financial advantage, with $1.86
million cash on hand to Malloy's $1.1 million.
Cooney said
Malloy was the biggest beneficiary of Attorney General Richard
Blumenthal's recent announcement that he was not running for governor.
Blumenthal once represented Stamford in the legislature. Neither
Malloy nor Rell are planning to join DeStefano on television anytime
soon, their campaigns said.
In
1994, Democrat John B. Larson and Lt. Gov. Eunice Groark of A
Connecticut Party spent heavily on early commercials with little effect
against their better-known opponent, Republican John G. Rowland. Larson
lost a Democratic primary to Bill Curry, who focused on field
organization and spent little on television before the primary.
DeStefano said he is not neglecting field organization. His
political director, Shonu Ghandi, declined to say how much the campaign
is spending to air the spots, primarily on local newscasts in Hartford,
New Haven and Fairfield County.
"It is a modest buy," she said.
"It's the first of a series of lower-level broadcast buys we're going
to do to start having a conversation with Connecticut families."
Court
serves up ruling on diner
By Doug Dalena, ADVOCATE Staff Writer
Published December 16 2005
STAMFORD --
A state Superior Court judge has dismissed most of a lawsuit that
sought to block the Urban Redevelopment Commission's plans to build
around a downtown diner that the city tried but failed to seize by
eminent domain, then cut off from its parking lot by erecting a
fence. Although the judge ruled that the owners of Curley's Diner
can still try to persuade a court to order the fence removed, his
dismissal of the other five counts by the restaurant's owners means the
Park Square West development can go ahead, the URC's top official said.
"The practical effect is that we can do what we thought we could do,
and that is build around the property," URC counsel and acting
Executive Director Rachel Goldberg said. Maria Aposporos, who has
owned the diner on West Park Place with her sister, Eleni Begetis,
since 1977, said she has not decided whether to appeal.
"The lawyer, I gave him $55,000, he wants another $40,000," Aposporos
said. "Instead of the URC, I think maybe the lawyer's going to end up
with my diner." Her attorney, John Wayne Fox, said the case has
been expensive partly because the city has made it so difficult. He
said Aposporos may still get her day in court, but will have less
opportunity to tell what he called a compelling story.
The two sisters sued the commission earlier this year after
construction crews put up fences around the property blocking access to
the parking lot behind the diner. The women sought to block the part of
the project that interfered with access to the parking lot and sides of
the building, get compensation for losing use of the lot and force the
URC to tear down the fence.
They also argued that the diner had access rights through the adjacent
property under several legal theories.
Aposporos maintains that the URC promised her a right-of-way when they
condemned the surrounding property. The URC said she gave up any access
rights when she accepted a previous settlement ordered by another judge
in 1988. Judge William Lewis ruled that the one count seeking to
have the fence removed can proceed, but dismissed the remaining five
charges, saying the plaintiffs had no legal standing to sue the URC on
those counts.
The URC did not challenge the owners' right to sue on the remaining
count, which charges that it put up the fence intentionally to "annoy
and injure" the two sisters.
The city needs the fence to protect the public, including the diner and
its customers, from construction dangers, Goldberg said. Before
construction starts on the development phase closest to the diner, the
site will be covered with building material, she said. That phase will
likely start sometime in 2009. Aposporos has said the city put up
the fence to retaliate against her for fighting its
"take-it-or-leave-it" attitude toward property owners facing
redevelopment plans, then sent health inspectors to harass her when she
couldn't get past the fence to dump her garbage.
Fox said the city is using the adjacent property to park cars, which
don't pose any kind of construction hazard, while the fence prevents
escape from the back lot if people had to leave through the diner's
back door in an emergency.
After the state Supreme Court ruled against the commission in an
eminent domain case in 2002, the URC and its private developer had to
redesign later phases of the project to work around the
5,700-square-foot lot where the diner sits. The plans now include more
than 410 apartments, 30,000 square feet of retail space and two parking
garages.
The commission had sought to seize the diner and property around it to
make way for the urban redevelopment project north of West Park Place
between Summer Street and Washington Boulevard. When the owners
appealed the condemnation order, the Supreme Court ruled that the city
could not take the diner because the 1988 amendment to the
redevelopment plan that added the diner was based on an outdated 1963
finding that the whole area was blighted.
The city owns the rest of the property and has agreements with the real
estate development company Corcoran Jennison to develop it. The URC
also is building a public garage connected to the development. In
his decision granting the URC's motion to dismiss five of the charges,
Lewis ruled the diner owners had no standing to challenge the URC's
construction on its own property and had suffered no losses as
taxpayers.
The judge found they had given up any claim to a 14-foot right of way
for the diner's driveway and a 20-foot right of way behind the property
when they accepted a judge's 1988 award of $191,000 in return for
agreeing not to appeal the ruling further.
Lewis also ruled that the diner owners could not claim the land that
connected the parking lot to the road by adverse possession -- meaning
they owned it because they had used it for so long -- because the law
governing adverse possession does not apply to government
property. The URC would still like to buy the diner or some of
the land, Goldberg said, because having it would allow a more expansive
development that could include a downtown grocery store.
Goldberg said the city would offer Aposporos fair market value for all
or part of the property, or offer her a 99-year restaurant lease in the
new development. Aposporos said the city has never offered a fair deal.
"Last time, it was one diner with two windows in the front and one
hallway," she said. "I'm not going to no one-hallway diner."
Blaming Mayor Dannel Malloy for much of her trouble, she switched
parties from Democrat to Republican to run for city representative from
the 4th District last month. Campaigning on an anti-eminent domain,
you-can-fight-city-hall platform, she won. She said she intends to keep
running the diner, but even if she didn't, she won't let the city get
it.
"They all think I'm stupid in city hall," she said. "I will close the
diner and I will work somewhere else to pay the mortgage, but I will
never give them the diner, because they treat me so bad."
Malloy
Opens Health Debate: Candidate Cites Need For Kids' Insurance
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
January 27, 2006
Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy proposed universal health care for
children Thursday as the first policy initiative of his campaign for
governor.
Malloy said universal coverage could be obtained relatively
inexpensively by Connecticut's spending $21.4 million annually to
further subsidize its HUSKY health insurance program. A family of
three with an annual income of $50,000 would see the monthly cost of
covering two children under HUSKY drop from $442 to $75, he said.
With his "Every Child Matters" proposal, Malloy is trying to engage a
wide audience for the first time after more than a year devoted to
raising money and cultivating potential delegates to the Democratic
nominating convention.
"Much of this campaign thus far has been about politics," Malloy said.
"In fact, it's been about insider politics - who can garner other
people's support."
Malloy, who is competing with New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. for
the Democratic nomination for governor, said the proposal he delivered
Thursday at the state Capitol marks a new phase of the campaign.
The timing was intended to grab the public's attention in the two-week
lull before Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell sets her priorities for 2006
with her budget proposal and a speech to the General Assembly.
Malloy has been the mayor of Stamford since 1995, but he is only now
trying to introduce himself to a general statewide audience. His lower
Fairfield County city falls outside the Hartford-New Haven television
market that covers most of the state.
By focusing on uninsured children, Malloy chose a relatively manageable
piece of a larger problem.
According to the state Office of Health Care Access, 128,200 people
were continuously uninsured in Connecticut for the year prior to a 2004
survey and 318,300 had no coverage at some point during the year.
Relying on census data cited by the nonprofit group Connecticut Voices
for Children, Malloy said 71,000 children are uninsured in Connecticut.
Based on telephone surveys, the Office of Health Care Access recently
estimated the number is far smaller: 19,300 children.
Malloy said his proposal is based on a program he instituted in
Stamford in which the city worked through the schools to help eligible
residents sign up for HUSKY.
Malloy said the combination of lower rates and aggressive outreach
could result in health coverage for the state's uninsured children,
half of whom are eligible for HUSKY but do not participate.
Universal coverage would save money in the long run by encouraging
preventive care, Malloy said.
On Thursday, Malloy employed a no-nonsense tone that he promised would
characterize the rest of his campaign. He set the annual cost of his
proposal at $35 million, all but $21.4 million of which would be
federally reimbursable, he said.
"With respect to how to pay for it, we're being very specific today,"
he told reporters. "You're going to get used to that."
With the budget surplus estimate at more than $500 million, Malloy said
no new taxes would be required to pay for his program.
Malloy, who is a member of the centrist Democratic Leadership Council,
distanced himself from a more dramatic proposal floated last year by
organized labor. It would have forced large employers such as Wal-Mart
to offer the equivalent of the health benefits now enjoyed by state
employees.
Legislators are concerned that some employers force workers onto the
HUSKY program by offering limited benefits or setting high employee
contributions. Nearly two-thirds of working heads of households that
subscribe to HUSKY say some health coverage was offered by their
companies.
DeStefano promised a broader approach to health care.
"Universal health care for children is just the tip of the iceberg," he
said. "Over the course of the campaign, we will outline our health care
plan, which is prevention-based, portable and focused on making health
care more affordable and more accessible for adults and children alike,
alleviating the incredible pressures on employers and families."
Rich Harris, a spokesman for the Rell campaign, said more than 200,000
children in Connecticut already get free health care through HUSKY.
"The concern about adding a social benefit program like this is that it
is easy to do in a time of budget surpluses, but it requires a longer
term consideration to be certain that it won't create budget problems
down the road," he said.
Urban Violence Drawing Attention; Rell Meets With Mayors,
Including Political Challengers
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
February 15, 2006
Gov. M. Jodi Rell sat at one end of a long table. Her Democratic
challengers, New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. and Stamford Mayor
Dannel P. Malloy, sat on opposite sides at the other end. The
topic Tuesday at Rell's closed-door meeting at the Capitol with more
than a dozen mayors was how to curb urban violence. Participants said
the tone was polite and the conversation direct, even with three major
gubernatorial candidates seated at the table.
"We all agree this is something we have to work on together," Rell said
after the meeting, as Malloy peered over her shoulder and DeStefano
stood to the side. "It is not about politics. It is about doing
something to protect our children." The Republican governor said
she was open to revising her proposed budget to respond to mayoral
concerns, including a complaint by DeStefano that her budget would
provide $750,000 in new anti-crime funds, yet end an effective $850,000
youth program.
"I think he brings up a good point," Rell said. "Maybe we will go back
and take a look." The Democrats said the meeting was an
appreciated gesture, but Rell's budget will be a better measure of her
commitment to fighting urban crime, especially involving the young.
"I appreciate the meeting, but the direction and vision of the state
gets shaped in the budget, and it wasn't there," DeStefano said.
Hartford Mayor Eddie A. Perez handed Rell a petition from civic leaders
in Hartford who are asking Rell for more resources to fight a recent
spate of shootings. Rev. Cornell Lewis and other activists marched to
the Capitol to present the petitions. Before the meeting, Malloy
and DeStefano each released similarly named anti-crime plans directed
at keeping young people from trouble.
With his "Connecticut Youth Action Plan," DeStefano would use expanded
youth employment and counseling to attack teen violence.
Malloy issued a "Connecticut Youth Development Initiative" that focused
on mentoring, youth employment and partnerships with community
organizations.
The two mayors called for the passage of legislation that would require
the reporting by gun owners of lost or stolen guns, a measure that
Perez asked Rell to endorse during their meeting. Rell said she
would study the measure, but sounded a skeptical note: "Most of the
guns [traced to violent crimes] are not necessarily falling in the
category of lost or stolen guns."
In separate interviews, DeStefano and Malloy said that Rell missed the
point of the legislation, which they say is intended to strip criminals
of a defense when their guns are traced to crimes.
"The reality is they currently have a defense," Malloy said. "Their
defense is, `Oops, I lost it.' What we want to do is cut that line of
retreat off."
"She didn't get it," DeStefano said. Rell said the meeting
Tuesday marked the beginning of a dialogue with the mayors.
"This is not an issue that is going to be solved in one meeting, on one
day with one press release," Rell said. "We need to continue this
dialogue."
Her dialogue eventually will include a series of gubernatorial debates
with either Malloy or DeStefano, but Rell said the candidates ignored
the politics for the day. Rell insisted that talking policy with
her opponents presented no awkwardness.
"I think it was fine working with them," she said. Then glancing over
her shoulder, she added, "I hope."

How
many in the 4th Congressional District care about these pix in
2006?
If you forget the one on the left, for
sure you can't imagine what the one on the right is about! And
from the Hartford Courant editorial page: "Unusually
acrimonious races are causing many regrettable outbursts this
year...Republican Rep. Chris Shays spluttered in defense of the House
speaker, 'Dennis
Hastert didn't kill anybody' The reference was to Sen.
Edward M. Kennedy, who was in town campaigning for Mr. Shays' rival,
Democrat Diane Farrell."
Que es mas Gold Coast?
ISSUES IN CONGRESSIONAL RACE
Our
observation: when all is said and done, isn't the original
question en Espaniol at the heart of the matter? Maybe the Gold
Coast "ain't what it used to be" in many demographic ways - we'll find
out!
Post-Election Reflections:
Staff Reports
Westport NEWS
Article
Launched:12/01/2006 09:32:42 AM EST
Westport News Editor Will Rowlands asked Diane Farrell, former Westport
first selectwoman and congressional candidate, the following questions when she returned
from her post-election travels.
Will Rowlands: How do you feel?
Diane Farrell: I feel fine. As I have said to folks, I feel
disappointed, but not rejected.
WR: What did you do right after the election?
DF: I went to Vermont and New Hampshire to visit family. Win and I went
to the Brown-Dartmouth football game that weekend with my folks. Win
went to Brown, my Dad went to Dartmouth. It's always a fun rivalry!
(Dartmouth won)
WR: With anti-war, anti-administration and anti-congressional sentiment
as high as they were, and Democrats doing well nationwide, some people
can't figure out why the results in the 4th Congressional District race
were almost the same as they were in the last election. You must have
asked yourself the same question?
DF: The National Republican Congressional Campaign Committee spent $2
million in opposition to my candidacy including 47 pieces of negative
mail, TV negative advertisements and deceptively annoying "robo calls."
Congressman Shays did not allow the NRCC to come into the district in
'04, he did in '06. That was an
enormous
difference. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spent money
against Congressman Shays but not as much and in a different way. Their
TV ad, for example, was less of an attack, it emphasized my endorsement
from the New York Times.
WR: The NRCC mailers and robo-calls must have been hard to take. Can
anything be done about these kinds of hatchet jobs in the future?
DF: It appears the robo calls done by the NRCC were illegal because
they did not identify themselves as the sponsor at the outset. They
most likely knew consequences of their actions would not be dealt with
until after the election. They should be less likely to conduct them in
the future as they will be on notice. One can only hope!
WR: Would you care to comment on the rumor that locals fed "ammunition"
to the NRCC?
DF: The only thing I will say, as I did on election night, the people
of Westport knew the truth about my record and I was honored to have
received the majority of the community's vote for Congress.
WR: What was the nicest thing that happened to you during the campaign?
DF: There were so many wonderful moments on the campaign trail. As I
look back, my greatest memories will be all of the sharing of hopes and
dreams for America that people expressed along the way. Most folks knew
and acknowledged how blessed we are to live in this country.
WR: What was the worst thing that happened to you during the campaign?
DF: There were very few "bad" incidents along the way. Occasionally,
someone would be rude but it was very, very rare. Toward the end of the
campaign, I would feel a certain sense of astonishment when people were
unaware that an election was taking place! (NOTE:
many people in the 4th may have
thought the campaign mailers were a joke because NRCC "attack ad"
series emphasized local Westport mistakes (the candidate's entire
political record coming from there); we all know Congress never deals
with anything, for example, as inexpensive as turf fields!!! And
"attack ads" use unflattering images...no one apparently could find an
unflattering picture of the former First Selectwoman!
An example of this series of "attack
ads" here.)
WR: Knowing what you know now, would you have done anything differently?
DF: I wish voters in parts of the district that had little knowledge of
me had a better understanding of my actual record in Westport.
WR: What are your plans for the immediate future?
DF: Since the election, a lot of my time has been focused on catching
up with my family. The holidays are a perfect excuse to indulge (too
much for the waistline I fear!) and celebrate our many blessings.
WR: Have you made any decisions about your political future?
DF: I am talking to lots of folks, political and non-political, about
my future and am receiving great advice. To a person they advise that I
not rush the process. For someone who enjoys perpetual motion (ask any
of the town's department heads!) this is not easy to do. But I am
heeding their advice for the moment.
Will, I want to say again how proud I was to serve Westport on the
Board of Finance and most especially as first selectwoman. I was proud
that, by majority, Westport elected me as their representative to
Congress. It will always mean the most to me that those who knew me
best were willing to place their faith in me once again.
Happy Holidays!
How Shays Won - To
His Surprise
Hartford Courant
By JASON ZENGERLE
November 12, 2006
There's no greater softball question in all of politics than the one
reporters lob at candidates right before they go into their local
polling places to vote for themselves: How do you feel? All
politicians, even the ones destined for certain defeat, invariably
respond with something upbeat, like "Great!" or "Confident!" But on
Tuesday morning, as embattled U.S. Rep. Chris Shays headed into an
elementary school in his Bridgeport neighborhood to pull the lever for
himself, he couldn't muster anything quite that optimistic. Asked how
he felt, Shays replied, "Numb."
Shays' lack of sensation was understandable. During his 19 years in the
House, he had become a moderate Republican icon - bucking his party on
issues including campaign finance reform, abortion and stem-cell
research. But on Iraq, Shays had voted for the war and then stubbornly
supported President Bush's "stay the course" strategy until only three
months ago, when he came out in favor of a timetable for withdrawal.
Shays' Democratic opponent, Diane Farrell, had repeatedly attacked him
for his stance on Iraq and for his party affiliation more generally -
constantly rapping him for his support of "the Bush agenda."
And in this affluent, educated southern Connecticut congressional
district - whose voters are 28 percent Republican, 31 percent
Democratic and 41 percent independent (and which John Kerry carried in
2004) - it looked as if those attacks would pay off. Many Democrats and
independents who had once supported Shays were poised to jump ship.
"If I voted for Chris and [House Speaker Dennis Hastert] kept his seat
by one vote, I couldn't live with myself," one erstwhile Shays
supporter told The Courant. Even The New York Times, which had
previously endorsed Shays each time he'd faced a serious opponent, came
out in favor of Farrell.
Heading into Election Day, Shays could take some solace in the fact
that polls showed the race too close to call. But with a blue wave
seemingly rolling across the country and particularly New England -
where one moderate House Republican from Connecticut, Nancy Johnson,
lost and another, Rob Simmons, now faces a recount - it looked likely
that he would be swept under.
So, about 12 hours after he voted - and three hours after the polls
closed - when Shays strode into a packed hotel ballroom in Norwalk to
declare victory, there was no one more surprised, it seemed, than he
was.
Shays' Strategy
How did Shays manage to win? Certainly not because of the GOP. At every
turn in the campaign, he played down his party affiliation. Shays'
campaign literature and ads were scrubbed clean of any trace of the
dreaded R-word; instead, they hailed the candidate for his
"independence." Even when Shays appeared at the Connecticut Republican
Party's convention in May, he seemed to go out of his way to distance
himself from the GOP, telling a reporter, "I can't say we have, as a
party, earned the right to stay in the majority, but I think I've shown
I can be effective."
And the Republican Party's attempts to help Shays only hurt him. The
National Republican Congressional Committee blanketed Shays' district
with fliers attacking Farrell for being soft on terrorism - "Diane
Farrell: Coffee talk with the Taliban," read one mailing - and
questioning the wisdom of her spending decisions when she served as a
selectwoman in Westport.
"They said that Chris' opponent spent $40,000 on a turf field,"
complained Shays' campaign manager, Michael Sohn. "This is Fairfield
County, Connecticut! People spend $40,000 to have their lawn done for
them in the summer! ... The NRCC was dropping bombs on our own home."
But Shays had something to offset the disadvantage of his party
affiliation: He constantly reminded voters of all the pork he had
brought home over the years, boasting of the federal funds he secured
for projects ranging from road improvements to the renovation of a
dental-hygiene training clinic.
He also sought to cast himself as a gracious elder statesman, largely
eschewing harsh personal attacks against Farrell. And, even when he
indulged the temptation to wander into wing-nut territory - strangely
declaring at one point that Abu Ghraib "was not torture" but was a "sex
ring" - he quickly apologized, which only served to reinforce his
bland, above-the-fray campaign slogan: "Listens. Learns. Helps. Leads."
Most important, Shays faced Farrell's criticisms on Iraq head-on.
Although he ultimately bowed to reality in Iraq and, in August, came
out in favor of a timetable for withdrawal - a move Farrell blasted as
a cynical election-year ploy - he did not, a la Joe Lieberman, try to
avoid the issue.
Indeed, just like Farrell, Shays made Iraq the cornerstone of his
campaign. He repeatedly emphasized his record on the war, including the
more than 15 hearings he has held on Iraq as the chairman of the
National Security Subcommittee of the Government Reform Committee, and
the 14 trips he has taken to the country since the start of the war -
the last of which, he said, ultimately convinced him that "stay the
course" was no longer a viable strategy.
"I ran a race that my political advisers said I shouldn't run," Shays
said the morning of the election. "I didn't run away from the war."
The Speech
That attitude carried over into Shays' victory speech Tuesday night.
For three hours, hundreds of his supporters had watched on a large
projection screen as the election results were posted, growing more and
more excited as it became clear that their candidate was actually going
to win. And when Shays entered the low-ceilinged hotel ballroom at
around 11 p.m., he made his way through a gantlet of hugs and kisses to
the podium.
Once there, Shays made sure to give the requisite thanks to his
supporters, staff and family, but he did not strike the typically
triumphant notes of a victorious candidate.
"I don't know how you'll react to this, but I want to also say this,"
he said, after quieting his supporters who'd been joyously chanting,
"Two more years!"
He then unfolded a piece of paper and read off a list of names. "I sent
them to Iraq and they came home draped in American flags," Shays
continued, as the once-raucous ballroom became eerily quiet.
"I think about them almost every day of my life, and when the press
talked about how tormented I must feel about losing the election, they
just didn't get it. ... The only torment I feel is for those families,
and I pray that we can make it right for these families and that we
will find a way to have our men and women come home from success, not
failure, but that we find a way to bring them home."
It was a numbing sentiment indeed.
Jason Zengerle is
a senior editor at The New Republic. This was reprinted from the Nov. 9
issue.
"Winning at all
costs" department:
Farrell ad miscasts Shays' defectors
Norwalk HOUR
By PATRICK R. LINSEY. Hour Staff Writer
October 16, 2006
REGION — Republican Rep. Christopher Shays' re-election campaign called
one of his Democratic challenger's television advertisements
"misleading" Sunday, after learning several persons the spot implies
were former Shays' supporters are actually long-time Democratic
loyalists.
The advertisement, titled "Bold Ideas" on the YouTube.com video sharing
Web site, begins with a man saying "I supported Chris Shays for years
because of his independence" and later "This year, I'm voting for Diane
Farrell."
The man was subsequently identified as Dennis Murphy, a member of the
Democratic State Central Committee, and a documented financial
supporter of a Shays opponent as far back as 1996.
The commercial is styled as a monologue spoken by a series of Farrell
supporters. Together, they say that Shays has lost his independence and
become one of President Bush's strongest supporters.
"We need a new direction," a woman says, standing with her husband and
children. Her husband is Carl Horton, who ran for mayor in Bridgeport
as a Democrat in 2003.
Horton said neither he nor his wife have ever supported Shays, though
he said he is "friendly" with the congressman. In 2004,
Horton said he and his wife "heavily supported" Farrell's previous
challenge of Shays, as they backed his Democratic opponent in 2002.
Last week, The Hour asked Farrell's campaign to provide the names of
the persons who appeared in its commercial, but a spokeswoman declined,
saying its supporters did not wish to be publicly identified. Horton
said he and his wife were not contacted by the Farrell campaign about
The Hour's request, and he readily responded to this newspaper's
questions in an interview Sunday.
Murphy did not return calls for comment Sunday. According to the
campaign finance Web site OpenSecrets.org, he contributed $250 to a
Democrat challenging Shays in 1996.
Supporters in the commercial "were pretty clear in what they were
saying," said Farrell campaign manager Adam Wood. "Certainly the
message that (Shays has) changed is nothing that we haven't been saying
for two years."
Shays and Farrell are in a neck-and-neck race in Connecticut's 4th
Congressional District.
Farrell's spot was released several weeks ago, around the same time as
a Shays commercial featuring "Westport Democrats" who say they are
supporting the congressman. The Shays campaign provided names and
contact information for several persons appearing in its commercial.
In an interview Sunday, Toni Rubin said she is a registered Democrat
from Westport who has supported Shays throughout his 10 terms in
Congress.
"I think Christopher Shays supports his constituents," Rubin said. "He
believes in what he believes in, whether he goes against the
(Republican Party) or for the party."
As for Farrell, Rubin said the former Westport first selectwoman is "a
lovely person." Asked if Farrell would make a good member of Congress,
Rubin demurred.
"I'm not answering that one," she laughed. "I still have to live in
Westport."
4th District Debates 2006: in order...1 through 11.
CONCLUSION: Shays wins by 6000+ votes




CONGRESSMAN SHAYS
RE-ELECTED (r.)
Highlight of debate #2 at Norwalk Community College (a debate hosted by
several League of Women Voters chapters): From Libertarian
Candidate ... "We
need to make sure that every citizen in Iraq is secure? In Iraq?!"
Maymin shouted. "We're in America. We're supposed to elect
representatives to secure the rights of Americans." Four
candidates in Temple Israel debate wherein the image of Ted Kennedy at
Chapaquidik invoked. And on her opponent's birthday, Diane asks
the audience
(she didn't herself) to wish Chris all the best; anti-war attack using
loaded info - or was that ammo - number eleven,
underway..oops, it stalled in traffic! The result (r.) - Shays
wins.
Shays, Farrell wrap up their debates
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio
Published October 20 2006
NORWALK -- In the last of their 11 debates, U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays
and Democratic challenger Diane Farrell yesterday stayed on the attack,
looking to land a knockout blow in the hotly contested 4th
Congressional District race.
Shays, R-Bridgeport, painted a bleak picture for the district if
Farrell were elected and the Democratic Party failed to gain a majority
in the House of Representatives.
"If Diane Farrell wins, she may still be in the minority, and then
you'll have a member with no clout and no experience," Shays said at
the Norwalk Inn & Conference Center during the debate, which was
organized by the Greater Norwalk Chamber of Commerce. "You've heard her
describe problems and offer a lot of criticism, but have you heard her
offer any real solutions?"
The focus of Farrell's campaign has been on whether Shays' work with
the Republican majority has been good for the country and whether it
has made a difference when he has strayed from the party line.
"The reason there is so much interest in this race is because it has to
do with two qualified opponents, and it also has to do with the
leadership of this country going forward," Farrell said. "It has to do
with our ability to put checks and balances back into Washington by
having a two-party system, and Chris doesn't like that right now,
because his party has all the power."
But Shays said neither Democrats nor Republicans deserve to be the
majority party.
"I don't think the Republican Party has earned the right to maintain
the majority, nor do I think the Democrats have," Shays said. "What is
the vision you hear on the other side? All it is is President Bush bad.
Congress bad. War in Iraq bad. Bad, bad, bad. I don't think either
party has earned the right to be re-elected and be the majority. You
need to evaluate the individual."
After criticizing Shays for his support of the war in Iraq and the
federal deficit, Farrell renewed her vow to serve on the Transportation
Committee, saying the Republican incumbent has spent more time focusing
on foreign affairs than on his district.
"Transportation is critical to every person in this room," Farrell
said. "Just by being a member of the (Transportation) Committee, I
would be able to bring additional dollars back to this district and the
state . . . I'm going to work with the Connecticut Department of
Transportation. I'm going to be their best advocate in Washington and
bring back the dollars that will help us to provide solutions to
transportation here in our district."
Shays suggested Farrell's aspirations were better suited for state
politics in Hartford than in Washington.
"If she's on the transportation committee, she will be able to decide
how much money goes around to all the districts," Shays said. "But if
she were a state legislator, she'd be able to decide how that money was
spent. I would suggest that if she's interested in transportation, she
should be a state legislator."
Without providing evidence, Shays said the worst traffic is in
Westport, where Farrell once held the post of first selectwoman.
Farrell disputed the claim, saying "everybody's town has the worst
traffic as far as they're concerned."
The candidates came to at least one consensus, while momentarily
breaking the tension. When asked to name their political heroes,
Farrell said John Adams, and the founding fathers, who did not want to
be "lifelong politicians."
"I don't want to be Strom Thurmond and think this job is an
entitlement."
Shays, who said he admired former British Prime Minister Winston
Churchill for "going against the grain," agreed with Farrell in part.
"I can understand why you wouldn't want to be Strom Thurmond," Shays
said, drawing laughter from the crowd and Farrell.
IN TENTH DEBATE...two
different looks at the same event.
4th District opponents bicker at bash
MARIAN GAIL BROWN
mgbrown@ctpost.com
STAMFORD — In their 10th round of sparring, Democrat Diane Farrell on
Wednesday briefly donned kid gloves, asking the audience to wish her
Republican opponent, U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays a happy
birthday. Shays, who turned 61 Wednesday, smiled, appeared
flattered and said, "I think that means something nice happens today."
Then Farrell came out swinging, chiding Shays for his continued support
for the Bush administration and the Iraq war, including its cost,
social toll and effect on the deficit.
Farrell also turned almost every question, every opportunity for a
response — no matter what the topic, from transportation to health-care
access to spending — into an indictment of the war in Iraq. Shays
sought to portray himself as an independent, thoughtful moderate who
studies issues and votes with his conscience...
4th District candidates say they're up for the challenge
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio
Published October 19 2006
STAMFORD -- U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays and Democratic challenger Diane
Farrell battled yesterday over who is better suited to challenge the
Bush administration while working across party lines in Congress.
Farrell blasted Shays, R-Bridgeport, for straying from the Republican
majority only on issues where it didn't make a difference; Shays
reiterated where he has challenged the president and why he has the
experience to keep the Bush administration accountable the next two
years.
"Chris can write letters, talk about plans and throw out buzz words"
but only the president can bring troops home from Iraq, Farrell said
yesterday morning during a debate at the Stamford Marriott Hotel and
Spa sponsored by the Stamford Chamber of Commerce. "This is where the
Congress has been woefully inadequate in exerting its right and
authority under the Constitution as a co-equal branch of the
government. . . . It will be my responsibility in January to hold the
president to account and to bring the administration to the Congress."
Shays said the former
Westport first selectwoman was trying to "play both sides of the issue."
"She says I have no power to effectuate change, and just the president
decides when we can leave, and then she says she can hold the president
accountable," Shays said. "Diane, it's as confusing as heck to listen
to you."
When asked whether he believed his decision to invade Iraq was out of
touch with his constituents, Shays defended himself, suggesting he
would support the war again without evidence of weapons of mass
destruction.
"I see some of my Democratic colleagues are outraged that the president
got us into Iraq, but they had voted to go in, so I do want to say I
would never blame the president for my vote," Shays said. "We're there,
and if we made a mistake, we're still there. In my judgment, we should
have gone in sooner but not for weapons of mass destruction. But we
should not have fought it the way we did."
Farrell constantly said Shays was "ineffectual" because he has not been
chairman of a major legislative committee.
She also said his exit strategy from Iraq -- a timeline under which
troops would leave if the Iraqi government doesn't start to make
progress in functioning without support from the United States -- has
been dismissed by the Bush administration.
"When my opponent says that 'president doesn't agree with me,' so
what?" said Shays, who is chairman of the House Government Reform
subcommittee on national security, emerging threats and international
relations. "She now blames me for not agreeing with the president. I
don't get her. So I'm supposed to agree with the president because he
doesn't think there should be timelines?"
Despite railing on Shays for supporting the Bush administration on the
war, No Child Left Behind, and the privatization of Social Security,
Farrell said she would potentially stray from her party leadership if
elected.
"I probably won't want to spend as much money as my Democratic
colleagues," said Farrell, who is advocating for a balanced budget.
She also said she disagreed with the party leadership on a single-payer
system for health-care benefits, which would pay all doctors and
hospitals by one organization.
Farrell said that if Democrats don't gain the 15 seats nationwide to
win control of the House, she would be able to work across party lines.
"I hope to be a member of the majority that I think has a much more
important priority for the country," Farrell said. "But if I'm not a
member of the majority, I have worked with Republicans and Democrats
very successfully in Westport."
Farrell said she would seek a seat on the House Committee on
Transportation and Infrastructure if elected, noting Shays' absence on
the committee has kept the district struggling to improve Interstate 95
and the Merritt Parkway and replace aging rail cars.
Yesterday's event was the 10th of 11 debates for the 4th Congressional
District candidates. Libertarian candidate Phil Maymin and Green Party
candidate Richard Duffee were not included by the debate sponsors.
The last debate is today at Continental Manor in Norwalk, sponsored by
the Greater Norwalk Chamber of Commerce.
Independent
environmental lobby endorses Shays
Norwalk HOUR
By PATRICK R. LINSEY,
Hour Staff Writer
October 12, 2006
NORWALK — The League of Conservation Voters, or LCV, reaffirmed its
support for U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays Wednesday, rating the moderate
Republican congressman at 92 percent on its 2006 legislative score
card.
The LCV has previously endorsed Shays' candidacy in his neck-and-neck
race against Democratic challenger Diane Farrell in Connecticut's 4th
Congressional District.
Shays' environmental record has been a frequent topic in recent
debates, with Farrell noting that while the congressman's votes have
generally favored the environment, he supports a Republican leadership
that gets much lower marks.
But LCV political director Tony Massaro said Wednesday that Shays has
been able to influence his party's leadership, and last year played an
important role in stripping measures to allow drilling in the Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge from a spending bill.
"One of the things that we do with Representative Shays and others who
are in that position, is when it does come time for there to be key
votes, we put a lot of pressure on them to go put pressure on their
leadership to back off," Massaro said.
Republican leadership generally receives low marks from the LCV, with
House Majority Leader John Boehner getting a 0 percent score on this
year's card. The score is based on the percentage of selected votes on
which the lawmaker has supported what LCV calls "the pro-environment"
side.
Asked about Shays' support for Republican leadership, Massaro said it
is unlikely one vote will make a difference in which party controls the
House of Representatives. Shays' district has been targeted by the
Democratic Party, which needs to pick up 15 seats to overturn
Republicans' House majority. Massaro did agree that a handful of
Republican moderates could make the difference.
Farrell's campaign expressed disappointment she was not given the
opportunity to explain her views to the LCV. If Connecticut's 4th was
an open district, Farrell would have "merited an interview," Massaro
said.
"If the incumbent's had a really good record, including leadership on
key positions, then we back the incumbent," he said. "We believe that
if you don't back your friends, you end up with very few friends."
Shays' lifetime LCV score is a 91 percent, and the congressman said he
hopes to continue his environmental record in Congress.
"I believe that protecting the environment is one of the most important
jobs I have as a member of Congress and my voting record reflects
that," Shays explained. "We will not have a world to live in if we
continue our neglectful ways."
Congressional
candidates spar over Iraq war exit strategies in three-way meeting
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio, Staff Writer
Published October 5 2006
STAMFORD -- The Iraq war dominated the first debate for the 4th
Congressional District yesterday, as the candidates sparred over
timetables, benchmarks and exit strategies in a race that has been
declared by many analysts as "too close to call."
Diane Farrell, the Democratic candidate, continued to challenge
incumbent U.S. Rep Christopher Shays, R-Bridgeport, for backing the war
in Iraq. Shays emphatically defended his position, including his recent
change of mind about setting a timeline to withdraw troops. Libertarian
Phil Maymin tried to offer an alternative to the two major-party
candidates.
It took Farrell less than a minute into her first response -- to a
question about the Republican leadership's handling of the scandal
involving former U.S. Rep. Mark Foley, R-Fla. -- to mention the Iraq
war.
"This is one more illustration of what has been happening with the
existing Republican leadership," Farrell said of the Foley scandal,
alleging House leadership knew the former congressman sent sexually
explicit e-mails to a teenage page but did not take action to stop it.
"It has been one mistake or one scandal after another, and the one that
is the most substantive right now is, of course, where we are in the
war in Iraq," she said.
The debate, hosted by the Business Council of Fairfield County at the
Stamford Marriott and co-sponsored by The Advocate and Greenwich Time,
the League of Women Voters, the National Association of Industrial and
Office Properties and the Fairfield County Bar Association, allotted
the three candidates 15 minutes each of cumulative time to answer
questions.
Green Party candidate Richard Duffee was not invited to the debate.
Shays spent most of his 15 minutes defending his vote to authorize
military force in Iraq, as well as his recent call to set a timetable
for troop withdrawal after returning from his 14th trip to the country
and reporting no political progress by the Iraqi leadership. After the
debate, he called on Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to resign
over his handling of the war.
Farrell suggested Shays was switching his position in light of the
Democratic primary win last month of anti-war candidate Ned Lamont over
incumbent U.S. Sen. Joseph Lieberman, D-Conn. Shays responded angrily
that he would not suggest policy based on politics. Brandishing a
packet of letters and observations about Iraq, including a letter to
the Bush administration written before the primary, Shays said his
position has been extensive, sincere and real.
"I have attended five funerals," Shays said. "I would never, ever, ever
have a policy on Iraq based on my personal election."
Farrell, who supports a diplomatic solution by establishing benchmarks
for the warring Iraqi factions, chided Shays for his letters, saying
his recommendations have done little to change the minds of the Bush
administration.
"This is not an action item. Too passive for me," she said. "Not for
where we are today."
Maymin, advertising himself as the only candidate who would not have
supported military action in Iraq under any circumstances, said the
United States must set a strict July 4 deadline to withdraw troops.
Setting benchmarks means "we stay potentially forever, or stay forever
until we experience such a large number of casualties we pull out
looking weak," Maymin said. "You set a deadline several months out, but
less than a year . . . because it signals to the people of Iraq to get
your affairs in order. . . . We will not be writing a blank check."
The debate was delayed at times because of crowd applause. Maymin
earned perhaps the biggest laugh of the afternoon when he quipped that
no Libertarian candidates had been involved in any recent scandals.
Candidates also were asked about the federal deficit and
transportation, though most answers referenced the Iraq war, including
a response by Farrell after Shays brought up the rising deficit and
debt in Westport while she was first selectwoman.
"The vast majority of the money (spent), we built a new middle school,
refurbished our high school, renovated and touched every single school
in the town of Westport," she said. "I challenge you to stand here and
tell me the $250 million we spend every day in Iraq is money better
spent."
A Reuters/Zogby poll released yesterday showed Farrell ahead of Shays,
46 percent to 41 percent with 13 percent still undecided. A poll by The
Advocate and Greenwich Time released Monday showed Shays up 44 percent
to 40 percent, with 16 percent undecided.
Long line of debates
to come for Shays, Farrell
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio.
Staff Writer
Published October 1 2006
Fourth Congressional District candidates will get their first chance
this week to introduce themselves to voters and try to punch holes in
their opponent's positions.
The first of 11 scheduled debates between U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays,
R-Bridgeport, and Democratic challenger Diane Farrell will be Wednesday
in Stamford. The Iraq war is expected to dominate all of the
debates, as Farrell has made it a central issue of the campaign.
Political observers said Farrell must stay focused but provide more
specifics about her positions, while Shays needs to tout his experience
and avoid reacting defensively when his opponent attacks.
Farrell "needs to make the case for change in an articulate way," said
Gary Rose, chairman of the department of government and politics at
Sacred Heart University in Fairfield. Shays' "experience is vital. He
needs to convince people that his longevity is very beneficial," Rose
said.
Wednesday's 1 p.m. debate at the Stamford Marriott was organized by the
Business Council of Fairfield County and sponsored by The Advocate and
Greenwich Time and the League of Women Voters, among others. The
three-way debate will feature Libertarian Candidate Phil Maymin, but
Green Party candidate Richard Duffee was excluded because of his lack
of organization and resources.
Farrell, who has been critical of Shays' support for the Iraq war,
needs to start addressing details, "because that is something she is
missing right now," said Ruth Sherman, a communications consultant from
Greenwich who has coached political candidates. Donald Greenberg,
chairman of the political science department at Fairfield University,
said if Shays stays consistent in his message, keeps his composure and
effectively defends his record, his re-election should be safe.
To prepare for the debates, Farrell has been listening to the issues
voters are asking most about at various meetings, said Jan Spiegel, a
spokeswoman for the campaign. These meetings did not feature
"select audiences," and Democrats and Republicans attended, Spiegel
said.
Shays is "excited and looking forward to debates," said his campaign
manager, Michael Sohn. The incumbent will focus on his "wonderful
record of accomplishment, a record of independence," but he also is
preparing for the unexpected, Sohn said.
"He can't rest on his laurels," Sohn said.
Something Shays must avoid is appearing too defensive during the
debate, experts said. During a recent breakfast in Washington D.C.,
Shays snapped at reporters that they were damaging his credibility as
he explained his evolving position on Iraq. Rose said a similar
tone from Shays would be "awful" in this debate. Greenberg said the
incumbent must avoid appearing "like he doesn't like to be challenged.
That could hurt him."
Despite holding office for nearly 20 years, it would help his image if
Shays assumed voters were unaware of his record, Sherman said.
"He has to tell us about his record and not act like we should know or
we should look it up," Sherman said. "He's clearly been in Congress a
long time and there are people who like him. But he still has to
inspire and motivate voters."
Still, the experts were divided as to how much the debates will affect
the election.
"The debates will decide the election because it is that close," Rose
said, while Greenberg said the high number of debates will negate their
importance because "the voters will only be paying attention to a few
of them."
Shays works both sides
of politics
SUSAN SILVERS
ssilvers@ctpost.com
Article created: 09/17/2006
04:48:26 AM EDT
It's hard not to notice U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays these days. At any
time, he might be on national TV news and talk shows, expounding on
anything from his support for the war in Iraq to his disgust with the
Bush administration's response to Hurricane Katrina.
Can this be the Republican the voters of the 4th Congressional District
elected to represent them 19 years ago?
The same person who as a young man was a conscientious objector to
serving in the Vietnam War and 40 years later has evolved into a strong
supporter for the U.S. war in Iraq? The same man known for trying to
clean up decaying inner-city housing? Who fought for gun control? Who
lobbied for a national service program? To some, Shays, who turns 61
next month, is a powerful asset to the district in Washington, someone
who has paid his dues while gaining national political stature — and
influence. To others, he has betrayed his independent roots, becoming
the ultimate Beltway insider, out of touch with the everyday concerns
of constituents. But no matter how his supporters or critics label him,
there is no question the Bridgeport resident has expanded his range of
concerns since he joined Congress in 1987.
A conscientious
objector to military service during the Vietnam War, Shays said he
agonized over, but ultimately voted to approve, the U.S.-led Desert
Storm assault against Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1991.
A candidate who ran for Congress determined to "put our financial house
in order" amid rising federal budget deficits, Shays has endorsed
higher military spending.
And perhaps most conspicuously, Shays has become an authority on
terrorism who also is a staunch defender of the current U.S. war in
Iraq, though he recently called for setting a pullout timetable for
American forces.
Now, as he seeks an 11th term this year, Shays is under more scrutiny
than ever, but not just because of his higher profile.
The spotlight is on the 4th District because Democrats have what
experts consider a solid chance to capture the seat, which has been in
GOP hands since 1969, as part of their effort to regain control of the
House of Representatives they lost in 1994. The Democrats need to take
back 15 seats nationally to claim a majority in the 435-member body.
Largely because of waning public support for the war, Democrats — with
former Westport First Selectwoman Diane Farrell as their
standard-bearer — think they can win the seat Nov. 7.
Shays has supported the Bush administration drive to topple Saddam
Hussein even before the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
After his first trip to Iraq shortly after the U.S.-led forces quickly
overthrew Saddam's regime, Shays predicted that decades henceforth "the
operation will be studied with a great amount of awe."
Even so, he acknowledged the effort would be marred if stability could
not be established in Iraq.
As his first campaign
against Farrell heated up a year and a half later in 2004, Shays
returned from his sixth trip to Iraq and said conditions there were
"headed in the right direction."
Then, last month, after his 14th trip to Iraq, Shays asked the Bush
administration to set a timetable for Iraqis to assume "the bulk of the
heavy lifting" from the 135,000 U.S. troops deployed.
It prompted charges that Shays is trying to shift gears away from his
support for the war because of its unpopularity in the state — a factor
widely cited in last month's Democratic primary defeat of U.S. Sen. Joe
Lieberman at the hands of anti-war newcomer Ned Lamont.
Shays, however, described his call for a pullout as a means to motivate
Iraqis to create a united and peaceful democratic state.
"If I saw action — a real strong political will to take on the
militias, I wouldn't have set deadlines," he said, a few days after his
revised stance hit the news. "But they are not moving, they are
treading water and we can't do that while our men and women are dying
in Iraq."
Still, Farrell said Shays' motivation was "purely political" designed
to attract voters.
"He's thrown out the word 'timetable' because he feels it will afford
him some appeasement from voters who are so frustrated by his
position," she said.
Farrell also said she thinks the Republican victory that put Shays in
the majority brought out a more conservative side of him that has grown
stronger.
"I think [former
Republican House Speaker] Newt Gingrich awakened the more conservative
side of Chris," said Farrell, who came within 4 percentage points of
unseating Shays in their first matchup.
And she suggested that spending so much time in Washington has put him
out of touch with his district.
Farrell's campaign likes to note that Congressional Quarterly shows
Shays voting with the current president 82 percent in 2002. Though
Shays' agreement with Bush fell to 56.2 percent last year, it's still
higher than the 32 percent rate at which he supported President
Reagan's initiatives in 1987. During the Clinton years, his rate of
agreement with the president ranged from 44 to 57 percent.
Meanwhile, the Shays campaign staff likes to point to ratings from
political handicappers like the National Journal that place Shays
closer to the middle of the political spectrum — much where he has been
throughout a political career that began as a state representative from
Stamford in 1974.
Over that period, Shays has continued to advocate a woman's right to
choose, although he refuses to defend late-term abortions, and favors
gun control. He remains an ardent environmentalist, in contrast to
others in his party.
And throughout his career, he's retained a reputation for integrity and
been provoked to criticize the ethics of other officials, ranging from
now-jailed former Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim to indicted former
House Majority Leader Tom DeLay of Texas.
But even Shays acknowledged that his perspectives are different from
those he had at age 20 or so.
"I have seen a lot in those 40 years that have shaped my life," he said
in an interview last week.
As an idealistic and somewhat pacifistic young man, the newlywed Shays and his high
school sweetheart and wife Betsi were volunteers with the Peace Corps
in Fiji.
But Shays — who grew up as a Christian Scientist but said last week
that he no longer adheres strictly to its practices — said his
political journey has prompted him to reconsider many of the positions
he held in his youth.
Recalling his days as a young state legislator, Shays remembered the
anguish suffered by the family of Sandy Hoyt, a Stamford teenager
brutally murdered, but whose killer received a "ridiculously short"
sentence in his eyes. The Hoyts, he said, could not believe they could
not address the court to plead for a longer sentence.
He said it was a sobering experience that not only pushed him to fight
for victims' rights but also softened his opposition to the death
penalty to the point where he would no longer vote against a bill
simply because the measure permitted execution.
He said becoming a parent — his daughter, Jeramy, a 27-year-old student
in environmental law in a combined program at Vermont Law School and
Yale University — was also a key development in his emotional maturity.
"I constantly learn new things that shape how I think and act," he
reflected. Sometimes, he said, information builds up over time, and at
other times "you get slapped by events."
Shays' confronted his aversion to war after Saddam invaded Kuwait in
1990. During the runup to the debate on whether to authorize United
States' intervention, he was confronted by calls from the parents of
his state House successor, Christopher Burnham, a Marine reservist who
would be called up, not to support the authorization. But Shays said
Burnham himself lobbied the congressman to vote for it, as he
eventually did.
After his initial stint on the House Budget Committee ended in the late
1990s, Shays sought a new role. With the 1983 attacks on U.S. Marines
in Beirut and the first attack on the World Trade Center in 1993 as
backdrops, Shays said he sought a legislative role that would allow him
to examine terrorism, feeling that it was underexplored. Shays said
that in his role as head of the National Security Subcommittee of the
Government Reform Committee, he was growing increasingly alarmed about
the threat of terrorism before the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.
But those events, Shays said, became a defining moment for him.
"It's what I call growing up," he said of the ways he has changed over
the last five years.
But Farrell hopes to win over voters on the issue of Iraq, as polls
have shown shrinking public support.
"Iraq is, in fact, never going to result in greater safety for our
citizens at home," she said.
Despite Shays' stance on Iraq, Sacred Heart University politics
Professor Gary L. Rose said the congressman remains a classic so-called
"Rockefeller Republican," somewhat conservative on fiscal issues — he
supported the Bush tax cuts — and more liberal on social issues.
"He's a very specific type of congressman, which is in the tradition of
a Connecticut Republican," Rose said. While Republicans of a similar
stripe may be rare throughout the rest of the nation, he said they
remain a force in the Northeast, epitomized by figures such as former
New Jersey Gov. Christine Todd Whitman to Sens. Olympia Snowe and Susan
Collins in Maine.
Shays' moderate positions on social issues and "Americans first,
Republicans second" attitude keep constituents like Bill Meyer of
Westport, a 77-year-old retired marketing executive who met Shays as a
1987 candidate and is now a close friend, resolutely in the incumbent's
corner.
"He has a way of listening to people and taking their concerns
seriously," said Meyer, who also spearheaded a Republican effort for
Farrell's re-election as the town's first selectwoman in 2001.
Meyer said he'd be just as protective of Farrell if Shays — who has
never lived in Westport — had sought to challenge her for her post.
Those who work with Shays say his recent high national profile doesn't
mean he's neglected issues important to his district and state.
Charles Tisdale, the executive director for Action for Bridgeport
Community Development, said Shays has a long history of concern for the
poor.
"He was always concerned about people who didn't have means to support
themselves," said Tisdale, who said he's been a friend of Shays' for 20
years.
Over the years, he said, the congressman has fought to save funds for
anti-poverty agencies, such as ABCD, and in recent weeks helped deliver
an additional $455,000 for job-training programs.
Shays has also worked closely with business-development interests in
the 4th District.
Joseph McGee, a vice president of the Business Council of Fairfield
County, said Shays actively promotes efforts to assure the economic
vitality of his district's coastal cities on issues ranging from
workforce development to technology to transportation. "We see him as
very engaged in the key issues in the district," said McGee.
Chief of staff to Shays' Republican predecessor, the late Stewart B.
McKinney, McGee said that some of Shays' current stances reflect the
nation's altered interests.
"All congressmen were focused on domestic issues until there was an
Iraq," he said.
Tisdale said Shays' career is typical for someone who's accumulated
congressional seniority.
"The more seniority you have, the more responsibility you have," he
said.
But he said the current hot campaign between Shays and Farrell is
representative of the democracy that makes this nation special.
"It's great that people look at the candidates," he said. "That's what
makes us strong."
Barbara Bush Praises Shays; Campaigns For Him At High-Roller Event
By CHRISTOPHER
KEATING, Capitol Bureau Chief
September 13, 2006
STAMFORD -- Barbara Bush would not be here if the race weren't close.
Locked in a tight
re-election battle, U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays called upon one of the
Republican Party's biggest headliners - the wife of one American
president and the mother of another. With her marquee name recognition,
Bush helped raise over $70,000 from more than 100 guests at a luncheon
fundraiser Tuesday to help Shays in his rematch against Democratic
challenger Diane Farrell.
"Some of you might wonder why an 81-year-old, white-haired woman from
Maine and Texas would care so much about the great people of
Connecticut and who they elect to Congress," Bush told the well-heeled
crowd. "It would be the worst possible time for us to lose a good and
experienced congressman like Chris Shays. He recognizes that the global
war on terrorism is the most important issue of our time."
Bush urged the crowd to keep up the pressure until the Nov. 7 election
in the 17-town 4th District, which stretches from Greenwich to Oxford.
"This is not going to be an easy election," Bush said outside a private
home in Stamford. "I think everybody in this yard knows that. There is
no better example than Connecticut to show just how volatile an
election year this is."
Less than 90 minutes after Bush's departure, Farrell told reporters at
her campaign headquarters in Westport that Barbara Bush's visit was
similar to one for Shays and two other Republicans in the spring by the
current first lady, Laura Bush.
"It's just one more example of the Bush family rewarding a member of
Congress who has been incredibly supportive of the war in Iraq,"
Farrell said.
Shays, in fact, has said that the race would not be close at all if not
for his position on the war in Iraq. He returned last month from
his 14th trip to the war-torn country to suggest that the United States
should consider a timeline to begin withdrawing American troops in an
effort to eventually turn over more control to the Iraqi army.
But Shays continued to defend American actions Tuesday regarding the
war.
"No, it's not a mistake," Shays told reporters. "It's absolutely
essential that we win this war. ... We can't afford to lose the war in
Iraq because you'll see outright civil war."
Shays also distanced himself from Ned Lamont, the anti-war challenger
who defeated Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman in a Democratic primary that
focused overwhelmingly on the war.
"I oppose the Lamont model of leaving now or prematurely in a few
months," Shays said Tuesday. "One thing I'd like to say to all of you
[reporters] is that you are dead wrong if you think the
Lamont-Lieberman race had anything to do with what I'm going to decide
on war or peace."
Despite being a Republican, Shays boldly says that he will vote for
Lieberman, a longtime Democrat, because he is "a national treasure."
Lieberman did not lose the primary solely because of the Iraq war, but
because of reasons that included running "a bad race and he knows
that," Shays said.
"A lot of us put our arms around him and said, `Joe, this is politics,
and you need to be your old self,'" Shays said. "I think he's become
his old self."
The Shays-Farrell race has received national attention as the Democrats
try to win 15 seats to retake control of the U.S. House of
Representatives for the first time since the 1994 sweep that brought
Newt Gingrich into power as the House speaker. Gingrich, who became a
political lightning rod during his tenure as speaker, will campaign for
Shays in October. Former New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and Sen.
John McCain of Arizona will also be making stops in the district.
Farrell has also had her share of headliners. U.S. Rep. Nancy Pelosi of
California, who would become the new speaker if the Democrats regain
power, campaigned for Farrell recently. Rep. Rahm Emanuel, the former
Clinton administration official who heads the Democratic Congressional
Campaign Committee, has visited three times and declared the race as a
"top, top priority." Emanuel had targeted the race more than a year ago
and talked to Farrell before she announced she was taking another run
at Shays.
Tuesday's luncheon fundraiser crowd included conservative author
William F. Buckley Jr., a fan of Shays and a longtime Stamford
resident. He would not predict how Shays' support for the Iraq war
would affect the congressman's re-election chances.
"It's fair to say the Iraq war is not popular," Buckley said, " but
it's unwise to suggest that anybody in particular is going to be
victimized by that."
Farrell, Shays To Hold
11 Debates Next Month
By Mark Ginocchio,
Stamford Advocate
September 6,
2006
There will be no shortage of debate in the 4th Congressional District
race as U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays announced yesterday he will
participate in 11 debates with his challengers next month.
Political observers called the high number of debates "unprecedented"
for a congressional campaign but said Shays, R-Bridgeport, needs the
extra exposure because of his tight race with Democratic candidate
Diane Farrell.
"It underscores the vulnerability of Congressman Shays," said Gary
Rose, chairman of the department of government and politics at Sacred
Heart University in Fairfield. "He knows he's in real jeopardy."
Typically, incumbents decline to do so many debates because it gives
their opponents an opportunity to attack them, Rose said. But because
of the rampant criticism Shays has received from Farrell on issues like
the Iraq war, he'll have to use the public forums to go on the
offensive.
Farrell's campaign team said it is looking forward to the debates.
"Diane has been asking Congressman Shays to debate her on a number of
issues for months," said Jan Spiegel, a campaign spokeswoman. "We're
glad he's finally doing that."
In 2004, Farrell, the former first selectwoman in Westport, captured 48
percent of the vote when she first ran against Shays.
Shays will likely use the debates to further separate himself from the
Bush administration and the national Republican Party leadership, said
Ken Dautrich, an associate professor of public policy at the University
of Connecticut.
"You'll likely hear a lot of rhetoric like 'I'm not Bush,' in a close
race like this," Dautrich said. "He has to differentiate himself,
mainly on the issue of the war."
Shays has always been an avid debater during his campaigns, regardless
of how close the race is projected to be, said his campaign manager,
Michael Sohn.
In his match against Farrell two years ago, Shays participated in eight
debates, Sohn said. In past elections against opponents who didn't
raise any funds, Shays participated in at least three debates, he added.
Shays decided to participate in more debates this year "to help his
constituents better understand where he stands on the issues," Sohn
said.
The first debate will be Oct. 4 at the Stamford Marriott, sponsored by
the Business Council of Fairfield County, formerly known as SACIA.
The debates will wrap up Oct. 19 at Continental Manor in Norwalk,
sponsored by the Norwalk Chamber of Commerce.
The Libertarian candidate, Phil Maymin, a Greenwich hedge-fund founder,
also will take part.
Maymin, who is the only congressional candidate to propose a specific
withdrawal date from Iraq, challenged Shays and Farrell to a debate
last month, which was declined by both.
Maymin said he will likely participate in all the debates except the
Oct. 16 event in Bridgeport sponsored by the AARP. The organization
told Maymin they would not invite him because they do not expect him to
get at least 5 percent of the vote, he said.
AARP representatives did not return calls seeking comment yesterday
afternoon.
Maymin said the large number of debates is "good for the people of the
4th District." His participation is also beneficial because "it will
let the people hear another option."
Democrats can take control of the House by gaining 15 seats on Election
Day.
The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has the 4th, 2nd and
5th district races in Connecticut on its "targeted" list, meaning
candidates are getting visits and fundraising help from big-name
Democrats.
Well-known Republicans such former New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and
U.S. Sen. John McCain of Arizona are planning visits as well to
Connecticut to help GOP candidates.
Former President Bush was set to appear in Westbrook today to attend a
fundraiser for U.S. Rep. Rob Simmons, R-Stonington.
Simmons' campaign said yesterday he expected to participate in about
six debates with his Democratic challenger, Joe Courtney. Only two
debates have been scheduled so far, according to Courtney's campaign
spokesman, Brian Farber.
"We're going to take just about any debate offered to us," Farber said.
In the 5th District, Democrat Chris Murphy called on U.S. Rep. Nancy
Johnson, R-New Britain, yesterday to schedule nine debates that he said
the two campaigns had agreed to in writing this summer.
"During her month off from work in Washington, I would have thought
that Nancy Johnson would have been hearing the same cry for debate that
I have been hearing as I go door-to-door and go to community events,"
Murphy said. "With only nine weeks until the election, I will continue
to tell voters where I stand on issues important to them. Nancy Johnson
appears unwilling to do so."
Johnson has agreed to six debates, "which is six more than Murphy held
when he ran for re-election in 2004," said Brian Schubert, Johnson's
campaign manager.
Pro-Iraq war Shays
answers critics about conscientious objector status
By PATRICK R. LINSEY,
Hour Staff Writer
September 3, 2006
NORWALK — At the height of the Vietnam War, Christopher Shays
registered as a conscientious objector and served for two years in the
Peace Corps. Three decades later, U.S. Rep. Shays, R-4, has built a
reputation as an ardent supporter of military intervention in Iraq.
Shays said his opposition to military service was based on his faith.
"I happen to be a Christian Scientist and I basically concluded that I
would not fight in Vietnam," Shays said. "I basically concluded there
wasn't any way that I would be willing to kill anyone."
Shays' enthusiasm for
the Iraq war, coupled with his conscientious-objector status, has drawn
criticism from Democratic Trumbull First Selectman Ray Baldwin, a
Vietnam combat veteran who last week called Shays' stance
"hypocritical."
"I have no problem with conscientious objectors. But then don't turn
around and send other parents' kids to Iraq and claim it's a matter of
conscience," said Baldwin, who supports Shays' Democratic challenger
Diane Farrell.
Shays said he has "struggled with" casting votes that sent American
troops into battle, especially leading up to the first Iraq war in
1991.
"I told some of my colleagues that I was a conscientious objector, so
how could I vote to send anyone to war?" Shays recalled. "And they
said, "Well then maybe you'd better resign from Congress, because you
have to make decisions on war and peace."
After a conversation with then President George H. W. Bush, Shays said
he decided to vote for the war.
"I concluded that at
that time we couldn't let Saddam control 60 percent of the world's
oil," he said. "He would have the 10 percent he owns plus the 9 percent
Kuwait owns and he would just dominate Saudi Arabia."
After the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, Shays said he went
through "a pretty big sea change."
"I wouldn't call (the war on terror) World War III, but I would call it
something close to it," he said.
A strong supporter of the Iraq war, Shays voted to allow President Bush
to use force in 2003 and was the first congressman to visit the country
after the U.S. invasion. He has since traveled to Iraq more than any
other member of Congress.
"I'd like at least some people to recognize that my going there 14
times is a commitment to understanding what our soldiers are going
through," he said. "And when I go outside the umbrella of the military,
it's a commitment."
An organizer with the Central Committee for Conscientious Objectors
called Shays' views "not shocking."
"I'm not surprised at all a person working in politics (would) have to
compromise their beliefs for their political ambitions," said Kevin
Ramirez of the CCCO.
In 1968, Shays joined the Peace Corps with his wife, Betsi, and they
served together in Fiji for two years.
His experience in the Peace Corps provided a better "understanding
about cultures," Shays said. "And the biggest mistakes we've made have
been because we haven't appreciated the difference in culture."
After returning to the United States in 1970, he registered as a
conscientious objector.
According to the Selective Service System, conscientious-objector
status can be gained by proving one is "opposed to serving in the armed
forces and/or bearing arms on the grounds of moral or religious
principles."
A volunteer with the First Church of Christ, Scientist in Westport,
said she knows Christian Scientists who have been conscientious
objectors and others who have served in the military.
"Each (member of the church) works it out in his own way," Susan
Vincent said.
Shays said his personal beliefs about fighting in a war are separate
from his views on U.S. foreign policy.
"If someone is a Catholic and in their own practice is against
abortion, should they be against abortion in government policy?" Shays
asked. "It's obviously not to the same level, but it's kind of the same
issue."
Asked if he were drafted into the Iraq war today, Shays said he does
not know if he would fight.
"How would I know? What would I say to you?" Shays said. "If I said,
'Yes I would do it,' you would say 'Well easy for you to say.'"
Political Shuffle By
Mr. Shays?
Hartford Courant
Editorial
August 29, 2006
Few members of Congress have been as supportive of President Bush's
Iraq war policy as U.S. Rep. Chris Shays of Bridgeport. He has been on
board with the invasion of Iraq and the toppling of dictator Saddam
Hussein from day one. Through the course of 13 visits to Iraq during
the past three years, the 4th District Republican has been mostly
upbeat about the war's progress.
That's why his suggestion for a timeline for withdrawal of U.S. forces,
coming last week on the way home after his 14th trip to Iraq, was such
a bombshell and why for some it has called his credibility into
question.
Mr. Shays is in a
tough fight for re-election after 20 years in Congress and his dogged
defense of the U.S. role in an unpopular war is one reason he's thought
to be in trouble. It would be out of character for him to shift his
views to suit the prevailing political climate. We hope that's not the
case. The
congressman said a timeline for withdrawing U.S. troops might force
Iraqis to more quickly establish their own security and put an end to
sectarian violence. Indeed, it might.
"The progress simply stopped," Mr. Shays said last week. "The Iraqis
lack the political will to be on a time frame to get this done. They
want to act in terms of years and we need them to act in terms of
months."
He said he was discouraged by conditions he saw in Iraq on a previous
visit six weeks ago, but thought it too early to speak out.
Still, it isn't exactly clear what Mr. Shays now favors. He says he's
for a timetable for withdrawal, but that the timetable cannot be
arbitrary. That poses a question: Can an "iffy" timetable force Iraq's
government to move any faster? Mr. Shays believes that a
premature withdrawal would lead to "all-out civil war, fuel prices off
the scale" and an "Islamist terrorist" victory.
He says he will lead hearings next month that will help establish a
realistic timetable for drawing down American troops. But, he cautions,
Congress may not be able to move before the midterm congressional
elections in November. It would be sad if Mr. Shays' shift in outlook
were motivated simply by pre-election jitters. We agree with Mr.
Shays - and with Sen. Joe Lieberman - that a premature U.S. withdrawal
could have disastrous consequences. But Washington must create an exit
strategy or a timetable or a withdrawal plan, whatever you want to call
it.
The United States can't afford an unlimited, bottomless commitment. The
Iraqi government must be pushed harder to stand on its own and provide
the security that is needed. One thing is for certain. If the
frequent visitor to Iraq and long-time supporter of our mission there
is discouraged about conditions in that war-ravaged nation, they must
truly be bad.
Maymin Enters 4th District Race
Westport NEWS
By Azia Li Forrest
August 22, 2006 (?)
GREENWICH
It's official. Phil Maymin, a "fiscal conservative" and "social
liberal," announced Tuesday that he has received the mandatory 5,000
nomination signatures to appear on the ballot for the U.S. Congress'
Fourth District race in Connecticut. A Libertarian, Maymin will
run against Republican incumbent Christopher Shays and Democratic
candidate Diane Farrell.
"I'm here to represent those of us sick and tired of the stranglehold
of how the two-party system has taken over our liberties," Maymin said
during Tuesday's press conference at Maymin Capital Management, LLC,
222 Railroad Ave.
"I stand for both social and economic freedom. I am more of a
Republican than Shays and more of a Democrat than Farrell," he said.
The Libertarian Party stands for bolstering liberty. Specifically,
Libertarians are for a government with less control over property,
lifestyle and interests and for a "freer" society for Americans,
according to Maymin.
"Have we truly consented to the limitations on what food we eat, what
pills we take, what medical treatment we can pursue?" Maymin asked. "I
am here to represent new directions for those who believe we have not
given our free consent."
Maymin, 31, said he would have voted to "slash" taxes, and if it were
up to him, Americans would not have gone to war in Iraq. He said both
the Democratic and Republican parties permitted the Iraqi invasion.
Maymin said his strategy to
win the Nov. 7 election is much different than those of his opponents.
He will utilize the Internet as his main source of media.
"I am at an advantage because my Web site has an open forum and that is
very different from other candidates," he said.
Maymin's supporters have uploaded photos of themselves at
www.MayminForCongress.com to show their assistance to his campaign.
"I'm not saying they will vote for me in the election," he said. "But
those 5,000 signatures represent those who wanted a real choice, a real
change."
When asked about his tactics for funding his campaign, Maymin insisted
he was not going be like Ned Lamont, the Greenwich millionaire who
upset U.S. Sen. Joseph Liberman in the Aug. 8 Democratic primary.
"Ned Lamont used primarily his own money," he said. "That is not the
approach I'm going to use. I would like to focus on raising money. Now
that we are on the ballot, we are going to sincerely fund-raise."
Maymin is hoping for a strong number of votes in Greenwich, Westport,
where Farrell resides, and in Bridgeport, where Shays lives.
"Shays has been in office 10 terms," he said. "Has government gotten
smaller? Do you have more freedom? Of course not. It's time for
Connecticut to lead again."
A former resident of Westchester County, Maymin has lived in Greenwich
for five years. He was born in Moscow and raised in Massachusetts. He
graduated from Harvard University cum laude in three years with a
degree in computer science and received a master's in applied
mathematics. He has been married to his wife, Yelena, for three years
and they have a 7-month-old daughter.
Rivals Sound More
Alike; Shays, Farrell Both Pessimistic On Iraq Outlook
Hartford Courant
By DAVID LIGHTMAN, Washington Bureau Chief
August 19, 2006
WASHINGTON -- The nationally watched Chris Shays-Diane Farrell race has
long been billed as a showdown over U.S. policy in Iraq - but the two
rivals in Connecticut's 4th Congressional District are sounding more
and more alike these days.
They both oppose timetables for drawing down U.S. troops. They both
stress the importance of asking key administration officials tough
questions during congressional hearings. They both emphasize the
importance of a political solution to ending violence in Iraq - and
neither seems confident that talks among that country's factions will
ease tensions anytime soon.
Shays, R-4th District,
is expected Sunday to begin his 14th trip to Iraq since the U.S.
invaded more than three years ago. Before he left, he was not his usual
upbeat self.
"I'd like to say I see light at the end of the tunnel, but I'm
pessimistic about what I'll probably be reporting," he said.
Farrell is seizing on such comments as that to dramatize what she says
is the key difference between her and Shays: "Chris has been an
unabashed war supporter from the start, and I haven't." Shays, she
contended, is "morphing" his views to win support.
The congressman disputes that. "What I do is I go, and I'm honest about
what I see," he said. "Should my first observation be the one that
lasts forever?"
Any change in his Iraq outlook, the congressman said, is based on the
hearings he's conducted as chairman of the House national security
subcommittee and his frequent visits. But voters may find all the
nuances and changes are little more than "noise," said Kenneth
Dautrich, professor of public policy at the University of Connecticut.
"Voters look for simple cues when they vote," he said, and that's bad
news for Shays.
If that's true, that's good news for Farrell, added Washington
political analyst Stuart Rothenberg. "The danger for Shays is that this
is a referendum on the war in general, not on specific strategies," he
said. "If it becomes a matter of details, that's better for Shays."
Rothenberg and other
congressional handicappers regard Shays' district as a major test of
Iraq war sentiment because the candidates have been debating the war
for months, and both candidates eagerly welcome the debate.
Farrell, a former Westport first selectwoman who lost to Shays in 2004,
likes to dwell on their contrasting histories. In October 2002, the
Westport Minuteman reported her support for a Fairfield County Peace
March and Rally. A few days later, Congress voted to give President
Bush broad authority to act against Iraq. Shays was an enthusiastic
supporter; Farrell said she would have voted no.
But beyond their approaches, the candidates sound roughly the same as
they talk about how to conduct the war.
Farrell says that if Democrats gain a majority in at least one house of
Congress this fall, the party will hold constant hearings demanding
answers about the war from top administration officials.
But Shays has been conducting such hearings almost weekly. His
subcommittee has held 90 hearings on terrorist-related subjects since
he became chairman seven years ago. He has frequently raised questions
about policy at these hearings.
In June 2004, for instance, he chaired a hearing examining how to win
the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people. He criticized the U.S. and
coalition effort to rebuild Iraq as often marked by "hubris and
condescension in dealing with the sovereign people it was created to
serve."
Shays and Farrell also are close on another key war-related strategy.
Shays does not back specific timetables for pulling back American
forces. Neither does Farrell.
Her party has offered
two kinds of timetables recently. One would withdraw all U.S. troops by
next summer. The other, which won substantial support, calls for a
"phased redeployment" to begin by the end of this year.
Farrell rejected both approaches.
"The problem is that if you only look at a military solution, you're
not going to get to where you want," she said. "You've got to have a
concentrated effort to bring the three major factions together, forcing
them to the table to talk and look at a political solution."
Exactly, said Shays. "The solution in Iraq ultimately must be
political, not military," he said two years ago after one of his trips
to Iraq, and he still holds that position.
Farrell is also calling for more emphasis on, and scrutiny of, the
reconstruction effort and U.S. spending in Iraq. Shays says his 14
trips provide him with a unique perspective on the country's progress,
and cites hearings where he's sharply questioned administration
officials. Not good enough, said Farrell.
"He's going to be there 36 hours or so. He has no military background
whatsoever, and I'm fairly certain his mobility will be limited," she
said. "He frankly should be in Washington holding hearings as
frequently as possible asking experts to be forthcoming as possible."
And he will, on Sept. 11, 13 and 15. "The people I meet with in Iraq do
not come to Washington," he said.
When he gets back to the Capitol next month, "We'll look at security,
then reconciliation and then whether or not, and how, do we leave Iraq.
What are consequences under each scenario?" Shays said. "And we'll try
to have some heavy hitters testify."
Farrell
rips Lieberman, Shays for war stance
Greenwich TIME
By Neil Vigdor, Staff Writer
Published August 18 2006
After backing Joe Lieberman for the
Democratic Senate nomination, Diane Farrell distanced herself from the
primary loser last night during a Town Hall meeting in Greenwich,
especially on all things to do with the Iraq war.
Had she been a member of Congress
when President Bush was considering the invasion, Farrell said, she
would have never authorized the war.
Challenging incumbent Rep.
Christopher Shays, R-4th District, for the second time in two years,
Farrell called the war a mistake that has had a tremendous human death
toll and diverted resources away from citizens in need at home.
The war, Farrell told a group of
almost entirely Democrats at Town Hall, costs taxpayers $250 million a
day with little to show except for the prospect of a bloody civil war.
"We're in the end game folks,"
Farrell said. "We're not making progress. Using words like victory and
winning is simply unattainable."
Farrell's comments closely adhere to
Ned Lamont's winning message in his Aug. 8 primary victory over
Lieberman. A Greenwich cable television executive who has never held
elected office outside town, Lamont made Lieberman's support of the war
a central issue of his challenge.
Though she supported Lieberman in
the primary, Farrell has said she disagreed with him on the war.
Lieberman and Shays' views on the war are closely aligned. Both have
described Iraq a critical theater in the global war on terrorism.
Farrell faced tough questions from several audience members about the
war, however.
"There seems to be a lot of
confusion about where you stand on the issue," said Murray Paroly, a
Greenwich Democrat.
Farrell said she has been consistent
on her opposition to the war and that efforts to characterize her as
wavering on the issue were politically inspired.
Other Democrats appealed to Farrell
to reconsider her position on another delicate issue related to the war
-- the withdrawal of U.S. troops.
"I was very disappointed when you
were not for a firm date for withdrawing troops," former Democratic
Town Committee Chairman Betty Bonsal said.
Farrell said that while she is as
eager as anyone to bring the troops home, she was reluctant to back a
specific timetable.
"None of the people supporting that
opinion are military experts," Farrell said.
Billed by her campaign as a
community forum for citizens to bring questions, concerns and comments,
Farrell spent most of the hour-long meeting attacking Shays, to whom
she lost 52-48 in 2004.
Shays, she said, has given President
Bush a "blank check" to go to war under faulty premises that Iraq had
weapons of mass destruction. By voting for the GOP leadership in the
House, Farrell said Shays was responsible for what she called a failed
agenda for the country.
On the Iraq war, Farrell criticized
Shays' 14 trips to the war-torn country, saying that they did little
paint an accurate picture of the conditions on the ground there.
Farrell also accused Shays of painting a rosier picture of the
situation.
If elected to Congress, Farrell said
she would become a much better advocate for improved transportation and
would work hard to get assigned to the House Transportation and
Infrastructure Committee.
"Are you satisfied with the status
quo?" Farrell said.
Campaign aides for Shays said
Farrell was "sending mixed messages" about her position on Iraq. They
also rejected claims that Shays had promoted a right-wing agenda in
Congress.
"Chris remains one of the most
effective moderates in Congress," Shays' campaign spokesman, Brett
Cody, said in a telephone interview last night.
Cody said Shays opposed a White
House-backed energy bill and supported failed legislation that would
have increased federal support of stem cell research.
On Shays' support of the war, Cody
said the incumbent has consistently raised questions about the war's
handling, including the decision to disband the Iraqi police, military
and border patrol after the initial invasion.
Cody said Shays has recommended more
Arabic translators and better armor for troops and the Humvees they
drive.
"She says Iraq is the most important
issue facing us. So I would ask how does she plan to solve the issue of
Iraq and the greater issues related to the global war on terrorism from
the Transportation Committee?" Cody said.
Shays, he said, has held more than
90 hearings on the issue of terrorism as chairman of the House
Subcommittee on National Security, Emerging Threats and International
Relations.
In addition to a Shays staffer who
attended last night's Town Hall meeting, there was at least one other
Republican in the house.
"I came tonight because I thought it
was a community meeting," said Edward Dadakis, a Republican Town
Committee member and former chairman of the group.
"She never told anyone what she is
going to do," Dadakis said. "She spent the entire time criticizing what
other people have done."
Old
news in 4th district...blue
is a Democratic story, red
is a Republican story:
Link to I-BBC analysis (from Pew
Research) of the problem in U.S.A.: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/spl/hi/guides/456900/456958/html/nn1page1.stm
DeStefano, Malloy remain wary of offending Lamont
By Neil Vigdor. Greenwich TIME Staff Writer
Published July 30 2006
Fear of alienating Ned Lamont's base of supporters within the party is
causing a number of Democratic hopefuls to walk a tightrope between the
challenger and incumbent Sen. Joe Lieberman.
When a Who's Who list of Democrats headlined by former President Bill
Clinton joined Lieberman for a rally on his behalf last Monday in
Waterbury, Stamford and New Haven mayors Dannel Malloy and John
DeStefano were conspicuously absent from the stage. The two Democrats
vying for governor have both endorsed Lieberman for a fourth term.
Malloy arrived late at the event because of a scheduling conflict,
according to his campaign. His lateness aside, Malloy said in an
interview later in the week that reports of him trying to avoid
alienating Lamont's supporters were accurate.
Derek Slap, a spokesman for DeStefano's campaign, said the New Haven
mayor was conscious of the Lamont factor.
"I think John really respects the issues that Ned is bringing up," Slap
said. "Has there been dialogue on the blogs, 'You should support Ned?'
Absolutely."
A Greenwich businessman who opposes the Iraq war, Lamont has surged in
recent polls. The incumbent has said he will run as a petition
candidate if he fails to win his party's nomination. Slap said
that while DeStefano had endorsed Lieberman, he will back whomever wins
the Aug. 8 Senate primary heading into the November general election.
Malloy has taken the same position.
DeStefano skipped Monday's rally with Lieberman and Clinton altogether.
"We have less than two weeks left," Slap said. "John is focused on
winning his race. He is going to use the precious time that's left
doing the best for his campaign."
Lieberman's campaign spokeswoman Marion Steinfels said the senator
enjoyed broad support from top Democrats around the state, many of whom
were in attendance at the rally. They included U.S. Sen. Christopher
Dodd, Attorney General Richard Blumenthal and Fourth District
congressional hopeful Diane Farrell.
"Both Mayor Malloy and Mayor DeStefano have endorsed Sen. Lieberman,
and we appreciate their support," Steinfels said. "We're working with
both campaigns to get out the vote and win this election on Aug. 8."
Malloy's campaign spokeswoman Lisa-Joy Zgorski said the gubernatorial
contender has been careful not to offend either candidate or their
supporters in the Senate primary race.
"Thus, it makes sense to have a workable relationship with both
candidates given how close the race is," Zgorski said.
Zgorski went on to note that Malloy had even joked about how he should
appear at the same campaign stops as Lamont, who has attracted a cult
following of supporters who are opposed to Lieberman's support of the
Iraq war. For other Democratic hopefuls, including Farrell,
Lamont's supporters have been a force to be reckoned with along the
campaign trail.
Farrell is challenging Republican incumbent Christopher Shays in a
rematch of their 2004 race. Shays supported going to war as did
Lieberman, whom he has endorsed across party lines. Farrell opposes the
war.
"I was actually at one of the events where they put Diane on the spot.
They were really aggressive," said Slap, DeStefano's spokesman.
Appearing last weekend at a Greenwich fundraiser for her congressional
campaign, Farrell met criticism from Lamont supporters over her
endorsement of Lieberman.
Some of those in attendance said she told supporters that she would not
have made an endorsement in the race if she had to do it all over again.
"If you look at it, all of the Democratic candidates for Congress in
Connecticut have supported Lieberman. I think that they all felt that
they had to do it," said Mary Sullivan, a Riverside Democrat and Lamont
supporter who was at the fundraiser and said she heard Farrell's
comments. Farrell's campaign manager, Adam Wood, gave a different
version of the exchange.
"She was asked a question, 'What would you do if you could go back in
time?' " Wood said. He said Farrell told supporters she wished
their wasn't a divisive primary in the first place that had her taking
a side.
"In no way is she equivocating her support of Sen. Lieberman," Wood
said, adding that Farrell made her endorsement before Lamont entered
the race. Dale McDonald, a Lamont supporter who hosted the
fundraiser, said she did not recall Farrell saying she would have not
endorsed anyone. And then there is the former president, Clinton.
Both he and his wife, New York Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, have said
they will support the winner of the primary.
Clinton referred only briefly during the rally to the Greenwich
businessman Lamont.
"I don't have anything against Joe's opponent," Clinton said. "He seems
like a perfectly fine man. He's got every right to run and he certainly
has waged a vigorous campaign."
Despite most top Democrats endorsing his opponent, Lamont said he
enjoyed cordial relations with many of the same members of the party
establishment. He said he has appeared with some of those other
Democrats on the campaign trail, including DeStefano and Malloy's wife,
Cathy, during an abortion rights rally last week.
"Look, I have very friendly relations with all of those candidates,"
Lamont said. "I've known most of them for a long time and I know that
on paper they all endorse the incumbent. That's just the way you do it."
As for Farrell's frequent encounters with his supporters along the
campaign trail, Lamont said he and the former Westport first
selectwoman agreed on many issues, including the war.
Shays partners up on
ethics bill
By PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
June 23, 2006
NORWALK — U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays partnered with Sens. John McCain
and Russell Feingold and U.S. Rep. Martin Meehan in criticizing House
and Senate ethics-reform bills, and calling for new regulations to
limit corporate influence and establish an independent agency to
investigate violations.
McCain, R-Ariz., Feingold, D-Wis., Shays, R-4 and Meehan, D-Mass., sent
letters to House and Senate leadership this week, as well as to members
of a conference committee negotiating a compromise ethics reform bill
between the two chambers.
"To date we have done very little to provide greater transparency into
the process of influencing our government," read a letter sent to House
Majority Leader John Boehner.
Neither Boehner, R-Ohio, nor Sen. Christopher Dodd, D-Conn., responded
to requests for comment on the letter. Shays and Meehan have
introduced their own package designed to limit corporate influence and
provide greater transparency in Congress. The legislation would
create an Office of Public Integrity, to investigate ethics violations
in Congress, with members of Congress deciding whether to take
disciplinary action.
It would also prohibit gifts to legislators, increase the ban on former
members and senior staff lobbying Congress from one year to two, and
require members to reimburse corporations for the charter cost for the
use of private jets.
Members are currently only required to reimburse at the first class
fare.
"You get a corporate jet and you take your family to, say, Jackson Hole
and back, that could cost you $20,000," Shays said. "If you (flew)
first class, it might cost you far less than that."
Democracy 21, an interest group supporting ethics reform in Congress,
praised Shays' and Meehan's proposal.
"Corruption scandals are not going away," said Democracy 21 President
Fred Wert-heimer. "Citizens are not going to be fooled by Congress
passing phony reform legislation."
Shays said it will likely take more scandals like those surrounding
former Republican Majority Leader Tom DeLay of Texas and U.S. Rep.
William Jefferson, D-La., before the reforms he has proposed are
approved. He compared his proposal to the campaign finance reform
he sponsored with Meehan, and McCain and Feingold in the Senate.
"Enron and Worldcom made a big difference," Shays said. "It was exposed
that both of them had given $3 million to the political parties and
people said 'Hey, this is crazy.'"
Parade flap hits Farrell campaign
By BILL CUMMINGS
bcummings@ctpost.com
Article created: 06/15/2006 07:43:45 AM EDT
BRIDGEPORT — Candidates on the stump may be out of step with parades
and community festivals, according to parade organizers reacting to a
flap touched off by congressional hopeful Diane Farrell, who marched in
the recent Black Rock Day parade without an invitation.
Planners of the annual neighborhood festival said Farrell, the
Democratic candidate for the 4th Congressional District seat, pushed
her way into the June 4 parade, along with sign-carrying supporters
even though she was not invited and was asked to leave.
Her opponent, U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays, R-4, was invited to march in
the parade, which organizers said is a courtesy extended to all local
office holders. Shays is also a resident of the Black Rock neighborhood.
"It was a kind of mindless attempt to hijack the parade," Phil Blagys,
chairman of the parade, said of Farrell's actions.
According to Blagys, Farrell joined the march and refused to leave even
though she was asked. Her campaign workers also joined the parade,
waving campaign signs.
"They had people walking alongside Shays and his wife with banners,"
Blagys said of the Farrell supporters. "The whole thing was
orchestrated. This was no accident. When she was told she was not
invited, she continued on as if I was the most insignificant person on
the planet."
Blagys told Farrell she was welcome to walk the route on the sidewalk.
Other parade organizers are taking note of Farrell's actions,
especially after a letter to the editor published in Wednesday's
Connecticut Post demanded an apology from Farrell over the Black Rock
incident.
Yolanda Ortiz, an organizer of the annual Juneteenth celebration
scheduled this weekend, said she'll be on the lookout for aggressive
politicians during the parade, which celebrates the date in 1865 when a
group of slaves in Texas finally got word of President Lincoln's
Emancipation Proclamation. The parade is scheduled for noon Saturday,
from Central High School to Seaside Park.
Ortiz said if Farrell tries to join the Juneteenth parade, she
will be asked to leave.
"It's not a place for getting votes. I'll have people out there. We
have not had any problems in the past. But there is a first time for
everything," Ortiz said.
She said Shays was invited to march because he's an elected official,
while Farrell, who is Westport's former first selectman, was not
invited. Ortiz said Farrell can walk along the sidewalk, but organizers
will not allow political signs and banners. Len Berger, executive
director of the Barnum Festival, said he plans to send Farrell a letter
explaining who can march in this year's parade, scheduled for July 2.
Under festival rules, a candidate for office would not be invited, he
said.
Shays, on the other hand, will be invited because he's an elected
federal representative from Bridgeport, Berger said. Others to be
invited include the elected heads of surrounding towns, the mayor of
Bridgeport, Bridgeport's City Council president, the state's five top
elected officials and state senators and representatives.
"The parade is entertainment. It's not for political statements. I
think it would be prudent to write her a letter advising her of our
policy and telling her she would not fall in that category," Berger
said.
Farrell's camp downplayed the controversy, saying it's much ado about
nothing.
"Staffers walked on the sidewalk and they did not taunt Shays. Diane
was in the parade. She marched behind a councilman from Black Rock,"
said Adam Wood, Farrell's campaign manager, referring to the Black Rock
parade.
"What I think is pathetic is the Shays campaign is focusing on who's
marching in a parade instead of the thousands who are dying in Iraq,"
he said.
Wood also said the sidewalks were "littered" with Shays campaign
balloons. "Chris Shays politicized every single Memorial Day parade. He
had balloons all over the place. I think that's inappropriate," Wood
said.
The Shays camp had a different view. "I was not there, so I'll let the
letter writers speak for themselves. We always ask for permission
whenever we go in a parade," said Brett Cody, a Shays campaign
spokesman.
Asked if Shays will attend more parades this summer, Cody said he will.
"We will attend as many as we can. He is generally invited because he's
an incumbent. Parades also bring him face to face with constituents. He
learns something from every parade," he said.
Shays chosen to run for 11th term in 4th
SUSAN
SILVERS ssilvers@ctpost.com
May 16, 2006
NORWALK — Calling the war in
Iraq "this noble struggle," Christopher Shays defended the troubled
conflict Monday as he accepted the republican endorsement for an 11th
term as U.S. representative from the 4th District.
"My fear is not that we
will
lose the war in Iraq," the 60-year-old Bridgeport resident said at a
nominating convention in Norwalk. "My fear is that we will lose the war
here at home."
Shays told 240 delegates and
nearly as many guests in City Hall that al-Qaida terrorists "believe
they will win because they listen to the debate here at home and doubt
our resolve."
On the same evening,
Democrats endorsed former Westport First Selectwoman Diane Goss Farrell
as his opponent for the second time...
'Now
it's our time to lead,' Farrell says; Farrell gets Dem nod to runagainst
incumbent in November
ANDREW BROPHY abrophy@ctpost.com
May 16, 2006
WESTPORT — Former Democratic First Selectwoman Diane G. Farrell was
swept by tumultuous applause Monday night into a rematch this November
with U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays, R-4. Farrell, who narrowly lost
to Shays two years ago in a race that attracted national attention,
climbed to the stage of Westport Town Hall's auditorium at 8:40 p.m.,
basking in a packed house's applause and strains of the Beatles' "Here
Comes the Sun."
"It is with great pride, humility and an overwhelming sense of
obligation on behalf of every constituent in this district that I
accept your nomination," Farrell said.
"...Chris Shays, George Bush and the Republican Congress are just plain
wrong," Farrell said...
Feathering His Own Nest? Shays'
strong support for Lieberman seeks Republican co-endorsement.
DAY editorial
Published on 3/2/2006
Congressman Chris Shays shook up the
Republican Party when he told the Stamford Advocate editorial board
Monday that he thinks the GOP should co-endorse Democratic Sen. Joseph
I. Lieberman. Rep. Shays shares with Sen. Lieberman the political
position of having voted for the Iraq war and insisting that the United
States cannot pull out now.
What's more, Congressman Shays told
the Advocate that he intends to vote for Sen. Lieberman.
Self-fulfilling motives may be at
hand because Congressman Shays faces a tough re-election battle against
Democrat Diane Farrell, the first selectwoman from Westport who ran
against him in 2004. With the sentiment against the war growing,
Congressman Shays expects a closer race with Mrs. Farrell and having
Sen. Lieberman on the Republican ballot might help attract inadvertent
Democratic votes for the incumbent congressman.
Congressman Rob Simmons, who
similarly faces a vigorous challenge from Joseph Courtney, who ran
against him in 2002, is different. He wants no part of Sen. Lieberman
on the Republican ticket. His campaign manager, Chris Healy, says that
Rep. Simmons, who has supported the Iraq war, too, looks forward to
having a Republican candidate on the ballot to oppose Sen. Lieberman.
So if a Republican candidate for
Senate emerges, particularly one from Fairfield County, what will
Congressman Shays say when asked to attend party rallies for that
candidate? And will his attitude drive some Republicans to vote for
Democrat Farrell, Congressman Shays' opponent?
Stranger things have happened in
politics.
Vote Puts Bull's Eye On Shays,
Johnson; `Political Hit' Seen For Cutbacks Support
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
February 3, 2006
Democrats vowed Thursday to haunt the re-election campaigns
of
Republican U.S. Reps. Nancy L. Johnson and Christopher Shays over their
pivotal votes Wednesday to slow federal budget growth. With the
budget bill passing on a 216-214 vote, Johnson and Shays each
held the power to derail a measure that will affect entitlement
programs used by millions of Americans.
"This bill is bad for every constituency that will be voting this
November, except for multimillionaires," said Christopher Murphy, a
Democrat opposing Johnson in the 5th District.
And that makes it a political boon for Democrats, who need to pick up
15 Republican seats this fall to regain control of the House.
Connecticut is a crucial battleground in that fight. Three of the
state's five seats are held by Republicans, and all three
are considered winnable by the Democratic Congressional Campaign
Committee.
Shays said he and other Republicans expect to take "a political hit,"
but he defended the bill as necessary to slow the growth of
entitlements that consume half the federal budget. Johnson said
the impact of the bill, which is expected to save $40 billion over five
years, has been exaggerated.
"Not a single student will lose access to college loans, not a single
senior will be denied nursing home care, not a single needy family will
lose their Medicaid coverage in Connecticut," she said.
But congressional budget analysts say about one-fifth of Medicaid
recipients will face higher costs for drugs and doctor visits and
states will have the discretion to reduce coverage for higher-income
beneficiaries. They also say college students could pay higher interest
rates on loans, and older Americans who own real estate will have a
harder time qualifying for subsidized nursing-home care.
By giving the states greater discretion over Medicaid spending, the
budget bill is expected to result in a loss of reproductive-health
coverage in some states, though not Connecticut.
"Clearly, this will have a very serious impact," said Diane Farrell, a
Democrat opposing Shays in the 4th District.
Farrell said three voters told her Thursday at a campaign stop in
Bridgeport that Shays' budget vote had cost him their support.
"I am not pretending there is not a political hit in this," said Shays,
who left Thursday for Iraq. "I believe we need to get a handle on
entitlements. If we can't do this, what can we do? Good grief."
He said one change will affect his own family: Nursing home patients
such as his father-in-law no longer will be able to shield up to $2
million in property and still qualify for nursing home subsidies; the
amount will be reduced to $750,000...
Farrell's action in line of fire
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio
Published February 26 2006
In her previous bid for Congress, Diane Farrell relentlessly criticized
incumbent U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays' support for the war in Iraq --
and her attacks have carried over into her second campaign for the
state's 4th Congressional District seat.
But Farrell's unwavering stand against the war did not prevent her last
week from endorsing Iraqi war supporter Joseph Lieberman in his bid for
re-election to the U.S. Senate -- a move that has drawn criticism from
some political observers and has raised the eyebrows of her opponent.
"She loses some legitimacy" by endorsing Lieberman, said Ken Dautrich,
a professor of public policy at the University of Connecticut. "She
lost an opportunity to make a real statement."
Gary Rose, professor and chairman of the department of government and
policy at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield, said the endorsement
makes Farrell appear inconsistent.
"This could be perceived as a flip-flop and could potentially hurt her"
in the election, Rose said.
Farrell, former first selectwoman of Westport, said that although
Lieberman's Iraq position may be unpopular with many Fairfield County
Democrats, she and the longtime senator have agreed on many other
issues, and her endorsement was justified.
"Joe is a longtime friend and he has endorsed me and my campaign in the
past," Farrell said in a telephone interview last week. "We'll have to
agree to disagree on the war . . . but we agree on so many other
issues" such as women's privacy rights, the Family Leave Act and fair
wages.
Plus, she added, her race against Shays, R-Bridgeport, is about more
than Iraq.
"We have one party running everything in Washington," Farrell said.
"There are some abuses of power that Chris and his pals need to be held
accountable for."
But the Iraqi war may trump all other issues in November, Dautrich
said, so Farrell needs to stay consistent.
"The issue that is at the forefront of people's minds is the war," he
said. "People like candidates with principles. In a political race, the
challenger needs to define her principles instead of just beating on
the incumbent."
Even Farrell's challenger readily admits his similarities with
Lieberman.
"Diane has consistently said that she has made Iraq the center of her
campaign," said Michael Sohn, campaign manager for Shays. "But Joe
Lieberman and Chris Shays couldn't be closer on their positions in
Iraq. Joe and Chris both voted to go in, and they support staying in
until the job is done."
Though polls indicate Lieberman remains a strong favorite in his Senate
race, his support for the Iraqi war has upset some state Democrats. Ned
Lamont, a former selectman in Greenwich, is mulling a challenge of
Lieberman for the Democratic nomination as an anti-war candidate.
But Lieberman continues to be supported by some of the state's top
Democrats, including state party Chairwoman Nancy DiNardo, who also
defended Farrell's endorsement.
"The Democratic Party is a big pot and we have room for different
opinions," DiNardo said. "We allow people to disagree, and we won't
just be a rubber stamp for the Bush administration as the Republican
Party in Congress has been."
Dinner
bell for fundraising
Former Secretary of State visits Former First Selectwoman Diane
Farrell...Madeleine
Albright attends $1000 a plate dinner in Westport, reacts to news of
Osama's new tape by saying we cannot leave Iraq in a chaotic state, but
there must be a strategic redeployment...from MINUTEMAN article of Jan.
26, 2006.
Shays Spills GOP Secret; Party Backing Off Talk Of Joining
Lieberman's Side
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
March 1, 2006
It's been the subject of whispered conversations among top Republican
officials for the past month. Now, U.S. Rep. Chris Shays, R-4th
District, has let slip the secret: GOP officials have discussed
cross-endorsing Democratic Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman this fall.
In an interview Monday with the
editorial board of The Advocate of Stamford, Shays said he intends to
vote for Lieberman and is encouraging a Republican endorsement of the
three-term senator. The
remark was not immediately reported by The Advocate, but it set off a
flurry of calls among Republicans who have been gauging support for the
idea among GOP candidates, including Gov. M. Jodi Rell and U.S. Reps.
Rob Simmons, R-2nd District, and Nancy L. Johnson, R-5th District.
One GOP operative who was aware of
the discussions said premature public disclosure of the possible
cross-endorsement probably would kill the idea. That seems to be case. By
Tuesday evening, spokesmen for top Republicans publicly distanced
themselves from the possibility of backing Lieberman, who faces a
Democratic primary over his support of President Bush and the war in
Iraq.
And a spokeswoman for Lieberman, who
previously had refused to rule out appearing on any but the Democratic
line on the November ballot, said he would not accept a
cross-endorsement.
"Would he accept the endorsement of
the Republican Party? No, he is seeking the Democratic Party
nomination," said Casey Aden-Wansbury, his communication
director. She said no
one representing Lieberman has discussed a cross-endorsement with
Republicans.
Lieberman accepted a
cross-endorsement in 1994, while seeking his second term. He ran with
the endorsement of the Democratic Party and A Connecticut Party, the
banner under which Lowell P. Weicker Jr. was elected governor in
1990. Weicker is no
fan of Lieberman, but the endorsement was offered to help Eunice
Groark, who was A Connecticut Party nominee for governor in 1994.
Analysts in both parties say
running on the same ballot line with Lieberman this year could help
Shays and Simmons, two Republicans who supported the invasion of Iraq
and the continued U.S. presence in the country. Shays has hinted
previously that he might support Lieberman, who remains one of the
state's most popular politicians.
"Their position on the war can't be
closer," said Michael Sohn, who is Shays' campaign manager. "They both
voted to go into Iraq, and they both support staying until the job is
done."
Shays and Simmons are facing tough
re-election campaigns from their Democratic opponents, Diane Farrell
and Joseph Courtney, respectively. Farrell, who also ran two years ago,
has used the war as a cudgel against Shays, although she is supporting
Lieberman. While
Simmons could benefit by running on the same ballot line with
Lieberman, the congressman's campaign manager, Chris Healy, all but
ruled out Simmons' signing off on such a gambit - even though
Republicans are unsure if they can convince a serious candidate to
oppose Lieberman.
"Congressman Simmons is a proud
Republican and, while he enjoys a solid working relationship with Sen.
Joe Lieberman, we look forward to a Republican candidate to run in the
fall and expect to support the Republican ticket from top to bottom,"
Healy said.
Shays initiated the round of
discussions about Lieberman among Republicans more than a month ago,
said Republicans who wished to remain anonymous because the talks were
supposed to remain confidential. He phoned Rell and asked her to consider
a GOP endorsement of Lieberman. One Republican described the governor as
"nonplussed" by the idea, while another said Rell was non-committal.
Rell's chief of staff, M. Lisa
Moody, dismissed the possibility, saying, "There have been no serious
discussions, to my knowledge."
Lieberman faces opposition within
his party from Ned Lamont, a Greenwich businessman opposed to the war
who has created a campaign committee and is expected to formally
announce his candidacy this month. He's
viewed as a long shot to win the nomination, but a core group of
disaffected Democrats is strongly supportive of his effort.
"We're not surprised that there are
people within the Republican Party that would think about endorsing
Joe. He clearly is George Bush's favorite Democrat," said Tom Swan,
Lamont's campaign manager. Swan also said Lieberman's disavowal of
any interest in a GOP endorsement was expected.
"I don't know how someone who has
tried to make his entire career be based upon principles could turn
around and switch parties overnight," Swan said.
It was unclear Tuesday why Shays
told The Advocate he hoped Republicans would consider endorsing
Lieberman. His
campaign manager, Michael Sohn, said he believed Shays mentioned the
idea when asked about Farrell's endorsement of Lieberman, despite their
differences on the war.
"It is something Chris has been
thinking about for a long time," Sohn said. "I think part of it did
come from the flow of conversation. Chris is a person who says what he
believes. When asked a question, he is not going to lie, not going to
beat around the bush."
Lieberman did not return the favor
Tuesday.
"I thank Chris Shays for his
support," Lieberman said, according to his staff. "But of course I am
enthusiastically supporting my fellow Democrat Diane Farrell in this
congressional race, as I did two years ago."
Lawmakers try to stop port deal
Greenwich TIME
By Martin B. Cassidy
Published February 22 2006
Rep. Christopher Shays is co-sponsoring an emergency bill to stop and
probe the sale of major eastern seaboard port facilities to a port
operating conglomerate owned by the United Arab Emirates.
"It seemed ludicrous from day one," said Shays, R-Conn., yesterday.
"There is no Arab state which has spoken out against terrorism and
violence and they have all been basically passive. We're going to put
them in charge of six of our largest ports?"
If President Bush keeps the promise he made yesterday to veto any bill
to delay or stop the sale, Shays said Congress would override it.
Shays, a member of the Congressional Homeland Secur-ity Committee, is
one of three co-sponsors, along with New York's Democratic Sen. Chuck
Schumer and Republican Rep. Peter King, who want to conduct a 45-day
investigation of Dubai Ports World on the national security impact of
its purchase of the ports from a London-based firm.
Dubai Ports World, a state-owned business of the UAE, acquired major
port facilities in New York, New Jersey, Baltimore, Philadelphia,
Miami, and New Orleans in the deal.
Shays said the UAE has failed to condemn the violence of Islamic
terrorists, and allowed Al-Qaida to draw financial support from its
residents and for rogue states to ship nuclear weapon components
through its ports.
"The UAE has allowed finances and materials to go help fund Al-Qaida
and be a conduit for nuclear materials being sent to Libya and Iran,"
Shays said. "I want to do anything and everything we can do to stop it."
The Congressional Homeland Security
Committee also plans hearings on the sale by next week, Shays
said. Yesterday,
Connecticut's two Democratic senators also backed a fuller
investigation of the deal. Sen.
Christopher Dodd said that President Bush should avoid a congressional
confrontation and order the Treasury Department to conduct a longer
investigation.
The Committee for Foreign Investment
in the United States, a federal regulatory committee within the
Treasury Department, approved the deal.
"This is a country where they have
not been cooperative in tracking down Osama Bin Laden's bank accounts
and that still recognizes the Taliban as the legitimate government of
Afghanistan," Dodd said. "The president has the authority to postpone
it and review more carefully what the implications are and if he won't
do it, an act of Congress will be necessary."
Yesterday, Sen. Joseph Lieberman
co-wrote a letter to Treasury Department Secretary John W. Snow asking
for a full investigation to ensure that the security risks have been
gauged accurately.
"The senator feels a postponement
pending a review, assessment, and reassurance is in order here," Leslie
Phillips, a spokesman for the Homeland Security and Governmental
Affairs Committee, said. "He basically wants more information and
answers from an investigation because this is extremely troubling."
The UAE is a constitutional
federation of seven emirates; Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Sharjah, Ajman, Umm
al-Qaiwain, Ras al-Khaimah and Fujairah. Shays
said he understands public concern over what he said was the Bush
administration's contradictory approval of the purchase despite the
country's ongoing war on terror in the Middle East.
"It is a huge disconnect," Shays
said. "It's a strange thing with even passive states like Saudi Arabia
and so-called progressive states like the Arab Emirates have not
condemned terror."
Shays
stands by Bush on wiretaps
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio, Staff Writer
Published January 15 2006
NORWALK -- U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays defended the Bush
administration's right to spy on Americans without court approval, but
continued to challenge his Republican congressional colleagues to
ethics reform at a series of public meetings yesterday.
At a town hall-style meeting at Norwalk Community College, Shays,
R-Bridgeport, clarified his positions on the Bush administration's
wiretap controversy, energy conservation, immigration and the
Republican Party's ethics. Shays also spoke yesterday at the Long
Ridge Fire House in Stamford, the first day in a series of meetings he
has scheduled for the next week across Fairfield County.
"In 10 years, we have become arrogant," Shays said of fellow
Republicans, speaking to a group of more than 50 in Norwalk. "This
November, the Republican Party may be voted out of office, and if they
don't reform they deserve to be."
Shays cited his call last year for U.S. Rep. Tom DeLay, R-Texas, to
step down as House majority leader. DeLay stepped down as leader
temporarily last fall and permanently last week amid a federal
indictment on money laundering charges and an ongoing corruption
investigation.
The Connecticut congressman's decision to defy his party's leadership
came out of a community meeting last year when constituents told him
they were unhappy with the controversy surrounding DeLay, Shays said.
"I led the charge for him to step down, and then I said he needed to
stay down," Shays said. He also talked about an ethics bill he
co-sponsored with U.S. Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., which forces
lawmakers to file quarterly reports about expenses, gifts and
contributions paid for by lobbyists.
But despite his criticisms of DeLay and the GOP, Shays did not shy away
from defending Bush's controversial decision to spy on Americans
through wiretaps. Bush's decision was very unpopular with the
Norwalk crowd, who were concerned about the president having too much
power. But Shays likened the phone surveillance to the Patriot Act,
which he also has consistently defended.
"It's all about detection and prevention and I don't think you'll see
us break into any (terrorists) cells without the Patriot Act," Shays
said.
Bush's "commander in chief" powers during the war on terrorism give him
the right to circumvent the Federal Intelligence Surveillance Act,
which requires that a special court issue warrants for wiretapping,
Shays said. Former Westport first selectwoman Diane Farrell,
Shays' Democratic challenger for the 4th Congressional District this
November, disagreed.
"He's just wrong in this case because the FISA court has been very
responsive to the administration," Farrell said in an interview
yesterday.
Farrell also criticized Shays for trumpeting his ethics bill, saying
that Democrats have had an ethics bill on the table since May and the
Republicans have only taken action in the past month.
"You don't deserve credit for discovering that your feet are in the
fire," she said. "It was only after the Republicans became so visibly
outrageous that they decided to do something about" an ethics bill.
At the end of the two-hour meeting, Shays addressed his energy bill,
which would double tax credits to consumers for buying more
fuel-efficient cars, make truck emission standards more stringent and
increase fuel economy to 40 miles per gallon by 2016.
Shays, who voted against drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife
Refuge in Alaska, said enforcing stricter fuel standards for sport-
utility vehicles would ultimately save more oil than what would have
been recovered from the refuge.


Politics of the future department...Dick Morris advising George W. Bush?
KEAN FOR NEW JERSEY
NEW YORK POST editorial
October 23, 2006
National attention is focusing on a U.S. Senate race in New Jersey:
Democrat Bob Menendez, out to retain the seat he was appointed to
ealier this year, is struggling against GOP challenger Tom Kean Jr.
The result could well decide which party controls the Senate come
January. Which is just one reason why we endorse Kean, the 36-year-old
state senator and son of the popular former governor.
The race has focused on local issues: specifically, the culture of
political corruption that has made New Jersey a standing national joke
- and which Kean says Menendez, the longtime Hudson County Democratic
boss, personifies.
Menendez, for his part, has painted Kean as a lapdog of President Bush
- an ironic charge, given how often Kean and the president have parted
ways on significant issues.
Indeed, we find Kean's divergence from national GOP positions,
especially on Iraq, often too wide for our tastes. But that may be just
what New Jerseyans prefer.
After all, it's been 34 years since the GOP won a Senate election in
the deep-blue Garden State, and more than half a century since a
(relatively) conservative Republican senator represented New Jersey.
Kean clearly has touched a real nerve on the issue of corruption -
thanks largely to Menendez's very real ongoing ethics problems.
Like his having personally collected $329,000 in rent from an
anti-poverty agency that saw $9.6 million in federal grants - thanks to
Menendez's muscling. Corruption-busting U.S. Attorney Christopher
Christie has subpoenaed the group's financial records and is
investigating.
Or the recently released tape recordings on which Menendez's longtime
ally and top political adviser, Donald Scarinci, is heard pressuring a
Hudson County contractor - in the senator's name - to rehire a former
employee, saying it would guarantee him "protection."
Or his ties to convicted influence-peddler Charles Kushner, who was
Menendez's single biggest source of campaign cash over the past 20
years. Not to mention Kay LiCausi, who went in a few short years from
congressional intern to high-powered lobbyist, thanks largely to
Menendez - with whom she reportedly was romantically involved.
To be sure, there are differences between the candidates on the issues.
Menendez favors a conditional amnesty for illegal immigrants, Kean
opposes it. Menendez, who opposed the war from the outset, wants U.S.
forces out of Iraq within a year; Kean has tried to steer an uneasy
middle line between staying the course and withdrawing.
Polls show the race a virtual dead heat; whoever wins, the margin will
almost certainly be very thin.
Electing Menendez to a full term would leave in office a legislator
with a very real ethical cloud over his head. Both on his own merits as
a candidate and to ensure that the Democrats remain the Senate
minority, Tom Kean is far and away the better choice.
We urge his election.