We thank the Hartford Courant for the info...the numbers will not be up forever, so if you want to keep them, copy what you need now!
CONNECTICUT CAMPAIGNS 2006:
 
  1. Governor/Lt.Governor:  63.23% for Governor Rell, 35.42 for Mayor DeStefano;
  2. U.S. Senate race page (town by town) 49.77% for Senator Lieberman, 39.62% for Ned Lamont;
  3. 4th District Congressional race (50.87% Shays, 47.7% Farrell - news here)...
  4. Legislature (CT Senate and House)
In this election, swing voters make comeback
By Linda Feldmann | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Nov. 12, 2006

WASHINGTON – Ever since the contested election of 2000, when the presidential race resulted in a near tie, pundits have pointed to the polarized, 50-50 nature of American politics.   Now, with a chastened President Bush talking the language of common ground and Democrats owing their takeover of the House and the Senate to political independents, the center is back.
 
The GOP strategy of the past several elections - of mobilizing its most committed voters at the expense of appealing to swing voters in the middle - is fading fast.

It may be a fleeting moment, and it does not spell the end of polarization. According to national exit poll data, more than 90 percent of self-identified Republicans and Democrats voted for candidates of their own party for the House, as they did in 2004. But among independents, who represent about a quarter of the electorate, there was a decided tilt toward Democrats on Tuesday: 57 percent voted Democratic, and 39 percent voted Republican. In the 2004 House race, the independent tilt toward Democrats was 50 to 46...

Perhaps most interesting in Tuesday's shakeout vote are the Republicans in swing or Democratic-leaning districts who managed to hang on this cycle, such as Rep. Chris Shays of Connecticut.

"I can only assume [he won] because of hard work, big spending, and an image of real independence," says Democratic pollster Mark Mellman.

Mr. Shays had been one of Bush's strongest supporters in the House on Iraq war policy, until late in the campaign. Shays might have been helped more by his independence from the White House on other issues, such as campaign finance and ethics.


Expert: Big cities failed for Farrell
SUSAN SILVERS ssilvers@ctpost.com
Article Launched:11/09/2006 07:01:52 AM EST

With near-final returns in Tuesday's 4th Congressional District showing a widening lead for incumbent Republican Christopher Shays, Democrat Diane G. Farrell conceded defeat Wednesday.Farrell, the former Westport first selectwoman making a second bid to win the seat Shays has held since 1987, called the Bridgeport Republican and congratulated him on his victory about noon Wednesday, said Michael Sohn, Shays' campaign manager.  Even though Farrell did not admit defeat Tuesday night after the polls closed, Shays did claim victory, staying well into the early morning hours Wednesday at the Norwalk Inn to thank supporters...Farrell, who said Tuesday that she would not concede until every vote was counted, did not meet with reporters to concede but issued only a brief statement.

...(Sacred Heart University politics Professor Gary L. Rose quoted)  Bridgeport, a Democratic bastion, "really didn't come through" with the large numbers Farrell needed to offset affluent Republican enclaves, he said.  For example, while Farrell won 70 percent of the Bridgeport vote in 2004, she took 66 of the city's vote this time. Only about 40 percent of registered voters cast ballots in Bridgeport.


The lower turnout — and weaker showings in Norwalk and Stamford as well — apparently deprived Farrell of the margin she needed to overtake Shays in the suburbs, where he runs stronger — although not quite as strongly as he did two years ago. For example, in 2004 Farrell needed absentee ballots to win her hometown of Westport, where she took 51 percent of the vote and just 302 votes separated her from Shays.  This time, she won Westport with 53 percent and a margin of 731 votes. Farrell also beat Shays in Weston.

But Sohn said Shays' overall lead would have been even wider if negative anti-Farrell ads mailed to voters by the National Republican Congressional Committee hadn't turned off some potential Shays supporters.  He also said that unlike U.S. Rep. Nancy Johnson, R-5, Shays refused to go negative himself and that the 4th District GOP has a much stronger get-out-the-vote strategy. "You can't pin one factor on this win," said Sohn...


In Fourth District, it's a tale of cities vs. suburbs

Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio, Staff Writer
Published November 9 2006

In the weeks leading up to Tuesday's election, everything seemed to be going Diane Farrell's way.

Money was pouring in from state and national Democrats, the mounting violence in Iraq highlighted her central issue, polls placed her in a dead heat, and a gaffe by her opponent calling torture at Abu Ghraib a "sex ring" helped land her the endorsement of The New York Times.

But when the dust settled yesterday, Farrell was forced to concede as it became clear her second attempt to unseat 19-year incumbent U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Bridgeport, came only 1 percentage point closer than 2004. Despite her campaign's ability to get media attention with Democratic stars, including Hillary Rodham Clinton and James Carville, it failed to get voters to the polls, particularly in the district's larger cities.

Farrell's loss contrasted the overwhelming victory by Democratic challenger Chris Murphy over U.S. Rep. Nancy Johnson, R-New Britain, in the state's 5th Congressional District, and Democrat Joe Courtney's slight edge over U.S. Rep. Rob Simmons in the 2nd District - a race that is headed for an automatic recount.

"Going in to this election, I thought this race was very clear," state Democratic Party Chairwoman Nancy DiNardo said of the Farrell-Shays race. "Diane Farrell was a phenomenal candidate who did a great job campaigning and worked tirelessly. I am disappointed she didn't win."

Farrell raised more than $2.7 million and received a late $1 million advertising push from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, but her 51 percent to 48 percent loss to Shays, could be chalked up to lackluster voter turnout by her Democratic base, especially in Norwalk and Bridgeport.

Fewer voters in the state's largest city, Bridgeport, cast ballots than the smaller suburban towns of Fairfield and Greenwich. Farrell captured 66 percent of the vote in Bridgeport, compared with 32 percent for Shays. But only 20,145 people voted in the city, compared with 22,002 in the considerably smaller Fairfield and 21,044 in Greenwich - two towns that went for Shays.

During the presidential election in 2004, when Shays and Farrell faced off the first time, 33,706 people voted in Bridgeport, compared with 28,196 in Fairfield and 28,815 in Greenwich. Farrell won Bridgeport 70 percent to 30 percent two years ago. She also lost traction in Norwalk. In 2004, Farrell won Norwalk with 54 percent of the vote, compared with 49 percent this year.

John Stafstrom, chairman of Bridgeport's Democratic Town Committee said getting Democrats to vote in the inner-cities is a problem nationwide.

"A lot of people wonder if the election is fair and if their vote really counts," Stafstrom said.

Some poll workers in Bridgeport called in sick Tuesday, which led to long lines and a shortage of equipment at polling stations, Stafstrom said.

"That depresses voter turnout," he said.

Fairfield is known for having stellar voter turnout and has received recognition from the secretary of the state's office, Democratic First Selectman Ken Flatto said.

The town was treated as a major battleground for the candidates, Flatto added.

"Both campaigns saw Fairfield as a key area," he said. "Shays was here twice in the last three days, and Farrell was here on Friday."

After calling for every vote to be counted Tuesday night, the Farrell camp officially conceded the race to Shays yesterday.

"While the outcome is not what I or my many supporters had hoped for, in the end, the majority spoke and we accept the message," Farrell said in a statement. "I want to thank all my supporters, volunteers and campaign staff for their extraordinary effort. And I want to thank the voters of the 4th Congressional District."

Farrell's campaign declined additional comment.

Michael Sohn, Shays' campaign manager, said he had "the best campaign staff he ever worked with this year." He said volunteers worked to mobilize the GOP base and reach out to independent voters.

The manner in which the two candidates ran their respective campaigns may also have been a factor, Sohn said.

"We ran a positive campaign, while I don't think (Farrell) realized her partisanship energized our base like never before," Sohn said.

State Democrats criticized the national Republicans for sending anti-Farrell mailers and automated calls in the district, but Shays himself never ran a negative ad against the Democrat.

"People react unfavorably to so much negativity," said Ken Dautrich, a professor of public policy at the University of Connecticut. "Shays didn't play by the Republican handbook while Simmons and Johnson seemed to have been punished for doing that. Being a partisan does not help in Connecticut."

And despite the effect the Iraq war had on congressional races around the country, it didn't have the same impact on Shays, said Gary Rose, chairman of the department of government and politics at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield.

"There is a lot of irony that this election was a referendum on the war and the one congressman the most associated with the war, survives," Rose said.

Shays may have saved himself when he changed his position on the war in August and said the country should consider timelines for troop withdrawal.

"Voters said he was evolving," Rose said.

One Farrell supporter said Shays' victory was about more than just the war.

"If the numbers hold, it should be considered quite a personal victory as opposed to an endorsement of (Shays') position on the war," former Norwalk Mayor Alex Knopp said on Election Night. "He created a very enduring political persona of an independent elected official and was able to withstand the opposition of most of his district on the war. It's a real testament to his personal success."


SO WHAT IS THE FUTURE OF POLITICS? 

Connecticut's economy surely to be a topic of debate in 2006...

EARLIER IN THE CAMPAIGN...

VOTER REGISTRATION AND RELATED MATTERS (from the LWVCT).  This pamphlet has all the significant info necessary to inform yourself of your electoral rights!





ABOVE, FROM LEFT TO RIGHT, THE POLITICAL LANDSCAPE IN CONNECTICUT:



Rell, DeStefano face off in final debate
DAY
By SUSAN HAIGH, AP Political Write
Oct 18, 9:43 PM EDT

WEST HARTFORD, Conn. (AP) -- A more forceful debater than she was a week ago, Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell touted her record Wednesday on job creation, higher education, taxes and transportation.

Meanwhile, her Democratic opponent, New Haven Mayor John DeStefano, stepped up his criticism, claiming Rell has not done enough to help middle class families and hasn't been a strong enough leader since taking office 2 1/2 years ago.

The hour-long, televised matchup, held at WVIT-TV's studios, marked the second and final debate between the two candidates.  With Election Day less than three weeks away, both candidates tried to seal their images with the voters.
 
DeStefano, who trails Rell in recent polls by double digits, looked into the camera and told the viewers, "I know how hard it is for you," pledging to freeze property taxes for seniors, make college more affordable for families, reduce energy costs, and provide universal health care.

Rell vowed to guard the state's money as if it were her family's budget and not tear down others to build herself up. She said she'll work to lead with dignity and not let petty politics get in the way.

"If you're anything like me, you're tired of turning on the TV and seeing the politics of personal destruction," Rell said.

Rell has proven to be very popular with Connecticut voters since taking over as governor in July 2004 after her three-time running mate, former Gov. John G. Rowland, resigned amid a corruption scandal. Rowland later served 10 months in a federal prison camp.

Rell has capitalized on her popularity as a homespun leader, most recently running a campaign ad that features her new grandson Tyler. But DeStefano bluntly said that being nice shouldn't be enough for voters.

"Goodness and decency isn't solving your problems right now in the lives of your families," DeStefano said. "Being nice isn't lowering your property taxes."

DeStefano used his first debate with Rell last week as a springboard for his latest political ad, which chastises the governor for not coming up with a mistake she had made while in office. Rell jokingly acknowledged Wednesday that her response to that debate question was likely her biggest misstep.

DeStefano tried to step up the pressure Wednesday night. He repeated his criticism of Rell's decision not to fire her chief of staff, M. Lisa Moody, a longtime friend who distributed tickets to a Rell campaign fundraiser from her state Capitol office to some state commissioners. Those commissioners were later fined for handing out the tickets to subordinates.

"A personal relationship interfered at a time when we should have been putting all of that behind us," DeStefano said.

Rell said Moody broke her personal policy. She said a two-week suspension without pay was therefore warranted.

"It would obviously be totally different if the law were broken," she said. "What (Moody) did was wrong and I took corrective action, immediately."

DeStefano also criticized Rell's handling of transportation matters, claiming the state bought rail cars that are the wrong size to make it to Grand Central Station in New York.

"It is a consistent pattern of behavior," he said. "The governor needs to pay attention to what her commissioners are doing."

Rell's supporters said the rail cars were purchased for the Shoreline East line, which does not go into Grand Central. Rather, it meets up with the Metro North line.

House Minority Leader Robert Ward, R-North Branford, said he believes DeStefano's strong critique of Rell showed a man who is behind in the polls and desperate.

"The governor's strength is never debating, it's solving problems. But in this case she was also a first class debater," he said. "So she won the debate if it was a college debate, but what's really important is spoke to the needs of the people in a way that she understands and they understand.

"Jodi Rell was Jodi Rell today and that's why she's going to be Gov. Rell again," Ward continued.

The governor quickly left the studios after the debate, stopping briefly to answer a reporter's question on how she thought she fared.

"Fine," Rell said as she headed to her waiting car.

DeStefano, after the debate, said he believes he's gaining ground on Rell. A recent University of Connecticut/Hartford Courant poll showed that Rell had lost some support after last week's debate. But those voters said they were now undecided, rather than backing DeStefano.

"I think there's clearly a direction and I think there's a distinction you see in issue after issue," he said.

DeStefano and Rell were the only two candidates at the debate. Neither Green Party candidate Cliff Thornton nor Joe Zdonczyk, gubernatorial candidate for the Concerned Citizens Party, were invited to participate.

Thornton, however, made his voice heard. He drained his small campaign coffers to buy 30 seconds of time before the debate.



League Women Voters out because they wanted Green Party included.  Quoting from Co-President of LWVCT:

"...Jara Burnett, co-president of the League of Women Voters of Connecticut, said the League established criteria for including candidates in debates last May. Candidates must submit evidence they are mounting a vigorous campaign, have volunteers, have written position papers on issues and are receiving broad voter support and broad financial support.

The Green Party gathered 13,000 signatures to petition its way on the November ballot. The Concerned Citizens party did not meet the League's criteria, Burnett said.

'Things being what they are, I think that our partners looked at it somewhat differently — their interpretation of broad financial support,' Burnett said. 'We've agreed to disagree basically. We are sorry that it happened that way, but I think we all must follow whatever criteria we have established.'

Burnett said she is concerned about a trend toward candidates arranging debates.

'It seems to me, when all is said and done, if you are doing a debate, the person organizing the debate, as long as the criteria are fairly applied, needs to have the final say,' she said."


Not so fast...
The Day, Channel 8 To Sponsor First Debate Of 2006 Gubernatorial Race
DAY
Published on 9/29/2006
 
New London — The Day and the League of Women Voters of Connecticut (see above part of wire service article) will co-sponsor the first gubernatorial debate of the 2006 election at the Garde Arts Center in New London.

WTNH-News Channel 8, The Day's television partner, will broadcast the debate live at 8 p.m. Monday, Oct. 9.

Representatives of Gov. M. Jodi Rell and Mayor John DeStefano of New Haven, the Republican and Democratic candidates, respectively, reached agreement on two televised debates Thursday. The other debate will take place at 7 p.m. Oct. 18 and will be sponsored by WVIT-Channel 30 in West Hartford.

A panel of editors and reporters will ask questions of Rell and DeStefano in the one-hour debate in New London. The panel will comprise Morgan McGinley, editorial page editor of The Day, political reporter Ted Mann of The Day and Capitol correspondent Mark Davis of WTNH.

The Day will make available free tickets to the debate as soon as they are printed. Details on the availability of tickets will be reported in The Day and on theday.com, its Web site.


Rell, DeStefano agree to debates
By:Keith M. Phaneuf, Journal Inquirer
09/22/2006

...Rell's decision also left Green Party candidate Clifford Thornton of Manchester and Concerned Citizens Party member Joseph Zdonczyk of Wolcott uncertain as to whether they would get to participate in any forums.
 
The Republican governor originally said she only wanted two debates and that they must feature all four candidates, But DeStefano's campaign criticized her this week, accusing the governor of trying to avoid a direct comparison with her major-party competition.

The DeStefano camp said it remains willing to participate in as many group debates as Rell is willing to, but wanted at least two match-ups featuring only the Republican and Democratic nominees.

Rell campaign spokesman Rich Harris said Friday that the governor never had ruled out any head-to-head debates with DeStefano. Rather, he said, "she felt strongly that the minor party candidates deserved a role" in these forums.

Rell's campaign also issued a brief written statement.

The governor did say, "Unfortunately, we were not able to come to agreement on allowing the participation of third-party candidates. But I'm sure there will be ample opportunity for voters to hear from all of the candidates at the various events and public meetings on the campaign trail."

The statement adds that details of the televised debates are being finalized.

"The DeStefano campaign is pleased Governor Rell has reconsidered and decided to debate John DeStefano one on one," campaign spokesman Derek Slap said.

"Ultimately, it's voters who win, because they will have the opportunity to contrast John DeStefano's vision for helping Connecticut's families with Governor Rell's record of failure."

The two sides also agreed upon one head-to-head debate between the major-party candidates for lieutenant governor: Democrat Mary A. Glassman, former Simsbury first selectwoman, and Republican Michael Fedele, a former state representative from Stamford.

Thornton said Friday that he has felt pessimistic from the start about his chances of getting to debate Rell and DeStefano.

"Even though they've talked about the democratic process, they would not even allow us at the table in these negotiations," he said. "They have violated the democratic process."

Zdonczyk said it's ironic that American soldiers are dying in a war reportedly being fought to bring democracy to Iraq, "and then here in this country we find people that are saying, in effect, that democracy is not that important. What we see here is exclusionary politics being practiced by politicians who are allegedly trying to get the support of the entire populace."



Election Day '06 and you choose, not newspapers
Norwalk HOUR editorial
November 5, 2006

Here we are with Election Day coming up Tuesday, a day on which we will choose the person to lead our state — the executive branch and the General Assembly — as well as our delegation in the U.S. House of Representatives and one U.S. senator.

As we approached this election, The Hour has made every effort to bring the candidates and their views to the reading public. We have run biographical backgrounds about them, have contrasted their views on the issues they feel are important. We have covered extensively the debates as they unfolded during the campaign. Our coverage of this campaign was more extensive than any in recent years.

We have not endorsed any candidates, and some readers wonder why. We at The Hour feel, as the primary voice of the community, our role to provide you with the best possible information available, to allow you, the voter, to make a well-thought-out, reasoned choice.

It's not a question of party labels, but the candidate you think will best serve your interest and the interests of the state and nation. Your vote should go to the person best suited to carry out your hopes and wishes.

There's another aspect to our position concerning endorsements. Newspapers do not elect candidates — at least, they shouldn't — voters do. Certainly if a candidate fails to get an endorsement from this or that newspaper, he or she may feel that their chances (rightly or wrongly) of getting fair coverage of their campaign are compromised. Make no doubt about it; we have made our best effort to keep an even hand in our coverage to better serve you, the reader.

This paper proudly proclaims itself as the voice of the community for 135 years, and we have done that as an independent voice, not answering to some disconnected chain corporate headquarters halfway across the country.

Decision are made here by individuals who don't wait for 'direction" from some distant boardroom.

Today, we stand as the only independently-owned daily newspaper in the county and one of only six left in the state of Connecticut who can claim that independence.

No newspaper is perfect, whether it's owned by a giant chain or is an independent. We are an organization run by dedicated individuals, and we can make mistakes, which, we add, we try to amend expeditiously.

We won't tell you who to vote for on Tuesday, but we hope we have provided you with the information you need to carry out your duty as a voter. Polls open at 6 a.m. and close at 8 p.m. Don't dismiss your vote as "not important" — every vote is important, no matter which candidate you choose.

We hope this Election Day will reverse the trend of lower and lower turnouts each year, an embarrassment for the world's longest-standing democracy.


Lieberman apparent pick of independents
Waterbury Re[ublican-American
BY PAUL HUGHES
Thursday, November 2, 2006

Independent voters, the kingmakers of Connecticut politics, are apparently sticking with U.S. Sen. Joe Lieberman.

Much is made of the Democratic senator's support among Republicans, but Lieberman's success or failure as an independent candidate also depends on unaffiliated voters.

Independents are the largest group of voters in Connecticut, and voter polls suggest that a majority of them favor Lieberman.

But Scott McLean, a professor of political science at Quinnipiac University, cautions that support may not be rock solid.

"The funny thing about independents is they switch back and forth ... It is just hard to predict what independents will do," said McLean.

There are twice as many unaffiliated voters as registered Republicans in Connecticut, and they outnumber Democrats by the tens of thousands.

Because of their numbers, election analysts said independents can sway elections.

Unaffiliated voters favored Lieberman before he lost the Democratic nomination to Greenwich businessman Ned Lamont in an Aug. 8 primary. The senator is now running as a petition candidate.

Ken Dautrich, a professor of public policy at the University of Connecticut, said the primary defeat boosted Lieberman's standing with independent voters.

"Independents like candidates to be independent of political party," he said. "I think Lieberman is independent of party. He was tossed out by the party. He can truly claim he is an independent."

Dautrich said a lot of what Lieberman is saying also appeals to independent voters.

He condemns partisanship in Washington, highlights his independent streak and his work with Republicans, and promises to put the public interest ahead of politics and party loyalty.

"I will feel empowered if I can get elected running as an independent to go down there and carry this message that the people are fed up with the partisanship, that they want us to work across party lines to get something done," Lieberman said.

Lamont is also trying to appeal to independents, but a majority still seem to prefer Lieberman.

Independents split 51 percent for Lieberman to 34 percent for Lamont in a new poll from Quinnipiac University that was released Wednesday.

However, Lieberman lost 6 percentage points among independents from an Oct. 20 poll, and Lamont gained 4 percentage points.

Tom D'Amore, a senior Lamont adviser, said the movement among independents is "a very good sign" for Lamont.

The war in Iraq is the signature issue of the U.S. Senate election.

Approximately 14,000 independents registered as Democrats in order to vote in the Aug. 8 primary. Gary Rose, a political science professor from Sacred Heart University, contends an overwhelming majority did so because they opposed the war.

Nearly two-thirds of independent voters agreed with Lamont that the decision to go to war in Iraq was a mistake, according to a Quinnipiac poll from Sept. 28.


Yet, a majority of unaffiliated voters still consistently side with the pro-war Lieberman. Dautrich and McLean said this must be frustrating for the Lamont campaign.

Independents are not only the largest group of voters in Connecticut, but they are the fastest growing group of voters.

Through Tuesday, 53,477 new voters had registered since the Aug. 8 primary. Of that number, 26,192 didn't sign up with a political party, or nearly 49 percent.

Rose said this is part of a trend of declining party affiliation.

"There was a time when party affiliation was a meal ticket. Those days are gone," Rose said.


Polls differ on size of Rell's lead
By Keith M. Phaneuf, Journal Inquirer
09/30/2006

If a new poll this week from Quinnipiac University is correct, Democratic gubernatorial challenger John DeStefano Jr. would have to make a comeback of historic proportions to catch Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell.

But a new poll from Zogby International effectively questions whether the whopping 33 percentage-point lead Quinnipiac reported is inflated.

Zogby, a Utica, N.Y.-based polling firm that reports on a variety of races and issues nationwide through its Internet site, said Thursday that Rell leads DeStefano 51 percent to 35 percent. That 16-point margin is about half the 63 percent to 30 percent differential Quinnipiac reported.

But that's not the only difference between the two polls. Quinnipiac surveyed 1,181 voters and its poll has a 2.9 percent margin of error.

Zogby, whose poll is co-sponsored by The Wall Street Journal, relies on a considerably smaller sample - 550 people - and as a result has a 4.2 percent error margin.

Zogby also draws answers from a pool of individuals who have volunteered to participate in its public-opinion polls. Quinnipiac does use a series of screening questions to determine if voters are "likely" to cast ballots on Election Day, and its most recent polls have reflected only answers from likely voters. But Quinnipiac doesn't use a group of preselected participants.

Rell campaign spokesman Rich Harris said Friday that "we certainly expect the race to narrow" from a 33-point advantage. "We've said that all along. But we also think the Zogby poll methodology is suspect. Any self-selected poll is simply not scientific."

This isn't the first time Zogby and Quinnipiac have been far apart. On Aug. 17, Quinnipiac reported Rell leading by 32 points. Zogby's last poll, issued Sept. 11, had the governor ahead by 19 points.

Even if the Zogby poll paints a more accurate picture, DeStefano still would be trailing by double digits with less than six weeks before Election Day.

The latest poll "indicates that John DeStefano is gaining significant ground on Governor Rell, despite her early advantage in TV advertising," DeStefano campaign spokesman Derek Slap said. "Frankly, the Wall Street Journal-Zogby poll is much closer to where our internal polling has us than the Quinnipiac poll. It is further proof that people realize it's too expensive to live in Connecticut and DeStefano offers real change."

Rell, who formally launched her bid for her first full term in October 2005, has held wide leads over all of her rivals in all polls, even before her campaign began.

Quinnipiac reported this year that Rell's job-performance approval rating had cleared 80 percent, setting a record for its polling service.

DeStefano, who began his campaign for governor more than two years ago, narrowly won the Democratic gubernatorial nomination after an exhausting primary battle with Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy.


Cheat sheet to Connecticut politics 101 course
CT POST "Capitol view"
By Ken Dixon
Article created: 09/05/2006 09:08:00 AM EDT
 
Our story up until now. If you're a normal person, as opposed to a political reporter, you've possibly enjoyed the summer of 2006. You haven't had to traipse all over the state legitimizing the future careers of pols by transcribing shallow promises, narrow visions and pie-in-the-sky goals. Now, school's back in session, the sun's setting earlier and earlier and the low-level buzzes in the back of your mind are the siren calls of Ned, Joe, John and, to some, extent, Jodi.
So here's a little Labor Day cheat sheet on who's left in Connecticut's major races. NED LAMONT

Greenwich multi-millionaire whose actual name is Edward and whose public- policy experiences consists of minority representation on his town's Board of Selectmen and volunteer work teaching entrepreneurship to high-schoolers in Bridgeport.

Like the super wealthy everywhere, it's hard for Lamont, the Democratic primary winner over three-term incumbent U.S. Sen. Joe Lieberman, to pin down what he's really worth. You know what that's like, right?

It's somewhere between $90 million and $300 million, he's been saying since May, minus the $4 million he sunk into the August 8 primary.

Lamont's rap includes the claim that he "started" his own telecom business. But the Lamont family wealth goes back to his great grandfather, Tom Lamont, who was a right-hand man for J. Pierpont Morgan, the robber baron who died in 1913, and his son Jack Morgan.

Tom Lamont was known for perfecting the art of the holding company, keeping corporate assets out of public scrutiny. He also headed a syndicate that purchased land around Stonehenge, the pre-historic site on England's Salisbury plain, then turned around and donated the land back to that country. For more information, dive into the index of the National Book Award-winning "The House of Morgan by Ron Chernow, published by Touchstone in 1990.

Ned Lamont won the primary in stunning fashion by focusing on the war in Iraq. That worked out in the primary, but with a weak Republican Senate candidate in Alan Schlesinger, the former Derby mayor and state representative, Lamont's trying to expand his message in the weeks heading to Nov. 7. U.S. SEN. JOE LIEBERMAN

You've heard of the recruiting slogan "An Army of One?" Consider Lieberman a party of one. Lieberman, like a dwarf planet in an long, elliptical orbit around the sun, had gotten into the habit of reappearing in Connecticut every six years to wave at the crowd, then head back to Washington.

We've seen more of Lieberman since May than the entire 18 years he's been representing Connecticut in the Senate. Now he's desperate to win the November election and supposedly return to the bosom of the Democratic Party.

But Lamont's primary victory has put many high-profile Democrats in the uncomfortable position of having to support Lamont as the primary winner and keeping Lieberman at an arm's length, until the senator's presumed re-election in November.

Of the best-known state Democrats, only Speaker of the House Jim Amann of Milford has come out front for Lieberman, who, in the spirit of former-Gov. Lowell "Big Guy" Weicker, has created his own political party for this fall occasion: "Connecticut for Lieberman."

Voters not among the projected 4 percent who say they'll vote for Schlesinger, will have to decide for themselves which is the lesser of two evils: a multi-millionaire with no track record and a limited agenda, or a long-in-the-tooth incumbent who never saw a campaign check from an international corporation — except apparently from Wal-Mart — that he didn't cash. MAYOR JOHN DESTEFANO

Crawling out from the successful but financially devastating primary victory over Stamford Mayor Dan Malloy, who narrowly won the Democratic State Convention, DeStefano needs to raise another $3 million to tackle Rell.

After spending $4 million in the primary, DeStefano says he's ready to go back to his contributors — they're not donors because political campaigns are not charities — to do what it takes. He's in the process of rethinking the type of media campaign to direct toward Rell, but it's unlikely to get too aggressive because that kind of gloves-off stuff doesn't play well with voters when the target's a grandmother.

But during a news event in Bridgeport's Columbus School last week, DeStefano showed that party workers have burrowed deeply into Rell's record, hauling out a 1992 vote when, as a member of the state House, she voted against Head Start legislation. GOV. M. JODI RELL.

Rell rose from lieutenant governor in July 2004 as a breath of unfouled air in the midst of the corruption investigations that landed John G. Rowland, her disgraced former three-time running mate, in prison.

Rell has tried to make ethics the hallmark of her administration and while the digressions of Lisa Moody, her chief of staff, have created headaches, Rell, unlike everyone else running for state office, has accelerated the state's landmark campaign finance reforms, which take effect next January 1.

Rell refuses to take campaign contributions from lobbyists and state contractors.

The governor has benefited from the DeStefano/Malloy primary by keeping a low profile this summer and essentially playing a Rose Garden strategy, making few appearances for reporters beyond ceremonial bill signings.

The latest mock bill signing of major transportation legislation, conveniently included a little train tour in southwestern Connecticut.

Forget the fact that the bill was actually signed on June 6. A photo op for the news cameras, called "free media" by the more cynical politicians, is cheaper than an advertisement. 


A Noble Drive For Rowland Mustang;   Restored Car To Be Raffled For Charity
By JON LENDER, Courant Staff Writer 
September 9, 2006

The infamous Rowland Mustang is back.

The restored 1967 convertible - whose shadowy history surfaced as ex-Gov. John G. Rowland's political career spiraled toward its messy end - is now the grand prize in a $100-a-ticket raffle to help children with autism.
 
"WIN A 1967 MUSTANG CONVERTIBLE," says the website of the Connecticut Autism Resource & Education (CARE) Alliance. The announcement for the Nov. 17 drawing says the green Mustang has "only 1,035 miles" on it since its restoration - along with a 289-cubic-inch V-8 engine and automatic transmission.

But those standard vintage-car assets may not have been enough to reach the goal of selling 500 raffle tickets - and the promoters spiced their announcement with a provocative fact: "PREVIOUSLY OWNED BY GOVERNOR JOHN ROWLAND."

Rowland's brief ownership of the vehicle came in 1999 after friends and aides pooled resources to restore it and give it to him for his birthday. That celebration turned scandalous: A witness later told the FBI that $8,000 in cash, supplied by now-jailed businessman William Tomasso, was delivered for the restoration effort in a briefcase by a top Rowland aide. Even now, seven years later, several Mustang-related questions remain unanswered.

So why inject the whiff of scandal into a charity effort by mentioning the car's history?

"I almost think I should. I have nothing to hide, " said Margaret Jordan of East Hampton, president of the CARE Alliance and raffle organizer. "Something really good has come out of what could be called a bad situation."

Jordan said the raffle proceeds will benefit intensive programs that enabled her 7-year-old son to overcome autism. Anyone interested can call her at 860-918-0283 about the Nov. 17 drawing at Angelico's Lakehouse Restaurant in East Hampton.

Jordan is getting the Mustang from the man who bought it for $22,000 from Rowland in late 1999 - Steven Wilson of Berlin, a Republican political donor and the owner of a software company. "He isn't donating it," Jordan said Friday. She said she didn't know yet how much Wilson wants to be paid, but "he tends to be a very generous individual" as a top supporter of the alliance.

Jordan had not known the history of the Mustang until Wilson explained it to her. "He never told me why he wanted to get rid of it" - or how he came to buy it - "but he said, `I'd like to do something for CARE Alliance,'" she said.

"Steve knows the details" on the other questions, she said. But he could not be reached Friday.




Nation's attention trained on Shays
By PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
September 5, 2006

REGION — Five minutes before show time and U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays was perched on his seat, trying to get comfortable.

Feet resting on a bar between his stool's legs, or dangling above the ground? Eventually, a production assistant taped several wooden boxes together to provide a footrest. A flyaway hair was detected, and smoothed down. And could somebody please get the congressman a bottle of water? No, not cold water.
"You know what cold water does? It tightens the throat," said Shays, R-4.


Shays is hardly a prima donna, but the congressman does recognize he is in his toughest re-election fight since taking office in 1987, and neither he nor his staff plan on leaving anything to chance. With the Republican and Democratic parties slugging it out over control of Congress, Connecticut's hyper-competitive 4th-District race now commands attention from the national media.

And so, last week, Shays was in a television studio, readying for interviews on Bloomberg Television and MSNBC's "Hardball."

"Rather than saying 'noble cause,' I'm going to say 'I believe in our mission in Iraq,'" Shays told his campaign communications director Brett Cody, tweaking his rhetoric moments before going on the air.

A small earpiece allowed Shays to speak with producers at Bloomberg and MSNBC. "What are we talking about? Iraq?" he asked. Both confirmed that was the subject. The interviews were taking place less than a week after Shays announced he will support a timeline for U.S. military withdrawal from Iraq.

With political pundits speculating he was bending to political pressure, Shays said he was eager to reassert his support for U.S. involvement.

"I believe in the mission in Iraq," Shays said. "I believe people are entitled to know what is happening. There are salacious press (who say) because I am for a timeline, therefore I don't support our position in Iraq."

Democratic
challenger Diane Farrell has been a long and vocal critic of the Iraq war, narrowly losing to Shays on an anti-war platform in 2004. Several days before Shays' "Hardball" interview, she appeared on the show to slam his exit plan – which he said will be based on time projections for training Iraqi military and police.

"Chris Shays hasn't offered a policy," Farrell told "Hardball" host Chris Matthews. "All he has offered ... is some sort of an abstract timetable because he recognizes that he's in enormous trouble politically."

On top of dissatisfaction with the war, focus from national media could drive up voter turnout, said Dr. Gary Rose, chairman of the Political Science department at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield.

"It elevates, I would say, the centrality of the race in the minds of voters," Rose said. "Certainly, I would say that national coverage in particular would make the race very salient in the view of the electorate."

Rose in-part credited the record 43-percent voter turnout in August's Democratic Primary to national media interest in the campaign between veteran U.S. Sen. Joe Lieberman and anti-war novice Ned Lamont.

Shays said the only time he has drawn more media attention than this year was in December 1999, when he was one of only a handful of House Republicans to vote against impeaching President Bill Clinton.

Modern technology now makes it easy for Shays and Farrell to take part in the national debate. Last week, Shays was interviewed from a basement studio at Fairfield University, a 10-minute drive from his Bridgeport home. The school recently purchased a satellite truck, allowing it to uplink with any national network.

The newly built studio includes a distinguished-looking background of bookshelves that, on closer appearance, are stocked with outdated legal tomes.

Another such studio is available in Stamford, Shays said.

When it came time for Shays to answer questions, the interviews took different tones. On Bloomberg, the congressman spoke more deliberately. Responding to the more aggressive Hardball guest host Norah O'Donnell, his voice raised in pitch and in volume.

As Shays said he believes a timetable will motivate Iraq's government, O'Donnell jumped in, pointing out President Bush has said any timeline would embolden the insurgency.

"Well, I think he's wrong," Shays replied.

After the interview, Shays said he takes little issue with the strident tone of many cable news television personalities.

"What is your biggest concern is that you'll run out of time," Shays said. "That's why I love going on C-SPAN."





Duplicating Lamont Win No Easy Task
By DAVID LIGHTMAN, Washington Bureau Chief
September 5, 2006

Rhode Island congressional candidate Jennifer Lawless was ready for the Ned Lamont wave to come crashing over the border into her state.

Her campaign created a website, LangevinEqualsLieberman.com, headlined "James Langevin is Rhode Island's Joe Lieberman." Lawless is challenging Langevin, a Democratic House incumbent, in the state's Sept. 12 Democratic primary. 
 
But though Lawless has gained by painting Langevin as too tied to Washington and too soft on President Bush, she is still the clear underdog. Her experience mirrors what has happened to others across the nation who hoped for momentum from the Greenwich businessman who beat Lieberman in Connecticut's Aug. 8 primary: He gave them some energy, but they are unlikely to duplicate his success.

"The big effect of that race is that's it's increased people's interest in our elections. Is [Lawless] going to win? No. But she'll do better than most candidates," said Maureen Moakley, a professor of political science at the University of Rhode Island.

Doing better, though, does not mean the country is about to elect lots of Lamont wannabes in other states.

"I don't see it," said Sen. Charles E. Schumer, D-N.Y., the chairman of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.

He and others cited several reasons why Lamont's victory didn't herald a national movement to topple entrenched Democrats in the 13 primaries being contested this month. Most notably, the party has turned its attention to recapturing control of Congress in November, and that means emphasizing not just opposition to the Iraq war but a variety of other issues.

"George Bush isn't on the ballot in November, but his agenda is," AFL-CIO President John J. Sweeney said. When Sweeney rolled out labor's strategy for the fall campaign, he dwelled almost exclusively on economic issues, not national security.

Guy Molyneaux of Hart Research, who polls for the unions, explained why: "Americans are very worried and concerned about the state of the economy, and that will play a central role in their voting decisions this year."

His findings were similar to those of a CBS-New York Times poll taken Aug. 17-21, which asked 1,206 people what issue they wanted politicians to concentrate on most this fall.

Fighting terrorism and the war in Iraq topped the list, but very close behind were strengthening the economy and health care costs.

Lamont's primary win was widely seen nationally as an anti-war message. Although Bush's Iraq policies have been unpopular, the country is still divided on how to deal with U.S. troops - and on which party can best manage the war.

A series of polls last month found Democrats with only a slight edge as the party that could best oversee the conflict, and an ABC News survey Aug. 3-6 found that although 53 percent of those polled wanted troop levels decreased, 44 percent said the numbers should remain about the same or be increased.

"A lot of people are still reluctant to simply say Iraq is a mistake," said John Hibbing, a congressional expert at the University of Nebraska. "It's hard for people to say the troops may have died in vain."

Anyone wanting to piggyback on Lamont's success has faced another hurdle: The Lamont-Lieberman race involved "a unique set of circumstances," as Washington political analyst Jennifer Duffy put it.

It would be difficult to replicate the combination of a wealthy challenger who eventually pumped about $4 million into his campaign; an incumbent senator whose war views and praise of White House policy were highly unpopular at home; the notion that Lieberman had announced his intention to run as an independent if he lost; and the fact that the race was run in a small state where individual voters are easier to reach.

In addition, Lamont's win taught incumbents elsewhere that they had better not leave themselves vulnerable.

As a result, the September primaries shape up as a big win for incumbents. Among them:

Washington: Sen. Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., was thought to be shaky in the Sept. 19 primary because of her support for the war. But Cantwell has lately been critical of administration policy - perhaps, said the Seattle Times, because she sensed the "strong wind" coming from Connecticut.

One of her anti-war rivals, businessman Mark Wilson, dropped out of the primary race recently and reportedly took a job with Cantwell's campaign.

New York: Economic consultant and writer Jonathan Tasini's effort to unseat Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, D-N.Y., in that state's Sept. 12 primary continues to lag.

"For one thing, Hillary Clinton can't be morphed into George Bush," said Lee M. Miringoff, director of the Marist Institute for Public Opinion in New York, referring to a Lamont ad that compared Lieberman with the president.

Clinton, like Lieberman, voted in 2002 to give Bush broad authority to wage war in Iraq, but she has been more consistently skeptical about Bush's conduct of the war, and her public upbraiding of Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld at a Senate hearing Aug. 3 got wide attention.

She was also quick to embrace Lamont after his victory, meeting with him at her Chappaqua home last week and promising to help his campaign.

Maryland: Attorney Donna Edwards, challenging incumbent Rep. Albert Wynn, D-Md., in that state's Sept. 12 primary, said she sees Lieberman in Wynn's voting record. Wynn is expected to defeat Edwards handily.  If there is a lasting impact in the party, it could become more apparent as the 2008 presidential primary season unfolds. That season has unofficially begun and will accelerate almost as soon as the November election is over.

And the Lamont win, said Tom Matzzie, the Washington director of MoveOn.org, served notice that "2008 candidates need to pay attention to the progressive base of the party." And so they have, with Clinton, former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, Massachusetts Sen. John F. Kerry, Wisconsin Sen. Russell Feingold and Connecticut Sen. Christopher J. Dodd all offering strong support for Lamont. New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson has called on Lieberman to drop his independent run.

The Lamont win sent all these hopefuls a strong message from the activist Democrats likely to dominate the 2008 primaries and caucuses.

"Lamont's victory," said Miringoff, "was a real warning shot to the 2008 candidates."



Rell, DeStefano yet to schedule debates
New Haven REGISTER
Gregory B. Hladky, Capitol Bureau Chief

08/23/2006

HARTFORD — The traditional maneuvering over how many gubernatorial debates should be scheduled has already begun between Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell and Democratic challenger John DeStefano Jr.

DeStefano and Rell’s campaign were playing coy Tuesday about their target number for face-to-face debates this fall.
 
"I don’t really have a right number," DeStefano said during a campaign endorsement event at a Hartford middle school. "I think three or four debates sound good — maybe less, maybe more."

DeStefano said he wants a "reasonable number" of debates to allow voters "to see us together" and get an idea of where each candidate stands on key issues.

"This is something that needs to be hashed out between the two campaigns," said Rell’s campaign spokesman, Rich Harris. "I don’t think those negotiations have begun yet."

"A reasonable number is what we’re looking for, too," Harris said. "But I really don’t know what that number is."

Harris said the campaigns have received offers to host debates from three TV network affiliates as well as a number of other organizations.

A Quinnipiac University Poll last week showed Rell holding onto a massive lead, with 64 percent of voters polled saying they favor her compared to 32 percent who said they support DeStefano. The Democrat is still having problems with name recognition, with 49 percent of those surveyed saying they didn’t know enough about him to have an opinion.

Candidates who are challenging better-known, popular incumbents traditionally want to have as many debates as possible to let voters know who they are and to appear as equals with the incumbent.  The routine strategy for front-running incumbents is to seek to limit the number of debates unless they believe they can dominate their opponent in face-to-face confrontations.

In Connecticut’s last two gubernatorial elections, the Republican incumbent was John G. Rowland. He debated Democrat Barbara Kennelly four times in 1998 and Democrat Bill Curry four times in 2002.

The major party candidates were involved in at least six debates during the 1994 gubernatorial campaign.

The 1994 gubernatorial contest was unusual in various ways, with five candidates on the ballot and none of them an incumbent. The race included Rowland and Curry as the Republican and Democratic candidates, with Lt. Gov. Eunice Groark running as the A Connecticut Party candidate. Also in the mix were conservative Tom Scott and independent candidate Joseph A. Zdonczyk of the Concerned Citizens Party.

DeStefano and his running mate, Mary Messina Glassman, were in Hartford Tuesday for an endorsement announcement by the 26,000-member Connecticut American Federation of Teachers.

Sharon Palmer, president of AFT Connecticut, said her union is endorsing DeStefano and Glassman because of their support for universal health care, property tax reform, closing corporate tax loopholes and more state funding for local education.




Green Party making points on thorny issues
CT POST
By Ken Dixon
Article created: 09/10/2006 05:02:13 AM EDT
 
 
Consider the Green Party with its warts, threats to the status quo and all. Decriminalizing and "medicalizing" drugs could jeopardize the judicial system, where a disproportionate percentage of inner-city blacks and Hispanics fill the state's prisons.
That's one of the Green Party planks that, in real life, marginalizes the group in so-called mainstream public-policy debates. While it may make eminent sense to many people around the world, any Democrat or Republican who even utters the word "decriminalize," is soft on crime and a candidate for early political retirement. Every year it costs about $600 million in your tax dollars to keep Connecticut's prisons operating, including paying for its 7,000 employees. This week, more than 23,300 are being "supervised" by the state's Department of Correction, including 17,334 men and 1,403 women in prison, plus nearly 5,000 people in local jails awaiting court appearances.

The judicial system costs another $395 million a year.

At the intake end of the system, defense lawyers make millions trying to keep dealers and users out of the slammer. So if the Green's ideas of decriminalizing small amounts of marijuana and turning cocaine and heroin into prescription drugs were realized, does that mean more defense lawyers would be driving Chevys instead of Mercedes? What if you could cut the DOC budget in half? You could offer $300 million in state-college scholarships. Chances are, if you see Cliff Thornton, the Green's candidate for governor, during the upcoming gubernatorial debates, he'll point out the fiscal and social costs of institutionalizing a portion of the state's population at per-capita costs comparable to room, board and classes at a state university.

"This is a tremendous uphill battle," Thornton admitted in an interview last week. "But we're the only party that's going to raise the issues that people are most concerned with."

Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell last week asked Democratic challenger John DeStefano to include Thornton in whatever debates they may agree to along the way to November.

It's a good strategy for Rell. Another person on the stage means less time for the New Haven mayor to possibly attack her. "She is for real democracy," Thornton said of the governor. "If we're on the ballot, we should be part of the debates."

Thornton also understands the governor's motives for adding another voice in the debate, especially one that's not expected to win.

"Pawns, in the game of chess, can become queens," he said, noting for you non-players that if a pawn occasionally survives the game, it reaches the opponent's end of the board, then is transformed into the most-powerful of pieces. Thornton and the rest of the Green Party slate, including Ralph Ferrucci, the Green's candidate for U.S. Senate, have two chances on Nov. 7 — slim and none.

But for the first time, the little national party has a complete team of high-level candidates in Connecticut. Consider the Greens more than a boutique party for the patchouli-oil-and-water-pipe set in Connecticut college towns. Then ponder the similarities between Connecticut Republicans and Democrats.

Forget those whines from hyperventilating Democrats over Green Party icon Ralph Nader's 2000 Election Day showing. He siphoned so many Florida votes from Al Gore and Joe Lieberman, that they conveniently forgot that they couldn't even win Gore's home state of Tennessee.

During a coming-out event for Nancy Burton, the Green's candidate for attorney general, last week in Hartford's Bushnell Park, the campaign staff busily erected a circle of campaign signs, arranged campaign material on a table and tethered the green balloons.

The staff then jogged over to the parked Jeep and changed from garden boots into black pumps and kicked off the brief press conference for herself. The odds are so stacked against Burton, that it's quite likely the issue of her having been disbarred as an attorney in Connecticut will never come up. It is intriguing to think, though, what would happen if she were elected to a job that requires a lawyer have their license. "Anyone who votes for me is voting for someone who qualifies for this office," Burton said last week, adding that she's still a member of the New York bar and if she wins, will apply for reinstatement in Connecticut. "I'm qualified for this office and would serve this office well. I should have my law license returned."

Burton's main platform is a promise to close the Millstone nuclear complex in southeastern Connecticut. "There are good grounds to shut it down as a public nuisance," she said.

What about the argument that Connecticut needs the megawatts? She recalled that in 1996, the state was without any nuclear generation for two years.

"There was never a blackout or brownout, but we should have learned our lesson long ago," said Burton, of Redding. "We need clean, sustainable energy including solar, wind and other sources."

Connecticut voters, emerging from their summer slumbers, should pay attention to the Greens and the resulting public policy issues that will rise during the march to Election Day.

 

Greens claim to have enough names for ballot
Angela Carter, Register Staff
08/22/2006

HARTFORD — The Connecticut Green Party Monday announced it had reached the required number of 7,500 signatures to qualify its slate of candidates for the November ballot, but the secretary of the state’s office did not concur with the press release.

If enough signatures are validated by the secretary of the state’s office, then the Greens will qualify a full slate of candidates for state and congressional offices for the first time in state history and they will run the first-ever black candidate for governor, Clifford Thornton.

"This is a historic day that adds to Connecticut’s rich political legacy," said Thornton, a 61-year-old Glastonbury resident, in a statement.

Campaign spokesman Tim McKee did not know what was causing the discrepancy and said a field coordinator spoke Friday with Pearl Williams, a Legislation and Elections Administration Division staff member who allegedly confirmed the campaign team had topped the mark with 7,505 signatures.

"We’ve been turning ours in as we go along," McKee said.

Williams could not be reached for comment but Dan Tapper, spokesman for Secretary of the State Susan Bysiewicz, said the office still is verifying the Green Party’s petitions.

Greens vying for other statewide offices are: Nancy Burton, for attorney general; Mike DeRosa, for secretary of the state; Ralph Ferrucci, candidate for U.S. Senate; and Daniel Sumrall for the 3rd Congressional District.

Thornton said more than 75 volunteers "braved the heat, voter apathy and rejection on summer days to collect almost 13,000 signatures to guarantee the voters more choices and voices on the ballot in November."

Once ballot access is achieved officially, Thornton said the party can set its sights on another hurdle: "Our next step is to gain access to the gubernatorial debates and the polls which currently exclude minor parties," he said. "The Green Party will lead Connecticut’s effort to democratize the electoral process."



Senate Passes State Budget; Rell signature expected
DAY
By Ted Mann
Published on 5/1/2006
 
Hartford -- The state Senate voted, 35-1, today to approve a $16.1 billion budget for fiscal year 2007, sending the spending plan on to Gov. M. Jodi Rell, who is expected to sign it into law.

The budget does not eliminate the tax on automobiles and valuable estates, nor does it include the Democrats' chief tax proposal -- instead, it would boost the property tax credit on the income tax to $500, offer new tax credits for businesses creating jobs and hiring laid-off workers, and funnel an extra $33 million in surplus funds to cities and towns.

The compromise agreement was reached Saturday between representatives for Rell, a Republican, and the legislature's Democratic leadership. The House approved the budget Sunday night, 138-9.


Budget deal kills Rell's prized car tax elimination plan
DAY
By SUSAN HAIGH, Associated Press Writer
Apr 30, 12:22 AM EDT

HARTFORD, Conn. (AP) -- Gov. M. Jodi Rell and Democratic legislative leaders agreed Saturday to a one-year budget that abandoned a plan to abolish Connecticut's car tax, a centerpiece of the Republican governor's proposed budget.

Rell also lost out on her proposal to phase out the state inheritance tax.

But the nearly $16.1 billion tax and spending plan, which takes effect July 1, axed some key initiatives the majority Democrats wanted, such as a $500 tax credit for low-income taxpayers and a new earned income tax credit program, Democratic leaders said.

Tax relief in the proposed budget comes in the form of a higher property tax credit against the personal income tax, to $500 from the current $400.
 
"Basically we've reached a budget detente and avoided nuclear disaster here as far as budgets go," said House Speaker James Amann, D-Milford. "This morning we came to a final agreement with the administration on a great budget and tax package."

Rell, in a statement, said the tax and spending plan controls spending and improves the state's business climate.

"This budget keeps us on the road to job growth and economic expansion, which have been my top priorities since I announced my budget package in February," she said.

Republican lawmakers and Rell's spokesman dismissed claims by Democrats that the governor gave up on her car tax plan during negotiations. The proposal had come under fire from Democrats, who said it might lead to a revenue loss for some cities and towns, and could create budget problems in the coming years.

"I cannot stress enough that Gov. Rell fought hard for elimination of the car tax, believing it was the best form of tax relief for Connecticut families," said Judd Everhart, Rell's spokesman. "It is wrong for the majority to say the governor somehow just gave up on it. She did not. In the end, it was not part of (the) final agreement, but neither is the earned income tax credit."

The House of Representatives has scheduled a rare Sunday session to vote on the budget proposal. The Senate is expected to take it up on Monday. The General Assembly is set to adjourn at midnight Wednesday.

"We did not want to leave here without running a budget and a tax package," said Senate President Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn.

Rell and lawmakers had some leeway: a surplus of about $660 million as they negotiated a revised version of the second year of the two-year budget that was approved last year.

Under the agreement, the largest portion of the surplus, $246 million, will make a full payment to the teachers' retirement fund, which is estimated to be underfunded by $5 billion. Nearly $136 million will be deposited into the state's Rainy Day Fund, $33 million distributed to cities and towns for a one-time revenue sharing program and $85.5 million to pay off borrowing from the 2003 budget crisis, Republican lawmakers said.

A detailed version of the budget was not available on Saturday.

Rep. Denise Merrill, D-Mansfield, co-chairwoman of the Appropriations Committee, said funding for some new programs has been eliminated. She said legislators focused on replenishing money to programs that suffered reductions in federal funding.

She estimated that nursing homes across the state will receive about $40 million more than previously budgeted. Democrats relented and agreed not to target additional aid to only unionized facilities.

Calling the budget agreement "lean and fiscally prudent," Democrats said it sets aside enough money to help ward off future budget deficits. The legislature's nonpartisan Office of Fiscal Analysis says the state could be $224.4 million in the red in fiscal year 2008, $307.7 million in fiscal year 2009, and $412.5 million in fiscal year 2010.

"By not cutting permanent taxes any deeper than the ones we've made, we've made great progress in balancing those budgets right out of the gate," said Rep. Cameron Staples, D-New Haven, co-chairman of the tax-writing Finance, Revenue and Bonding Committee.

The budget also includes Rell's job creation tax credit for companies that create at least 50 jobs. The credit would be equal to 25 percent of the estimated withholding tax per employee. Rell's tax credit for companies that hire laid-off workers also is part of the budget agreement, her spokesman said.

Republican legislators said they were pleased with the tax and spending plan.

"The governor succeeded in keeping the Democrats under the spending cap. It's much closer, only $17 million more than she proposed. It really is on the spending side a Republican proposal," said House Minority Leader Robert Ward, R-North Branford.

Democrats say the budget is $1 million under the spending cap.

Ward said the GOP is particularly pleased the budget eliminates the 15 percent surcharge on the corporate income tax in 2007.

Bills already approved by the legislature call for phasing out the local property tax on manufacturing machinery and equipment over five years and establishing incentives for the film industry.
 



More State Corruption
Hartford Courant Editorial
July 10, 2006
 

 A recent guilty plea by a former high-ranking state Department of Transportation official on charges relating to a corrupt no-bid contract scheme is a helpful reminder that there is still cleanup work to do in state government.

Gov. M. Jodi Rell created a contracting standards board by executive order last year. But it should be formalized in state law. That will help put an end to no-bid contracts and other abuses. Putting the final fixes on the state's broken contracting procedures and taking other steps against corrupt officials ought to be a top priority when the General Assembly next convenes.

Raymond F. Cox, who was assistant administrator of the DOT's rail operations in 2003 and 2004, admitted in federal court last month that he diverted money meant for renovating offices at Union Station in New Haven to pay for television sets, computers and refrigerators that DOT employees took home. He also admitted that he was part of a scheme to cover up no-bid contracts by paying a company $3,500 to submit phony bids well after work at Union Station had been awarded to another company, Unicco Service Corp., to make it appear that the contract had been properly put out to bid.

Mr. Cox, the first DOT employee to admit guilt in the federal investigation, pleaded guilty to one count of theft and one count of obstructing justice. He faces up to 10 years in prison.

Federal authorities started their investigation of the rail operations unit after state auditors found in 2004 that of 13 contracts worth more than $100,000, only two were properly bid.

How much more criminal behavior in the state bureaucracy will it take to force change? Favors done for politically connected contractors were at the heart of the Rowland scandal. But politicians and judges have been curiously reluctant to clean up the system or throw the book at offenders. Shouldn't the public expect more?

Mr. Cox should be given prison time, and so should anybody else who pleads guilty or is convicted as a result of this investigation.

Put contracting reforms in statute.

Mrs. Rell had to veto three such reform bills last year because the Democratic-controlled legislature encumbered them with a controversial and unnecessary provision restricting the state's ability to use private contractors instead of state workers to provide some services. Lawmakers should pass a contracting reform bill that is stripped of the so-called privatization language. First things first.

The case against the DOT rail operations unit officials is further evidence, as state Attorney General Richard Blumenthal noted, of the need for legislation to terminate pension benefits for state employees who confess to, or are convicted of, corruption. Timid lawmakers have been reluctant to take such a logical step to deter wrongdoing.

Maybe if state employees hadn't been so busy fixing contracts and carting off TVs and computers for their own use, greater progress could be made on providing more parking at Union Station for commuters who use Metro-North. The lack of adequate parking at train stations is a scandal all its own.

 


Comment made (withdrawn after objection) by Senator Freedman, according to the report in Hartford Courant's report...see full comment here*
Fundraiser probe devolves into sniping
By Tom Breen, Journal Inquirer
05/11/2006

HARTFORD - One lawmaker likened it to an episode of the Jerry Springer show, but that television spectacle usually features some kind of resolution.

By contrast, the first day of legislative hearings into a 2005 fundraiser held on behalf of Gov. M. Jodi Rell featured fierce, protracted squabbling between Republicans and Democrats - leaving lawmakers time to question just one witness.

After roughly four hours of procedural challenges, extended debate, and at least one characterization of a co-chairman as a "dictator," the first hearing ended with little new information on the fundraiser that led to 16 state officials paying $500 ethics fines.

"This is really theater of the absurd," Rep. Robert Farr, R-West Hartford, said.

Farr and his fellow Republicans, including the minority leaders of the House and Senate, sitting in as nonvoting members of the committee, charged that the hearings, which are scheduled to last through the middle of next week, amount to nothing more than a partisan attempt to embarrass the governor.

"This is nothing more nor less than free publicity for incumbents running for office," Livvy R. Floren, R-Greenwich, said.

Democrats, though, blasted Republicans for holding up proceedings when Rell herself has cooperated fully with the committee, and said the purpose of the inquiry has nothing to do with politics.  If anyone should object to the proceedings, it's the governor, said Rep. Christopher L. Caruso, D-Bridgeport, co-chairman of the Government Administration and Elections Committee.

"In contrast to you, she is saying, 'Come on in. I welcome you,'" he told Republicans.

"I am doing nothing wrong," Caruso said. "This is not a partisan witch hunt."

Democrats say the purpose of the inquiry is to learn whether it was proper for Jeffrey A. Garfield, executive director of the Elections Enforcement Commission, a state watchdog agency, to have contact with Rell's campaign manager, Kevin Deneen, over possible punishments for state officials involved in the Dec. 7 fundraiser.

Rell's chief of staff, M. Lisa Moody, handed out invitations to the fundraiser at East Hartford's Marco Polo restaurant to department heads to distribute.

That's a violation of state election law, although Moody, as the governor's chief of staff, is not barred from doing so. The department heads, including commissioners and deputy commissioners, were not permitted to distribute the invitations.

Although Chief State's Attorney Christopher L. Morano investigated the affair and said there were no grounds for criminal prosecution, the department heads were fined by the Elections Enforcement Commission.

Before those fines were issued, though, Deneen contacted Garfield to try to broker a deal, which Democratic lawmakers say may have been inappropriate.

The committee may end up finding nothing untoward, Rep. Tim O'Brien, D-New Britain, said, but the purpose was to determine whether the 16 state officials got special treatment because of their connection to the governor.

"We want to make sure that things are equitable," O'Brien said. "That's what this hearing is about."

The hearing, though, lasted only a little more than 20 minutes, with most of the day being taken up by procedural challenges and recesses to consult with staff lawyers.

The lone witness who testified, Rell campaign Treasurer Luigi G. Vasquez, said he had no knowledge of the circumstances surrounding the fundraiser.

There can be as many as three or four fundraisers a week in a gubernatorial campaign, he said, and as treasurer his chief role is to make sure the financial records of the campaign are filed complete and on time with the state.

Four witnesses were scheduled to testify today, although Garfield and Deneen are not among them. Republicans said the whole process could be done in a day simply by calling those two to testify first, but Democrats say they want more details concerning the fundraiser.


Governor seals up 'slush funds'
By Keith M. Phaneuf, Journal Inquirer
05/11/2006

HARTFORD - Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell's budget director said Wednesday the administration doesn't plan to allow legislative leaders to tap controversial contingency funds in the new $16.07 billion state budget.  Office of Policy and Management Secretary Robert L. Genuario said the administration remains uncomfortable with the undefined accounts, worth $6.6 million and labeled "slush funds" by critics.
 
"This money was not placed in the budget at the governor's request," Genuario said. "Any expectations that leaders may have about this money would be premature, to say the least."

The Republican governor and Democrat-controlled legislature compromised on a new spending and revenue plan for the 2006-07 fiscal year three days before the 2006 legislative session ended May 3. Rell signed the budget into law Sunday.

But while an agreement was reached on the overall plan, Genuario said, the administration never agreed to three contingency accounts included in the budget by leaders of the Democrat-controlled House and Senate.

Those accounts would be used to pay for a series of unspecified projects to be selected over the course of the next fiscal year by House Speaker James A. Amann, D-Milford, Senate President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn, and Rell.

Specifically, the budget includes $3.3 million each for Amann and Williams, and $2.3 million for Rell.

The basic premise behind these pools of money is that, unlike other sections of the budget, no specific projects or other use is defined in the document that legislators review and approve.

In addition, the budget bill simply states this money would be assigned to various projects by the Office of Policy and Management.

In actuality, the use of the money is determined not by OPM, but by each official given control over the pool of funds it is drawn from.

For this system to work, then, there must be an informal agreement that the governor's budget agency will follow legislative leaders' directions on how to use the money.

These types of funds were challenged on several grounds in a 2002 report from state Auditors Kevin P. Johnston and Robert G. Jaekle.

The auditors, who called this system "inequitable," wrote that money allocated from the funds shouldn't be referred to as grants, as no formal application rules are drafted and there is no actual competition for these resources.

The auditors also said this system doesn't guarantee that the recipients of the money are evaluated, before or afterward, to ensure public resources were used properly.

Republican legislators said the funds are used by legislative leaders to fund pet projects and win votes, without these projects being identified publicly and having to undergo the scrutiny of the budget process.

For example, a contingency fund Williams controlled last August provided $10,000 to help the Shoreline Arts Alliance put on performances of a Shakepspeare play.

On Feb. 7, one day before the 2006 legislative session began, the Senate Democratic Caucus issued a news release that began: "The 5,000 people who attended five performances of 'Romeo and Juliet' last August on the Guilford green, can now thank state Sen. Edward Meyer and state Rep. Patricia M. Widlitz, D-Guilford, for making those performances possible, at least in part."

Senate Minority Leader John McKinney, R-Fairfield, called these accounts "slush funds" last week, adding it was "back-door budgeting."

Rell did allow Democratic leaders to operate contingency funds last year, something Genuario said was accepted only because "it was necessary to reach a budget deal," but not because it was something the administration liked.

Genuario said last week the governor wouldn't use the contingency fund that Democrats had built into the budget for her because "it's not consistent with her belief on how things should be handled."

The budget director added that the administration would be willing to meet with legislative leaders to discuss Rell's concerns about the funds. "They didn't negotiate these with us, but obviously they have some expectations about this money," he said.

Amann could not be reached for comment.

Williams declined to comment. But Senate Democratic Caucus spokesman Patrick Scully said the repeated use of the term "slush fund" is unfair.

"Those who use it should be asked, 'What evidence do you have of corrupt practices?'" he said, adding these funds have been used in past years. "The use of the phrase should cease or be backed up with some facts. These are contingency funds to deal with matters as they arise." 
---------------------------
*

Sen. Judith G. Freedman, R-Westport, complained that Caruso ignored the Republican complaints about the fairness of the proceeding.

"Mr. Chairman, you are acting like a dictator. Do you know that?" Freedman said.

She retracted her comment after Rep. James O'Rourke, D-Cromwell, reminded her that legislative rules prohibit name-calling.


From Judges To Witnesses?   Legislature Seeks Their Testimony In Review Of Actions Taken To Aid Rell Nominee
By MARK PAZNIOKAS And LYNNE TUOHY, Courant Staff Writers
April 27, 2006

Legislators intend to publicly question each member of the state Supreme Court about the unusual steps taken to aid the nomination of Associate Justice Peter T. Zarella as chief justice and whether Zarella tried to mislead lawmakers about his role in the controversy.


All six current justices and their recently retired chief, William J. Sullivan, will be asked to appear voluntarily at a hearing that promises to expose the politics and personalities of the state's highest court, legislators said Wednesday.

At issue is Sullivan's decision to delay the release of a court ruling that he feared could harm Zarella's prospects, as well as claims by Zarella and the court's senior associate justice, David M. Borden, that the other man lied in describing what happened following Sullivan's admission.

Rep. Michael P. Lawlor, D-East Haven, the co-chairman of the judiciary committee, said legislators want to probe the circumstances of the Zarella nomination - and the evident disharmony on the court.

"Legislators will want to ask, aside from this case, what the hell is the problem over there?" Lawlor said.

Politicians in both parties said they believed that Gov. M. Jodi Rell would abandon efforts to promote Zarella rather than see him face a protracted legislative inquiry while she is seeking election.

Rell withdrew Zarella's nomination Monday night at his request, but she can re-nominate him after the legislature's session ends May 3.

Political and legal sources have said Rell is considering Appellate Court Judge Barry R. Schaller to fill the vacancy on the high court created by Sullivan's decision to take senior justice status. It was unclear if he would be considered for chief justice.

Schaller, 67, is a highly regarded judge and scholar who lectures at his alma mater, Yale Law School, as well as at Wesleyan University and Trinity College. His lecture topics go beyond law and include bioethics, bioterrorism and ethics. He has been a judge for 32 years, and a member of the Appellate Court since 1992.

Rell declined to address Zarella's future Wednesday. She told reporters that she would not discuss a nominee for chief justice until questions surrounding Sullivan's actions "were fully answered.

"Anyone, everyone, has every right to ask questions and get answers," she said. "What Justice Sullivan did was wrong."

Borden disclosed Sullivan's actions Monday to legislators and Rell, rocking all three branches of government.

Lawlor and his co-chairman, Sen. Andrew J. McDonald, D-Stamford, asked Borden, who effectively is the acting chief justice until Sullivan's successor is confirmed, to safeguard all e-mails and documents that may be relevant to the legislature's inquiry.

Borden replied Wednesday that he has no authority to direct other justices to comply, but told them, "I have no reason to believe that any of them will not do so."

Since the legislature has yet to request testimony from the justices, Borden did not address whether they were likely to appear.

Legislators said they had no intention of trying to compel testimony by subpoena.

Sullivan did not contradict Borden's account of how Sullivan secretly withheld a court ruling about whether court computer records are subject to the Freedom of Information Act, but Borden subsequently took exception to Zarella's written assertion Zarella had favored disclosing Sullivan's actions to the governor and legislature.

Borden told Zarella by letter: "Your statement that, `we all agree disclosure is important' is wholly inconsistent with your stated positions here on this entire matter for the past week."

Zarella, replying by letter, said that Borden had misstated the facts. All letters were made public by lawmakers.

House Minority Leader Robert M. Ward, R-North Branford, said he believes that other members of the court witnessed the original exchange between Zarella and Borden about whether Sullivan's actions should be disclosed.

All should be questioned, he said.

Ward and Senate Minority Leader Louis C. DeLuca, R-Woodbury, said they believe that the Democrats had a partisan interest in discrediting Zarella, but each said he believed the hearings by the judiciary committee were warranted.

The caustic exchanges by members of a court whose deliberations and disagreements are carefully kept from public view stunned politicians.

"I have never seen politics played out in the judicial department," Rell said. "That's politics, and it does not have a place there."

Rep. Robert Farr, R-West Hartford, dryly suggested that the justices take advantage of the counseling services offered by the judicial department's family relations office.

Legislators also want to inquire about how Sullivan knew that Zarella was his heir apparent.

Rell said Wednesday she first learned Sullivan might retire early from the judicial branch's top post in a meeting with him Dec. 13 about the judicial department's legislative proposals.

"At that time he indicated to me he was seriously considering retiring early, and that he wanted to talk to his wife and he would let me know," Rell said. "I told him if he chose to retire, then that more than likely I would choose Peter Zarella to succeed him. I know Peter. He's a good man. He's a good justice."

Rell said she started the background check and nomination process for Zarella "immediately" after receiving Sullivan's letter March 15 stating he would take senior justice status effective April 15.


 


Rell Withdraws Zarella's Name For Chief Justice; High court justice makes request after confirmation ploy revealed

DAY
By Ted Mann
Published on 4/25/2006

Hartford –– State Supreme Court Justice Peter T. Zarella asked Gov. M. Jodi Rell to withdrew his nomination to be chief justice Monday night, hours after a colleague revealed that the outgoing chief justice had secretly delayed the release of a court decision to help Zarella win confirmation.

Rell's office announced the withdrawal of Zarella's nomination shortly before 8 p.m. Rell had nominated Zarella March 17, the same day former Chief Justice William J. Sullivan announced his resignation.

In a brief letter to Rell requesting that she withdraw his name, Zarella appeared to leave open the option that she resubmit his nomination after the current legislative session ends May 3. He also seemed to allude to criticism from Rell and other Republicans that Democrats had shirked their obligations by failing to conduct a public hearing on his nomination during the current session.

“It has become apparent to me that I will not be given a public hearing and that my nomination will not receive final action during this regular legislative session,” Zarella wrote.

“I am confident that, given a public hearing and public airing, I will be able to justify your confidence in me,” he concluded.

The letter made no mention, however, of Monday's first bombshell: the revelation, in a letter sent to lawmakers by Senior Associate Justice David M. Borden, that Sullivan had secretly ordered court administrators to withhold a potentially controversial decision, apparently believing it would aid Zarella's chances of confirmation.

The decision, reached March 14 on a 4-3 vote, was quietly put on “hold” by Sullivan, Borden wrote in an account that lawmakers said was confirmed by Sullivan himself Monday morning. The decision, which exempted a broad range of court documents from the state's open records law, remained in limbo and unpublished until other justices learned of the hold and complained, Borden wrote.

“The intent and effect of Chief Justice Sullivan's conduct was to deprive the legislature of the timely knowledge of Justice Zarella's vote in that case,” Borden wrote. In a second missive, addressed to Zarella, Borden also questioned the accuracy of Zarella's own public statement on Sullivan's intervention, which he called “misleading.”

Borden's first letter was addressed to Sen. Andrew McDonald, D-Stamford, the co-chairman of the legislature's Judiciary Committee, which has been the sight of frequent partisan squabbles since Rell announced Zarella's nomination.  McDonald and his co-chairman, Rep. Michael Lawlor, D-East Haven, have said Rell sprung the nomination on them with insufficient notice, leaving them little time in a short legislative session to research Zarella's background and make a decision on what Lawlor calls “without a doubt the most significant nomination the legislature could ever consider.”

Through a spokesman for the court, both Sullivan and Borden declined comment.

Republican legislators have vehemently objected to that argument, however, contending that the legislature has had ample time to schedule and conduct hearings on Zarella, and accusing the Democrats of holding up the nomination for political reasons, including the hope that Zarella could be replaced by another justice if Rell is defeated by a Democrat in the fall.

The Judiciary Committee voted Monday morning to issue a favorable report on Zarella's nomination and forward it to the Senate, but most Democrats abstained since he had not received a hearing.  Legislative leaders had decided not to take action on the nomination, Senate President Donald E. Williams, D-Brooklyn, announced earlier in the day, when he called for Sullivan to give up his new position, as a semi-retired senior justice, in light of his efforts to hold back the court decision on behalf of his colleague.

In a statement released after Zarella withdrew, Rell said she believed him to be “a man of integrity and outstanding judicial ability.

“I am troubled by the revelations that have been brought to light, and am equally troubled by the politics –– in both the legislative and judicial branches of government –– that have overshadowed this important nomination,” Rell said. “The next step must be to get answers to everyone's questions. Once I am satisfied that all relevant questions are answered and concerns addressed, I will proceed with the nominating process.”

Zarella's withdrawal did not come as a surprise to some lawmakers.

“I think it had essentially become a fait accompli for the regular session,” Lawlor said. “No question about that. The ball's in the governor's court now.”

Borden's account of the behind-the-scenes maneuver to boost Zarella's nomination –– and a subsequent public exchange of letters in which Borden questioned the veracity of Zarella's own public reaction to the incident –– have highlighted the “extraordinary disharmony” currently prevailing on the court, Lawlor said.

“Apparently, inadvertently, the governor has opened Pandora's box in the Judicial Branch, and a lot of things are pouring forth,” he said.  Republican lawmakers, re-sponding after Zarella withdrew his nomination, criticized Democrats for failing to conduct a hearing during the session, and questioned Borden's motives.  Borden is serving as acting chief justice until a permanent successor to Sullivan is confirmed.

Rep. Lawrence Cafero, R-Norwalk, a member of the judiciary panel, dismissed Borden's letter as “high school tactics,” and said both the tone and content of his criticism “gives a lot of us pause.”

•••••

Legislators and legal experts alike said they were stunned at Sullivan's actions to hold back the court decision, which was finally released Friday, after fellow justices complained to Sullivan.

“ 'Astonishing' wouldn't be too strong a word,” said Richard Kay, a professor at the University of Connecticut School of Law since 1974 and an expert on the state constitution. “It's something I've never come across before, both with what the chief justice is supposed to have done, and with regard to the letter to the legislature on Justice Borden's own initiative.”

Sullivan's offense probably did not rise to the level of impeachment, Kay said, and that point would likely be moot since he has already left the Supreme Court. Sullivan's actions also might not prompt reconsideration of the court decision, or a reprimand by the Judicial Review Council, which has apparently been informed of the case, Kay said.

What is most striking, he said, is that “it's so clearly wrong.”

“There's no doubt at all, again assuming this is all true, that the chief justice acted improperly, to put it mildly,” Kay said.  McDonald said he was sitting in his office before the Judiciary Committee meeting started Monday morning when an aide informed him he had a visitor: Sullivan.  In a brief meeting in McDonald's chambers, the senator said, Sullivan conceded that the events Borden had described were accurate, and that he believed he'd made a mistake.

What this will mean for Zarella is unclear. Rell could wait for any investigations of Sullivan's conduct to conclude, or choose another nominee. She could also resubmit Zarella's name May 4, one day after the session ends. But lawmakers did not appear to be expecting that.




Rell Trails DeStefano, Malloy In Fund Raising;  Governor running third despite strong 1st-quarter showing
By TED MANN
Day Staff Writer, Politics/Government
Published on 1/11/2006

Hartford –– Gov. M. Jodi Rell's gubernatorial campaign got off to a roaring start, as the popular incumbent raked in more than $873,000 in her first quarter as an official candidate despite a self-imposed ban on contributions from state lobbyists and contractors.

But Rell still trails her two potential Democratic rivals, New Haven Mayor John DeStefano and Stamford Mayor Dan Malloy, according to campaign finance reports filed Tuesday with the office of Secretary of the State Susan L. Bysiewicz.

DeStefano raised $251,063 in the quarter, bringing his fund-raising total to $2.84 million, which the campaign said was more than any other Democratic candidate for governor has raised in the state. The previous high, the campaign said in a statement, was former Gov. William O'Neill's total of $2.55 million in 1986. DeStefano reported a total of $1.88 million in cash on hand.

Malloy was closing fast by the quarter's end, raising $477,034 to increase his total to $2.2 million, with $1.24 million in cash on hand.

The governor, who has sworn off contributions from political action committees, state lobbyists, fund-raising “ad books” and some state contractors, received cash donations from almost 2,000 people across the state, her campaign staff said, more than half of which were for $100 or less.

“The outpouring of support is humbling and truly appreciated,” Rell said in a written statement. “I believe that people are responding to the job I have been doing for the past 18 months –– they appreciate the hard work and the changes I have made for our great state.”

Her campaign also was buoyed by financial help from a bevy of state department heads and employees, many of whom contributed the legal maximum of $2,500 over the three months since Rell officially announced her candidacy.

Among those giving the maximum allowable amount were Rell's chief of staff, M. Lisa Moody; Department of Mental Retardation Commissioner Peter H. O'Meara; Department of Public Health Commissioner Norma D. Gyle; Department of Transportation Commissioner Stephen Korta II; and W. David LeVasseur, an undersecretary at the Office of Policy and Management, the governor's budget-writing agency.

Moody, an adviser to Rell since her tenure as lieutenant governor, was suspended from work for two weeks late last year after revelations that she instructed state commissioners to attend a Rell fund-raiser while on state time, a potential violation of campaign finance laws. Chief State's Attorney Christopher L. Morano is investigating the reports.

And despite her pledge not to take money from contractors, there were between 40 and 45 contributors who answered yes on the campaign finance forms asking if they were “associated” with any business with a state contract worth $5,000 or more.

A campaign spokesman, Rich Harris, said that was because of the broad definition of the word “associated” in the state law. The governor, he said, would not take any money from anyone who could decide whether a company sought or secured state business.

“She is not taking contributions for anyone who has direct responsibility for soliciting, developing, executing or signing a state contract,” Harris said.

DeStefano's campaign staff, meanwhile, cited their candidate's growing financial advantage –– along with an impending endorsement by the members of several large labor unions –– as proof of a gathering of support for the mayor.

“With a $700,000 cash advantage over our Democratic opponent; mounting, broad support from organized labor; and growing support from Democratic leaders and grassroots activists, the DeStefano Campaign is putting together all the key elements of a winning campaign,” campaign spokeswoman Shonu Gandhi said in an e-mail to reporters.

DeStefano is scheduled to receive an endorsement today from members of the SEIU and HERE-UNITE labor unions, which represent more than 30,000 workers in the state.

Almost half of the Malloy campaign's donors came from outside his base in Fairfield County.

That fact, campaign manager Chris Cooney said in the campaign's fund-raising announcement, “speaks to the viability of Dan's message and candidacy in our state.”


Stamford Withdraws Job Offers To Firefighter Alternates;  Officials say letters were sent because of a 'mix-up'
Hartford Courant
By Donna Porstner, Staff Writer
December 28, 2005
 
STAMFORD -- The city has rescinded firefighting job offers made to the mayor's nephew and a fire commissioner's son.

The city's Human Resources Department sent Brien Malloy, nephew of Mayor Dannel Malloy, and Christopher Brennan, son of fire commissioner E. Gaynor Brennan, job offers in anticipation of their appointment at the Dec. 13 Fire Commission meeting. But the commission did not vote on their hiring at the meeting, and the offers were withdrawn.

The reversal has come at a time when applicants for firefighter jobs who earned high scores on the exam but were not offered jobs have questioned why the commission would hire friends and relatives over more qualified applicants.  Officials say the employment offers were rescinded because of miscommunication between the commission, which chooses the new hires, and Human Resources.

As alternates on the hiring list, Malloy and Brennan were the next in line to be hired by the city. So when two firefighting positions opened, Felicia Wirzbicki, who oversees the hiring of city firefighters, said she prepared letters offering them employment on Dec. 13 before she left on a business trip.  The commission's vote is usually a formality since there is a list of alternates in numerical order designating who's next in line, she said.  When she returned two days later and learned the commission made no appointments, Wirzbicki sent both a second letter rescinding the offers.

"It was just a plain old mistake," she said. "I anticipated action by the Fire Commission that just did not happen."  Wirzbicki, who notified the commission in a letter Dec. 5 that it had two more vacancies to fill, said she does not know why it decided to wait.  Fire Commission Chairman Richard Lyons said he had not yet read the letter from Human Resources the night of the Dec. 13 meeting and was not aware there were vacancies to be filled. He said he does not know why Human Resources thought the appointments would be voted on that night because it wasn't on the agenda.

What was on the agenda could not be verified because no minutes of the meeting or agenda was on file in the town and city clerk's office yesterday.  For Christopher Brennan, it was the second offer to work for Stamford Fire & Rescue rescinded in a month.  He was first sent a conditional offer of employment Nov. 17 that was retracted 12 days later. The commission appointed five firefighters, although it only had approval from Human Resources to appoint four.  Brennan's job offer was rescinded and he was put at the top of the alternate list.

In a Nov. 29 letter, City Director of Human Resources Dennis Murphy told Brennan, a Norwalk resident, that he "drew the unlucky straw" because he had the lowest score of the five on the Aug. 6 exam. Brennan scored a 55, while the others scored 82, 80, 60 and 58.  E. Gaynor Brennan could not explain why his son's job offer was rescinded a second time. He said he knew there "a mix-up or something" but did not know the particulars. Brennan said he was not aware his commission had vacancies to fill because such notifications go directly to Lyons as chairman.

"I don't deal with Human Resources. I am just a member," he said.  Mayor Malloy said the job offers and retractions were a result of a series of missteps on the part of the commission and the Human Resources Department.

"Hopefully, they'll get their act together," he said.

Though critics behind the scenes speculate Malloy halted the hiring process for fear it would look like cronyism, Malloy said he never got involved.   "People make all kinds of assumptions. The reality is I don't get involved in hiring and firing," he said.  Malloy, who has been mayor since 1995, said through the years people have come to him and asked him to put a good word in for a job candidate and he always refuses. Still, it doesn't stop people from trying time to time.

"You get unsolicited things like 'Help this guy out' and frankly you just shake your head," he said.  The mayor said he only found out his nephew took the firefighter's test after he heard the newspaper was asking questions about his application.

"Honestly, I didn't even know he was applying, to tell you the truth," the mayor said.  Commission member Ralph Murray said there was no political pressure to hire a fellow commissioner's son or the mayor's nephew.

"No one made any suggestion that I vote for anyone," he said.  Murray and E. Gaynor Brennan are Republicans appointed by Malloy to serve on the fire commission. Lyons is a Democrat.  Brennan said that there is nothing unusual with the hiring process, saying nothing has changed in his 19 years on the commission.

"And over the years we've done a pretty good job," he said. "It's a pretty good fire department. A very good fire department. And they do a hell of a job. They're trained well. They're professional."  Brennan said it's unfair for the newspaper to print the names of job applicants like his son who have not yet been hired by the city. He said the newspaper is jeopardizing their current employment, because they may not have told their bosses they are applying for other jobs.

All the new hires and alternates passed the written and physical exams, making them eligible for employment with the city, he said. During the interview the natural leaders stand out, Brennan said.

"We don't have a lot time because we have a lot of candidates, but we can glean a lot in a short period of time," he said.  Lyons said commission members would discuss filling the two vacant positions at the commission's January meeting.

 

A Mere $4,000 Traffic Ticket?
Hartford Courant
Laurence Cohen
December 23, 2005
 
The campaign for governor has barely begun in Connecticut, yet two major candidates already find themselves in hot water for not following state law.

We've read plenty about Gov. M. Jodi Rell's chief of staff, who is being investigated by the chief state's attorney for distributing invitations to a campaign fundraiser to state commissioners, who then allegedly gave them to subordinates in violation of state law. Mrs. Rell's aide was roundly, and properly, denounced for this misconduct.

Now we're reading about the $4,000 fine levied by the State Elections Enforcement Commission on New Haven Mayor John DeStefano's gubernatorial campaign. The commission said the DeStefano camp committed "serious neglect" of state law by failing to include the occupations and employers of 32 of the 612 contributors who gave Mr. DeStefano more than $1,000 each.

Such reporting is required to give the public an opportunity to learn the sources of campaign money. The elections commission could have dealt more severely with the DeStefano campaign, but concluded that the "serious neglect" was unintentional - an oversight, a clerical error, proofreading failure, etc.

Mr. DeStefano said there is a distinction with a big difference between his $4,000 fine and the criminal investigation of Mrs. Rell's aide. Shonu Gandhi, the mayor's campaign chief, suggested that the contrast is as stark as between a traffic fine and a bank robbery.

Comparing who has been the worse actor in this political farce is silly. Inattention to the finer points of the law is no excuse.

The candidates for the state's highest election post owe us a more than casual accounting of who is giving how much to their campaigns.


Rell Says She Won't Use GOP Funds
December 10, 2005
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer

Gov. M. Jodi Rell said Friday she will take no funds for her gubernatorial campaign from the Republican Party, which accepts money from sources banned from her campaign.  Democrats have long predicted that the Republican governor will use her party to get around a self-imposed ban on contributions from lobbyists and state contractors.

"I am not taking money from the Republican Party, period," Rell told reporters.  But Rell said she would not be averse to her campaign viewing polling data collected by the state party, which would be an in-kind contribution.  And a solicitation policy released by the governor's campaign clarifies that she has no blanket ban on contributions from state contractors.

According to a notice given to donors, the ban applies only people who have "personally solicited, negotiated or signed a contract with the state since July 1, 2004."  By that standard, the owner of a company with a state contract still could be a campaign donor as long as he or she played no personal role in arranging the contract.

Rich Harris, a campaign spokesman, said the campaign did not want to set a standard so broadly that it would ban contributions from those with no role in the contracting process.  The standard voluntarily set by Rell is still stricter than the state rules followed by her two Democratic challengers, New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. and Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy.

In a WTNH, Channel 8 interview in October, DeStefano accused Rell of taking lobbyist money funneled through the state GOP.

"Of course, the governor's taking this money. She's taking, just through the Republican Party, and she's trying to present it as something else," DeStefano said.  Rell declared her candidacy in October and is not required to disclose the source of any contributions until the end of this month.  Malloy criticized both opponents in a statement issued by his campaign.

"Both Jodi Rell and John DeStefano are being disingenuous," Malloy said. "Gov. Rell wants to have her cake and eat it too by refusing `special interest' money and then accepting money from the state party - most of which comes from special interests. Meanwhile, John DeStefano is trying to wear a mantle of reform that doesn't fit."

Malloy said DeStefano rejected a proposed spending cap in his 2001 race for governor.  George D. Gallo, the new GOP chairman, said both Malloy and DeStefano are "raising money hand over fist" from state and city contractors.  He denied the state party would take on any gubernatorial campaign expenses, despite the claims from Malloy and DeStefano.

"It's ridiculous," Gallo said. "To even insinuate that - the funneling of money forward and backward, backward and forward - it's not going to happen."

For one thing, the party is nearly broke and does not expect a sudden influx of money from lobbyists, contractors or anyone else, he said.  Gallo said his first tasks as state chairman will be to find a headquarters cheaper than its present home near the Capitol and Bushnell Park and possibly reduce staff.

 


Dueling School Lawsuits:
Connecticut needs to sort out the mess 30 years of public school litigation has created before the judiciary adds another level of unworkable complexity.
New London DAY editorial
Published on 11/27/2005

Attorney General Richard Blumenthal, who is leading the state into a lawsuit against the federal government over school funding, soon will find himself defending Connecticut against a similar lawsuit by a state organization representing the interests of local governments.

On Tuesday, the Connecticut Coalition for Justice in Education filed a lawsuit challenging Connecticut's system of distributing funds for public schools. This is the third major lawsuit lodged against the state over school funding in the last 30 years. The first, Horton v. Meskill, forced Connecticut to revamp its method of supporting public schools through a formula that redistributes the funds based on need and the ability to pay. The current lawsuit attacks that formula and the state's poor record of fully financing it.

A second lawsuit, Sheff v. O'Neill, raised the question of whether minority and poor children in urban schools like Hartford's were getting an equal education. The courts concluded they were not, and this led Connecticut on a course of building almost a parallel school system made up of magnet and charter schools designed to end de facto segregation and improve the quality of public education for children trapped in under-performing city schools.

Now, as the state faces a third such challenge, Attorney Gen. Blumenthal has filed suit in federal court, charging that the federal No Child Left Behind school mandate is unfair to the states because Congress has under-funded it.

The various lawsuits all deal with one issue: money. The state's system of financing schools relies largely on local property taxes. The strain of school budgets on local taxpayers has expanded from the cities and poor suburban communities that sought relief from the courts in the Horton and Sheff cases into more well-to-do suburbs. This discontent is played out in increasingly bitter budget fights and referendums each year.

But the courts have been poor problem solvers. The method of redistributing school funds to the systems supposedly the most in need hasn't worked because the state shortchanged the various formulas. And the Horton case has produced a wave of expensive investments in experimental schools that are not accountable to the democratic machinery that oversees public education.

The Day has argued against Attorney Gen. Blumenthal's effort to redress Connecticut's grievances with Congress and the federal Department of Education in court. This action is hypocritical, coming from a state that issues educational mandates to local government without adequately funding them.

It is not merely the need for consistency that compels us to be skeptical of this current lawsuit, as well meaning and born out of years of frustration as it is. If the lawsuit follows the course of the earlier ones, it will lead to a judicial mandate calling for a costly solution enforced by the courts. Connecticut's current problems with its schools are a tangle of decisions reached under pressure from the judiciary.

Gov. M. Jodi Rell has set out on a more promising course. She has formed a commission, the Commission on Education Finance, to attempt to untangle the mess and determine what needs to be done to make it more rational, so that one hand knows what the other is doing.

If that commission does a good job, the state will have a clear picture of what it needs to do to make the public schools work better.

The second, and larger problem, is one that Gov. Rell and the legislature have refused to address, but will need to: property tax reform. Connecticut cannot hope to hold its schools accountable for their failures and improve their performance as long as local taxpayers pay for more than half the costs. The state shouldn't need a court to tell it this.

This lawsuit will go forward whether or not we or anyone else agree with it. But the governor, the legislature and the participants in the Connecticut Coalition for Justice in Education in the meantime should be putting their heads together to figure out how to unravel the mess 30 years of litigation has produced before the judiciary adds to that another level of unworkable complexity.


State Sued Over School Funding;   Town Aid Called Lacking; Issue For Governor's Race
By MARK PAZNIOKAS And ROBERT A. FRAHM, Courant Staff Writers
November 23, 2005

A school-funding lawsuit filed Tuesday aims to increase state aid to municipalities by as much as $2 billion annually, creating an instant issue for the 2006 campaign for governor.  Nearly 30 years after Horton vs. Meskill, a landmark lawsuit that opened the state coffers for school aid, the courts once again are being asked to force political leaders to redefine the state's role in local education.

The lawsuit claims there are vast disparities in opportunities and levels of achievement among Connecticut's public schools.  The long-anticipated legal action is based on the widespread belief that the General Assembly lacks the will to tackle a major spending increase without the threat of court intervention.

"It's the big stick out there," said Stephen Cassano, executive director of the lead plaintiff, the Connecticut Coalition for Justice in Education Funding.  The two Democratic mayors running for governor, John DeStefano Jr. of New Haven and Dannel P. Malloy of Stamford, are among the sponsors of the litigation, which names Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell as a defendant.

"It's going to be a central issue in the gubernatorial campaign," said Robert DeCrescenzo, a former East Hartford mayor and Democratic activist.

New Haven and Stamford joined Bloomfield, Bridgeport, Danbury, East Hartford, Hamden, Hartford, Manchester, Middletown, New Britain, New London, Norwalk, Plainfield, Putnam and Windham in underwriting the litigation, along with teachers' unions and associations of school administrators.  Rell tried to blunt the issue two months ago, announcing the creation of a commission to review the formula for computing school aid, the Education Cost Sharing program.

Tuesday, she expressed disappointment at the lawsuit.

"I hope that this lawsuit does not become a distraction to the important work of this commission," Rell said in a statement. "The governor and the General Assembly are in the best position to address ECS issues, not judges."

A prominent Democrat, Sen. Thomas Gaffey of Meriden, who is co-chairman of the legislature's education committee, also viewed the case warily.  He said it relies on a coalition study that projects a need for millions of dollars more for successful and relatively wealthy suburbs such as Glastonbury, Simsbury and South Windsor while shortchanging struggling school districts such as Bloomfield or Chaplin.

The lawsuit is a class action filed in Superior Court in Hartford on behalf of 15 children and their families. Like Horton vs. Meskill and the long-running Sheff vs. O'Neill school desegregation lawsuit, the new legal challenge asserts that equal educational opportunity is a right under the state constitution.

"I'm very concerned about the education my children are receiving," said Nekita Carroll-Hall, one of the plaintiffs and the mother of two children, a kindergartner and second-grader at Bridgeport's Classical Studies Academy.  The school, she said, has classes with as many as 30 students, compared with classes almost half that size in neighboring Fairfield schools.

In Horton vs. Meskill, the state Supreme Court ordered the state to close a large funding gap between the state's wealthiest and poorest cities, sending millions to the state's poorest cities. But the state's share of education funding has been shrinking in recent years.  Fifteen years ago, the state paid nearly 46 percent of the cost of running public schools; that figure has dropped to about 38 percent.

With education costs rising faster than property tax revenue, the cry for more state aid has spread from the cities to suburbs.  The issue is inextricably intertwined with the state's reliance on local property taxes for local education, a system that depends on a constant flow of new development to meet rising expenses.

But House Minority Leader Robert M. Ward, R-North Branford, said the lawsuit appears to call for a sharp increase in state taxes on income and sales without any guarantee that local property taxes would be frozen or reduced.

"For Democrats who consider themselves pro-education, it's suddenly a difficult issue when people realize it doesn't help their property taxes and increases their income taxes," Ward said.  Malloy and DeStefano have been careful not to commit to a state tax increase as the means of relieving pressure on local taxpayers.

"Revenues go up almost every year, so I'm not going to play the game that you have to advocate increases in taxes," Malloy said. "I think you have to advocate spending the resources differently."

Although some similar lawsuits in other states have been resolved out of court, "typically these cases do go to trial," said Molly A. Hunter of the Campaign for Fiscal Equity, a New York City-based advocacy group that monitors school-funding cases. 



Latest effort to get campaign finance reform...
Link to Manchester Journal-Inquirer series on Campaign Finance Reform in CT HERE.


ACLU Files Campaign Finance Lawsuit
Hartford Courant
By PAT EATON-ROBB, The Associated Press
9:36 AM EDT, July 6, 2006

The state chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union and several minor party candidates said Thursday they filed a federal lawsuit claiming Connecticut's campaign finance law violates the candidates' rights to free speech and association.


The law, which Gov. M. Jodi Rell signed on Dec. 7, 2005, includes a voluntary public financing system for campaigns that is set to affect next year's elections.

It also bans campaign contributions from lobbyists, their families and state contractors.

"For more than 17 years, the ACLU has supported public financing for political campaigns as a means of facilitating the candidacy of individuals from diverse socio-economic and political backgrounds," said Roger Vann, the executive director of the Connecticut ACLU. "At the same time, however, we have been concerned that election campaign reforms be achieved by means that do not sacrifice basic civil liberties."

The ACLU and minor party candidates say the financing system unfairly benefits major party candidates.

Democratic and Republican candidates would qualify for public financing of $25,000 for a House race, $85,000 for a Senate contest and $3 million to seek the governor's office if they meet private fundraising thresholds of $5,000 for a House campaign, $15,000 for a Senate race and $250,000 for governor.

To obtain the same money given to Democrats and Republicans, minor-party and petitioning candidates would have to collect signatures from eligible voters equal to 20 percent of the turnout in the most recent election for the office.

Based on a turnout of more than 1 million voters statewide in 2002, a minor party candidate for governor would have to collect more than 200,000 signatures to qualify for full funding.

"The Connecticut legislators who drafted this law in the dead of night knew that they were creating a system that would perpetuate two classes of political parties that are separate and unequal," said S. Michael Derosa, a plaintiff in the lawsuit and the Green Party's candidate for secretary of the state.

A message was left Thursday morning seeking comment from Attorney General Richard Blumenthal, who represents the state in the lawsuit. 


Weicker Calls Reform Unfair;   Vows Legal Fight, Saying 3rd Parties Hurt On Funding
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
December 3, 2005

Former Gov. Lowell P. Weicker Jr. said Friday he will ask a judge to strike down Connecticut's new system of publicly financing campaigns, saying it discriminates against minor parties.  Weicker, who outflanked the two-party system in 1990 to win the governor's race as a third-party candidate, said that the bill passed Thursday virtually locks out minor candidates for statewide office.

"It is entirely, in my opinion, illegal or unconstitutional to go ahead and in effect set the bar higher for third-party candidates," Weicker said.  Weicker said he probably will offer himself as a plaintiff in a legal challenge he expects to be filed by the American Civil Liberties Union, but he would file his own lawsuit if necessary.

"I'm not going to let this thing die, not by a long shot," Weicker said.  The bill bans contributions from lobbyists and state contractors and creates a system of publicly financing campaigns, beginning in 2008 for legislative races and 2010 for governor and other state constitutional offices.

Weicker, 74, who left office in January 1995 after a single term as governor, said he had no opinion on public financing. The only source of his ire was the bill's treatment of minor candidates.  His old party, A Connecticut Party, is inactive, but Weicker remains an unaffiliated voter who sees minor parties as a necessary check on the majority parties. He and his wife, Claudia, recently endorsed an independent candidate for town council in West Hartford, where Claudia Weicker grew up.

Gov. M. Jodi Rell said she was aware of Weicker's plans.

"Gov. Weicker called me as a courtesy to share his concerns about the bill and to let me know about a possible legal challenge because of the constraints the new law will put on third-party candidates. I share his concerns. This is one of the troubling aspects of the bill that I intend to address," Rell said.  The threat of litigation will not alter her plans to sign the legislation next week, Rell said.

"The important thing is that the bill was passed, I plan to sign it into law and the much-needed reform of our election process is becoming a reality," she said.  The ACLU of Connecticut is considering also challenging the constitutionality of the ban on contributions by lobbyists and contractors. Courts have equated donations with free speech.

Under the bill, Democratic and Republican nominees will automatically qualify for public financing of $25,000 for a House race, $85,000 for a Senate contest and $3 million for a gubernatorial run if they meet private fundraising thresholds of $5,000 for a House campaign, $15,000 for a Senate race and $250,000 for governor.  Minor-party and petitioning candidates must clear an additional hurdle of mounting a major petition drive. To obtain the same money given Democrats and Republicans, minor candidates would have to collect signatures from eligible voters equal to 20 percent of the turnout in the most recent election for the office.

Based on a turnout of more than 1 million voters statewide in 2002, a minor party gubernatorial candidate would need more than 200,000 signatures to qualify for full funding. Candidates for legislative office would need anywhere from several hundred signatures for House races in low-turnout urban districts to several thousand for Senate seats in highly competitive suburban areas.

Lesser public grants could be obtained by collecting signatures from 10 percent or 15 percent of voters - still a daunting a task, according to many politicians. Qualifying for the ballot requires only 1 percent.  Legislative sponsors defended the requirements as necessary to keep frivolous candidates from obtaining public money.

Tom Swan of the Connecticut Citizen Action Group said the state legislation is friendlier to minor candidates than the federal public financing law for presidential races.

Sen. Andrew McDonald, D-Stamford, who reluctantly voted for the bill, said his colleagues rejected his idea for a uniform public financing system: For every dollar raised in small contributions from local voters, the state would provide $3 in matching funds.  "It would have clearly treated all candidates for public office the same - and the grants would be directly correlated to the amount of work candidates put into it," McDonald said.  He said Weicker's involvement will give great visibility to the complaints about the campaign-finance bill.

"He is a great spokesman for the rights of minority parties, and he does well on the soap box," McDonald said. "He's got great credentials for advocating that position." 



The Good-Government State
Hartford Courant editorial
December 2, 2005

There's plenty of credit and praise to be passed around now that the General Assembly passed landmark campaign finance reform legislation this week - the Senate Wednesday evening and the House early Thursday morning. For the first time in what seems like eons, the "Corrupticut" nickname can be retired and Connecticut can look forward to being called the land of clean government.

When Gov. M. Jodi Rell attaches her signature, our state will have one of the most comprehensive campaign reform statutes in the country. Connecticut will be a national leader - on the right side of the law.

The scandals involving Gov. John G. Rowland, state Treasurer Paul Silvester, Bridgeport Mayor Joseph Ganim and state Sen. Ernest Newton of Bridgeport - all now "formers" with one out of prison, two still behind bars and one to be sentenced later this month - made Connecticut a national joke and dramatically stated the case for changes in ethics, contracting and campaign financing laws.

Mrs. Rell, a Republican, quickly made ethics her No.1 priority after succeeding Mr. Rowland on July 1, 2004. She changed her mind after years of opposing public financing and embraced it as a way to find common ground on campaign reform with the Democratic majority in the legislature. Democratic leaders pledged fealty to reform, but it was hard work weaning the rank and file from a system that sustained them over the years - a system rich with special interest money and one that favors incumbents over challengers. Our fear was that in the end, the majority party would not rise to the occasion.

But behold, after weeks of special session silence, the legislature, with Democrats at the helm, produced what Mrs. Rell would call "a national model for reform" - and enough votes to pass it. Democratic leaders - Senate President Donald E. Williams Jr., House Speaker James Amann and their lieutenants - deserve to sit at the head table along with Mrs. Rell.

Clean-government advocates lobbied effectively for change, as did other elected officials.


Mayor Dannel Malloy of Stamford, for example, was credited with persuading several doubting members of his city's legislative delegation to vote for reform. 
Shame on those who cast their lot with the corrupt old system by voting no. Hartford state Rep. Marie Kirkley-Bey, a Democrat, was one. Forty-five of the 53 House Republicans voted no.

The legislation bans most special interest money - political contributions from lobbyists and their clients, state contractors and corporations - and sets up a system of voluntary public financing of campaigns for all state offices. That does not guarantee an end to scandal or influence peddling. Interests wanting business or favors from government will always seek an edge and there will always be people in power to grant them one, for a price.

But the campaign reform enacted this week will make scandal less likely. Experience in the two other states, Arizona and Maine, that have forms of public financing indicates that Connecticut's new system should help to level the playing field for challengers in elections. It should elevate the average citizen, too, who heretofore hasn't had the cash it takes to get his elected representative's ear.

The Rowland scandal centered on state contracting abuse, but efforts to reform the contracting process have not yet succeeded. If Mrs. Rell and Democratic leaders could agree on campaign financing changes, surely they can get together to clean up contracting.

First, however, they deserve a chance to bask in the glow of this week's historic moment - one that all Connecticut residents can be proud of.

 


Rell Exults After Vote;  GOP Legislators Parted With Governor
December 2, 2005
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
 
Gov. M. Jodi Rell celebrated the passage of far-reaching campaign finance reforms Thursday, even though fellow Republicans largely abandoned her on the issue and a court challenge is possible.

"We have set the standard," Rell said. "We are now a role model for the rest of the nation. I think that Connecticut can be very proud of this bill."

The Democratic-controlled Senate and House combined for nearly 14 hours of debate Wednesday night and Thursday morning, concluding at 2:44 a.m. with passage by the House on an 82-65 vote.

Seven hours earlier, the Senate voted 27-8 to approve the legislation, which bans contributions from lobbyists and contractors and creates a voluntary system of publicly financing campaigns for state office.

Only four Republicans in each chamber supported the bill, which was drafted by Democrats.

House Minority Leader Robert M. Ward, R-North Branford, rebuffed overtures from Rell's senior staff and led a vigorous floor fight against a bill that he described as badly flawed.  The political parties and legislative leadership's political action committees will be permitted to make unlimited expenditures, such as paying for direct mail appeals, on behalf of candidates who accept public financing.

"I found that loophole to be so overwhelming I couldn't support the bill," Ward said.

Rell said that she also was troubled by those provisions, but that bans on lobbyist and state contractor dollars, as well as public financing, go far to minimize what she called the corrosive influence of special interests in politics.

"I believe we got 85 percent or more of what I had hoped we would be able to have in a bill at the end of June," said Rell, who intends to sign the bill in the next few days.  The legislature had ended its regular session in June deadlocked over campaign finance reforms, an issue that Rell had made a priority soon after succeeding John G. Rowland as governor in 2004.

Rell said that she would seek legislation in the 2006 regular session to correct flaws in the bill. She wants to limit party and leadership expenditures and lower the threshold that petitioning and minor-party candidates must meet to qualify for public funds.

Petitioning candidates must gather signatures from 20 percent of affected voters, nearly an impossible task, to qualify for the same public funds available to Democrats and Republicans.

The Green Party is considering challenging the provision in court, said Michael DeRosa, the co-chairman of the party.  The American Civil Liberties Union of Connecticut is exploring a challenge on two grounds - the unequal treatment of major and minor candidates, and the violation of lobbyists' free speech rights. Courts have held that political contributions are a form of speech.

"We are obviously concerned about the constitutional issues raised by the law," said Roger C. Vann, executive director of the state's ACLU chapter.  Vann said that he expected no decision on a lawsuit for weeks.

"This kind of case potentially would go all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. It would be potentially a long and difficult battle," he said. "We don't take these decisions lightly."

Passage of the legislation was a personal victory for the Democratic legislative leaders, who had been repeatedly outmaneuvered by Rell on the issue, most recently by her calling legislators into special session to tackle reform after they had refused to do so on their own.

House Speaker James A. Amann, D-Milford, and Senate President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn, delivered on a promise made Monday: If necessary, Democrats could have passed the measure without a single Republican vote.


Senate OKs Campaign Finance
8:22 PM EST, November 30, 2005
Associated Press (Courant)

HARTFORD, Conn. -- The state Senate approved some of the most sweeping reforms of campaign finance laws in the country on tonight, including tight restrictions on contributions and a voluntary, publicly funded election system.


The House of Representatives was to take up the bill later in the evening. A close vote was expected.

"The bill before us ... does things that no other state in this union has done. It will give us the cleanest, most comprehensive system," said Sen. Donald DeFronzo, D-New Britain, co-chairman of the Government Administration and Elections Committee.

The Democrat-controlled Senate voted 27-8 in favor of the bill. Four Republicans supported the legislation, which would take effect on Dec. 31, 2006. Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell said she will sign the bill into law if it reaches her desk.

"This is truly a historic bill. I'm optimistic that it's going to be passed ... I'm looking forward to being able to sign it into law," she said in a taped message sent electronically to reporters. "I have said all along that Connecticut citizens really want us to eliminate the corrosive and compromising influence of special interest money."

To reduce the influence of special interests, the bill bans campaign advertising booklets and political contributions from lobbyists and state contractors.

It comes in the wake of a corruption scandal last year that sent former Republican Gov. John G. Rowland to prison and led to his former co-chief of staff and a major state contractor pleading guilty in federal court. Connecticut has also been rocked by two mayors going to prison in recent years. 



What's The Hurry In Hartford?  Democrats aren't allowing time to read a major campaign-finance-reform bill.
New London DAY editorial 
Published on 11/30/2005

The Democratic Senate and House caucuses are making much fanfare of a campaign-finance reform proposal they say will be the strongest law in the nation. The problem is, they're trying to ram this complicated legislation through the Capitol today and in the next few days.

Gov. M. Jodi Rell had nothing to look at early Tuesday afternoon. Nor did the General Assembly's Republicans. Nor did the public. That's because the Democrats had not even finished drafting the bill for state officials and lawmakers to vote upon.

And, the Democrats said, the bill, when drafted, would be about 120 pages long.

Who in his right mind would try to draft such a comprehensive, important and far-reaching bill and then allow virtually no time to peruse the details before the Democrats, who control both houses, call for a vote?

This is irresponsible legislating. It is a mockery of the purist motives the Democrats ascribe to themselves in their lofty descriptions of the bill they plan to craft.

What is the reason for not allowing time? Could it be that there are potential loopholes built into the proposed bill? Are the Democrats afraid of a full and fair discussion? The public relations explanations put out in advance of the bill suggest there are elements of their plan that look very good — namely the bans on ad books, contractor and lobbyist donations and modified public financing of elections. All were proposed first by Gov. Rell.

Perhaps this will be a wonderful piece of legislation. But unless legislators have a written proposal, prepared to become law, how can they expect to ask the right questions, or even any questions at all?

Such complicated legislation, which involves hundreds of details about campaign donations and public financing, deserves time for everyone in the political process to look at it. Then, the Democrats should schedule hearings that offer lawmakers, state officials and the public time to comment.

This is not trivial stuff. It is not one of the thousands of political proclamations that lawmakers and the governor post each year to note a person or event in the towns and cities. Rather, this is the outcome of the Rowland administration scandal and it deserves careful consideration, not slippery skullduggery.

Slow down the train. Let's make sure all the passengers are on board.

The people of Connecticut deserve much better than this performance on such important legislation that will influence elections for years to come.


Unfit To Lead?
Hartford Courant editorial
November 28, 2005


Next year's legislative session is within sight, and so far lawmakers and Gov. M. Jodi Rell have fallen far short of concluding this year's business. Unfulfilled are promises they made in the aftermath of the Rowland scandals to clean up state contracting procedures and squeeze dirty money out of political campaigns.


Blame for the impasse continues to lie mostly with Democratic legislators who control both the House and Senate. If they can't make good on their promises, Democratic lawmakers won't deserve the confidence of Connecticut voters.
  
Earlier this month, Mrs. Rell vetoed a bill passed in special session to reform the way the state hands out contracts for such things as construction and providing the state with goods and services. The bill outlined new contracting standards and created a much-needed review board that would, for example, prevent agencies from handing out no-bid contracts to political friends.

This was the second time Mrs. Rell vetoed such legislation because, again, it contained language that the governor believes would make it harder to hire contractors such as nonprofit agencies that run group homes. These service providers are essential. As a sop to their state-employee supporters, Democrats insist on the privatizing language that Mrs. Rell opposes.

The governor is right. The legislature should present her with a "clean" contracting bill with elements on which they all can agree and take up the privatizing issue separately.

Irresolute Democratic leaders can't seem to fashion majorities in either of their House or Senate caucuses behind significant campaign finance reform legislation. One reason that lawmakers - many Republicans as well as Democrats - won't pull the trigger on reform is because they benefit from the present system. Money from lobbyists and their clients, state contractors and corporations (through the ad book loophole) always seems to fill incumbents' campaign coffers.

Reformers would replace much of the corrosive special interest money with a voluntary public financing system. Mrs. Rell says she'll go along with that. Democrats complain that the governor has not yet twisted Republican arms to vote for reform. That she should do. But so far the Democrats, who are in the majority, have not produced a draft bill that contains their latest vision of campaign finance reform.

Let's see a bill, and soon. Let's see something besides excuses. 



Incumbents Refuse To Do Right Thing
By MORGAN MCGINLEY
Day Staff Columnist, Editorial Page Editor
Published on 11/27/2005

The Democrats are afraid to pass the tough campaign-finance reforms Gov. M. Jodi Rell challenged them to do. They don't want to do what's right because they control both houses of the legislature and next year will bring a heated contest for governor. With Gov. Rell already out front saying she won't accept campaign money from lobbyists, Political Action Committees and contractors, the Democrats apparently are content to sit back and take advantage of their multitude of connections to special interests. They intend to go into the 2006 gubernatorial race with buckets of money and they are pointing toward the legislative races in 2007 with a similar intent.

So much for the high-minded rhetoric the legislative Democrats handed out as they got ready to impeach the disgraced former Republican governor, John G. Rowland. Now we know that this issue is not about ethics and doing what's right, in their minds, but about preserving a system that benefits the incumbents even as it might encourage unethical behavior.

Shamelessly, the Democrats and some Republicans want to be able to continue hitting up lobbyists, trade groups, businessmen and women and contractors for big donations to fuel their campaigns and more. The money raised by Political Action Committees goes for campaigns, but lawmakers also use the funds to pay for meals for themselves and staff, pay party workers, including relatives sometimes, and egregiously solicit so much money that they intimidate would-be opponents from running.

Campaign records in Hartford show that Senate candidates are raising up to $200,000 in a single campaign. What in the world was a Senate candidate doing raising that much money?

The Capitol has metamorphosed into a place where lobbyists and special interests have far too much power because they provide the campaign money and pay for ads in books at fund-raisers so that candidates can be re-elected. Incumbents constantly pressure lobbyists for contributions, to buy tickets to fund-raisers and for any other legal form of money for their re-election campaigns.

Veteran lobbyists say political campaigns used to have many volunteers, but more recently, professional campaign managers and consultants, including some prominent former legislators, are charging large fees to take over those roles.

The amounts of money raised are excessive. And the number of PACs is proliferating.

Peter Tercyak, the representative from the 26th House District, gave $2,000 in donations from his campaign fund-raising to Tom Swann of the Connecticut Citizen Action Group, a reform organization. Previously, CCAG took money from PACS controlled by House Speaker James Amann and state Rep. Denise Merrill, the Mansfield Democrat.

What is going on?

It doesn't take a Ph.D to understand that special-interest money is undermining the democratic process.

Mayor John DeStefano Jr. of New Haven has already raised $2.57 million to run for governor. Mayor Dannel Malloy of Stamford has raised $1.7 million for the same purpose. A spokesman for Gov. Rell, who just announced she will run a short time ago, said her campaign is doing well raising money, but had no figure to report. Gov. Rell will be facing increased financial pressure as her Democratic challengers keep upping the ante. The governor's campaign spokesman, Rich Harris, says Gov. Rell has pledged not to take money from PACs, contractors and lobbyists and will remain true to that promise.

Campaign finance in Connecticut is a rotten system that deprives the average taxpayer of the kinds of decisions that are in the best interests of the people of Connecticut. Campaign finance is about people who want to benefit personally from the state and about incumbents who don't want a level playing field on which they face competition for re-election.

Those who say public financing of campaigns is unappealing ought to look more closely at the corrosive system that now runs Connecticut.


Campaign finance in gridlock again
Manchester
Journal Inquirer
By Keith M. Phaneuf, Staff Writer
November 19, 2005

 
HARTFORD - For the third time this year, the push to write tougher state campaign finance laws appears to be snarled by heated emotions and hurt feelings.
 
Democratic legislative leaders, contending they were insulted by Gov. M. Jodi Rell's office, said this week they need to be convinced she is sincere about enacting tougher rules before they'll share with her the bill they're writing.  The governor, a Republican, arguing that Democrats are asking her to blindly lobby support for a bill she's never seen, recalled that Democrats specifically excluded her office from the bill drafting.

And all the while, the calendar keeps rolling toward the winter holidays, at which point the odds of any special session vote in 2005 are very slim.  If Rell and Republican legislators "were sincere about wanting to work on this bill, not just read it so they can lob verbal grenades, they would have asked to meet with us," House Speaker James A. Amann, D-Milford, said Wednesday following a House Democratic caucus on campaign finance. "If she would really like to sit down with us, would we do it? Absolutely."

The governor said this week that "I have been working for campaign finance reform for some time now. If I get a bill, and if I can support it, I will work to get the voters for that bill. But I am not going to work in a vacuum."  Amann also said he took offense earlier this month when Rell spokesman Judd Everhart was quoted as saying, "it's pathetic that the majority leadership is once again looking to Gov. Rell to bail them out on an issue they say they support. The Democrats overwhelmingly control the General Assembly and it is up to them to round up the votes necessary to produce a bill."

Everhart said that what the governor's office called "pathetic" was that House Democratic leaders were demanding that Rell lobby for support on the same day nearly half of their members didn't even attend a caucus to discuss campaign finance legislation.  Rell and the Democrat-controlled state legislature have been grappling since January about how to re-write the state's campaign finance laws.

Democrats, fueled by the bid-rigging scandal that drove former Gov. John G. Rowland from office in 2004 and eventually into a federal prison this past April, began 2005 by calling for tougher campaign finance rules.  But Democratic lawmakers' early proposals focused all or nearly all of the changes on races for governor - the one seat they haven't held since 1990 - and for the other constitutional offices, but not on their own legislative races.

With just under two weeks left before the regular legislative session ended on June 8, Rell challenged Democrats. She agreed to end her opposition to public financing of state elections, provided Democrats would agree to weed all special interest money out of state elections, and agree that new rules would be applied equally to races both for governor and for the legislature.

June 8 came without any law being passed after House Democrats agreed to make all changes by late 2006, while Senate Democrats wanted to keep some special interest sources available until 2010.  Tempers flared as Rep. Christopher L. Caruso, D-Bridgeport, arguably the most vocal advocate of tougher campaign finance laws in the House, labeled Senate President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr., D-Brooklyn, "an obstructionist," and "not a real Democrat."

At Rell's request, legislators formed a summer working group to find a compromise. And this time, House and Senate Democrats were united that public financing would start in December 2006, and that all special interest dollars - lobbyists, contractors, other businesses and political action committees - would remain available until then as well.

Republican legislators on that panel then chastised Democrats for refusing to shut off any special interest sources now, and predicted few if any Republicans would vote for such a bill.  Democratic leaders, whose members hold 99 out of 151 seats in the House and 24 out of 36 in the Senate, responded by saying if they had to find all of the votes, they would write the bill themselves, and not negotiate compromise language with Rell.

"I'm not going to judge their motives or their goals," Rell said this week, but added she doesn't understand Democrats' recent cries for her to press for Republican votes - for a bill she has never seen.  Caruso, though he would not discuss specific details, told Capitol reporters this week he believes it contains several provisions Republicans could support.

But House Minority Leader Robert M. Ward, R-North Branford, said "I find the concept that the Democrats can give us a bill and say 'take it or leave it' insulting. I don't believe any Democrat, when they say 'don't worry, you don't need to see it, it will be close to what you want.' To me, that's meaningless."  Ward added he suspects Democrats are hiding details of the bill because they hope to craft loopholes that will continue to give the majority party a financial advantage.  Caruso charged Capitol news reporters with giving Rell "a free pass" and failing to recognize that she can exert influence on her fellow Republicans even without analyzing a bill.

Caruso also said he is willing to meet with Rell personally to try to smooth things over, but doesn't believe Rell's chief of staff, M. Lisa Moody, would allow it. "You can't get in to see the governor because you can't get past the palace guard," he said. "Lisa Moody needs to open the gates to the Emerald City and let us in."

Everhart said Friday that if Democratic legislative leaders want to present a bill to the governor, she remains interested in talking. But he also said that Caruso, who is co-chairman of the Government Administration and Elections Committee, is neither the House speaker nor House majority leader, and isn't in a position to negotiate on behalf of his caucus.


Legislators united in tackling traffic woe
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio, Staff Writer
Published March 24 2006

STAMFORD -- A bipartisan panel of state legislators agreed yesterday that improving Connecticut's rails and roads must be a top priority.  But party lines emerged when talk turned to paying for the improvements.

The discussion during the Business Council of Fairfield County's legislative breakfast at the Sheraton Hotel in Stamford included Speaker of the House James Amann, D-Milford, Senate President Pro Tempore Donald Williams, D-Brooklyn, House Minority Leader Robert Ward, R-North Branford, and Senate Minority Leader Pro Tempore John McKinney, R-Fairfield.

Amann discussed his proposal to fund a $5 billion transportation improvement plan that was crafted by the state Transportation Strategy Board.  The proposal, backed by the Democratic Party, would be a significant upgrade of Gov. M. Jodi Rell's transportation initiative, which calls for $1.3 billion for Metro-North Railroad's New Haven Line and highways last year, and another $600 million this year to build a New Haven to Hartford rail line.

"We need to resolve this problem now," Amann said. "What are we waiting for?"

The state could pay for the plan by raising the gross receipt tax and through bonding, Amann said.  Williams proposed paying for the improvements with tolls.

"We can't take anything off the table," he said.

McKinney and Ward said leaning too much on bonding could put the state into debt. The strategy board proposals must be prioritized before they are funded, they said.

"We're not going to be able to just fund $5 billion all at once," McKinney said.

When the debate shifted to Rell's proposal to repeal the car tax and the ongoing battle about the estate tax and millionaires' tax on high-income residents, lawmakers differed on how to generate revenue.  Williams said Rell's car-tax proposal could hurt low-income families who own an inexpensive car or no car because they would lose a property tax credit worth up to $400.

Amann proposed repealing the estate tax but only if a millionaires' tax is established.

"So the answer is to put a gun to the governor's head or a knife to her throat," McKinney shot back.

Amann said the Democrats never wanted the estate tax and approved it only as a compromise with the governor, who wouldn't accept the millionaires' tax. The Democrat-controlled General Assembly reinstated the controversial estate tax last year after it was off the books for a decade. It applies to estates of $2 million and higher, and ranges from 5 percent to 16 percent of the value of an estate.

"We wanted to tax the living millionaires, and the Republicans wanted to tax the dead ones," Amann said.  But the Republicans said many Democrats supported the estate tax.

"We shouldn't be engaged in this tax class warfare," McKinney said. "I'm sick of hearing how the Republicans are the party of the rich."

Ward dismissed Democratic criticisms of Rell as something "common during an election year."


Rell Sets Off Tax Battle Over Wealth;  Governor Wants To Phase Out Estate Levy, But Opponents Call It Election-Year Ploy
Hartford Courant
By CHRISTOPHER KEATING, Capitol Bureau Chief
February 26, 2006

The battle lines are not only being drawn, they are being fortified at the state Capitol over Gov. M. Jodi Rell's plan to eliminate Connecticut's estate tax.

In fact, the clash has turned into class warfare (link to 2004 session notes by "About Town").


Democrats say Rell's plan to phase out the tax over the next four years is simply a giveaway to the rich when the state is expecting future budget deficits. Republicans say the current tax is a counterproductive levy that forces the state's wealthiest residents to move to warmer and more tax-friendly states such as Florida.

A probate database for 2005 obtained by The Courant shows that 264 deceased residents had estates of at least $2 million, the threshold required to trigger the tax. The database does not show how many actually paid the tax because it can be temporarily avoided if the estate is passed to a surviving spouse.

The deceased lived in 53 of the state's 169 towns and not all of them in the "rich" towns.

As the nation's wealthiest state, Connecticut's affluence stretches far beyond the rich enclaves of Fairfield County at the top of the economic pyramid. Estates of $2 million or more were filed in East Hartford, East Windsor, Bristol, Enfield, Hartford, Meriden, Milford, Southington, Stafford, and Torrington, according to the database compiled by the state probate court administrator's office.

The highest total was 73 in Southbury, a town known for its high number of nursing-home beds that cater to "self-pay" residents who are too wealthy to qualify for Medicaid. The second highest total was in Greenwich with 38 estates over $2 million, including five worth more than $22 million each.

The estate tax would cost a person with an estate of $2.1 million more than $100,000. The tax ranges from 5 to 16 percent depending on the size of the estate. The highest amount in taxes paid on an estate in 2004, for example, was $41 million, meaning that the estate could have been worth $250 million or more, Democratic legislators and estate-tax lawyers said.

At the state Capitol, the tax-writing finance committee will debate the issue in the coming weeks, but the committee's co-chairman, Rep. Cameron Staples, was harshly critical.

"It looks like an election-year tax cut that ignores" future deficits, said Staples, a New Haven Democrat. "I would not want to reduce a tax this year only to have to increase it next year. How do you propose eliminating a tax when we are facing deficits? It would be foolish to dig a trench for ourselves by cutting taxes dramatically when we're projecting deficits."

The legislature's nonpartisan fiscal office is forecasting deficits of hundreds of millions of dollars in the 2008, 2009, and 2010 fiscal years - a sharp contrast to the $661 million projected surplus in the current year and another surplus of about $500 million projected in the next fiscal year.

But Rell's spokesman, Judd Everhart, said that any deficits in the future would only worsen if the state's wealthiest residents move out of state and no longer pay income, sales, or other taxes in Connecticut.

"Any CPA will tell a wealthy client to protect assets, and one way to do that right now is to leave Connecticut," Everhart said. "Phasing out and ultimately eliminating the estate tax will make Connecticut much more competitive with states like Florida and Arizona, where there is no estate tax."

Rell's plan calls for gradually eliminating the tax by 2010, pushing up the threshold each year for those who must pay. The current $2 million threshold would be increased to $4.1 million this year, $5.1 million in 2007, $7.1 million in 2008 and $10.1 million in 2009.

Rell is also calling for eliminating the "cliff," which under the current system means that those with estates above $2 million must pay the tax on the full amount - not just the portion above $2 million. For example, a person with an estate of $1.99 million would pay nothing, but a person with an estate of $2.1 million would pay more than $100,000 in tax. The tax rates range from 5 percent to a high of 16 percent for the portion above $10.1 million.

Rep. Timothy O'Brien, a New Britain Democrat, said he cannot support Rell's plan because the wealthy have already received a series of federal tax cuts in recent years.

"I'm not in favor of giving rich people a tax break," O'Brien said. "They're getting enough of a tax break from George Bush. They're paying too little in Connecticut taxes now as a whole."

Everhart rejected that notion, saying that Connecticut cannot afford to lose taxpayers because "we could never pay for the Democrats' profligate spending" and would be unable to balance the budget.

"Already this year the Democrats have spent and re-spent the anticipated budget surplus, with their multibillion-dollar transportation plan and their proposed child-health initiative that could add something like $500 million a year to the budget," Everhart said.

Republicans have stated for years that increasing estate taxes or instituting the so-called millionaires' tax on the wealthiest residents would drive away those who pay the most taxes to the state. But Democrats have repeatedly dismissed the idea, saying that the wealthy could have long ago left Connecticut and its high quality of life if taxes were the deciding factor.

Connecticut Voices For Children, a New Haven-based think tank that analyzes the state budget, issued a recent analysis that there is no evidence that the estate tax through the years has prompted residents to leave.

"Anecdotes about wealthy Connecticut residents fleeing to warmer climes should not drive public fiscal policy," the analysis said.

Both the well-known and the obscure are affected by the estate tax. While public figures such as developer Donald Trump are known for their wealth, the probate system's database of nearly 12,000 names from all walks of life showed that many of those with multimillion-dollar estates often avoid publicity. Others are known on a local or regional level.

In West Hartford alone, 10 people filed estates of $2 million or more in 2005, including a high of nearly $15 million for Millard Pryor Jr., former president of the Wadsworth Atheneum Museum of Art. A noted philanthropist, Pryor was a self-made business executive who volunteered his time for various arts organizations, including the Hartford Symphony Orchestra and the Connecticut Opera.

Longtime First Amendment attorney Ralph Elliot, who often defended The Courant before his death last February, left the second highest estate in West Hartford in 2005 at $12.299 million.

Some of the largest estates statewide were from Greenwich, often considered the state's wealthiest town.

Attorney Allen Maulsby, a former partner at the well-known law firm of Cravath, Swaine, & Moore, left an estate of $27.8 million.

Attorney Robert Cantwell, the former general counsel for Colgate-Palmolive Co. in New York City, left $27.5 million, while business executive Gerard Finneran left $26.2 million.

Those estates are still smaller than one of the largest in Greenwich history - the $68.4 million left by former IBM Corp. Chairman Thomas Watson Jr. upon his death more than a decade ago.

Milford resident Benjamin P. Trivelli, the founder of Applied Engineering Products Inc. of New Haven, left $20.89 million. Philip Johnson, one of the nation's best-known architects for creating the famous "Glass House" in New Canaan and other structures, left $13.1 million.

In Hartford and Farmington, two estates were above $2 million, while Simsbury and Avon had one each for 2005.

State Rep. Livvy Floren, R-Greenwich, who has sponsored a bill to repeal the tax in its entirety this year, said her constituents were stunned when the legislature voted last year to impose the $2 million threshold and make the law retroactive for wealthy people who died after Jan. 1, 2005.

"It's caused a furor because people felt they were truly being gouged," said Floren, who represents one of the state's wealthiest districts. "If we can up [the threshold] to $4 million, that's a good start."

When Floren campaigns in her upscale district, she says she often bumps into constituents who say they cannot vote for her because they are registered voters in Florida.

"That," Floren said, "breaks my heart."


Underestimating Wealth
Day editorial
Published on 2/13/2006
 
A University of Connecticut study is one that the legislature would probably rather not know about, because dealing with it would involve changing the formulas upon which state aid is distributed. If the study from the Center for Population Research is correct, that should be done as quickly as possible.
 
The study examined how Connecticut determines a town's wealth. It found that the state relies upon U.S. Census data, gathered once every 10 years, to guide it in distributing money to towns. Using the census formula is a problem. It means that the state underestimates the wealth of rich towns, and probably overestimates the wealth of poor towns, according to a Manchester Journal-Inquirer article.

The census figures on income do not count capital gains. Yet it is very common for many people in Fairfield County to have significant income from sales of stocks, which is counted as part of capital gains. So, using these incomplete figures, the state probably gives too much aid to rich towns.

At the same time, the census gives weight to the presence of colleges and even prisons, and counts the low income of people who live at such places toward a community's per-capita income.

Thus, the per-capita income of the people of Somers, which includes a sizable prison, is said to be $23,000 according to the U.S. Census. But the Internal Revenue Service puts the income at closer to $33,000.

At the same time, the state claims that no town in the state has a per capita income above $100,000, based on Census Bureau data, while the IRS says that about six towns have an income into the six figures. The Census Bureau also says that just 12 Connecticut towns have per-capita income of less than $20,000, and the IRS says 28 state towns have incomes less than $20,000.

It's understandable that state officials might rather avoid controversy by not changing the way that the state measures income. But the least citizens can expect of their government is fair and accurate data, and the income figures from the U.S. Census Bureau are incomplete at best.



Census data show need for tax cuts
CT POST editorial
Article created: 02/10/2006 04:32:56 AM

U.S. Census Bureau data released this week certainly underlines why Connecticut residents deserve tax cuts, even if they are as modest as Gov. M. Jodi Rell proposed in her budget address Wednesday.

During the past decade, according to the Census Bureau, Connecticut has earned the dubious distinction of being one of the top five states in the nation with the highest state tax receipts per person.

The Census Bureau data is pretty blunt: Connecticut's state taxpayer burden increased by an average of 41 percent from 1994 to 2004.

That percentage increase matches the national average for the decade, but it's indicative of how high the tax burden was even before 1994.

In her budget address Wednesday, Rell called for several tax reductions, including elimination of the regressive local motor vehicle tax and a 25 percent cut in the gross receipts tax on gas and electric utility bills.

Repeal of the local motor vehicle tax is coupled with eliminating the property tax credit on the state income tax, but its repeal would extend the tax cut to many more taxpayers — especially poorer citizens — who do not own homes.

It's a tax that the General Assembly examines periodically and once actually approved in the early 1990s.

Well, now it's back on the table and majority Democrats seems to be in apoplexy thinking they might actually have to cut taxes his session. Leading Democrats spent most of Thursday trying to knock down the tax repeal, which is popular with the general population.

Sure, gubernatorial politics and this year's election are strong factors influencing Rell's proposals, but let's see what the Democrats offer in tax cuts.

The Census Bureau report underscores the need for a modicum of tax reductions this session when the state is sporting a current budget year surplus that could be as high as $600 million, with another surplus projected for the coming fiscal year beginning July 1.

 
Third contract bill merits a veto, too
CT POST editorial
March 3, 2006

Is the Democratic majority in the state General Assembly striking out on state contract reform? We think so.

On Wednesday, the Democrats railroaded passage through the Assembly of their third attempt at a major state contracting reform bill.  And it's probable that they may take a call third strike when the measure is considered by Gov. M. Jodi Rell.

In a statement issued shortly after the bill's passage, mainly along party lines, Rell expressed frustration that the Democrats retained portions of their earlier bills relating to private contracts for state services.  Rell last year vetoed two versions of the reform bill because they would have eliminated the flexibility of a governor to contract with private companies for services.

While the Democrats made some concessions in this third attempt — such as exempting nonprofit agencies from the privatization restrictions — the bill approved Wednesday still contains language that Rell administration officials contend was almost certainly written by state employee unions.  In the end, the privatization restrictions could end up costing state taxpayers more money for the same services.

That's because the bill would require a cost-benefit analysis of all privatized contracts and require that the private workers receive pay and benefits that compare to those earned by state employees performing similar jobs.  No doubt there's a lot of politics involved here since it's a state election year and state employee unions almost always line up behind the Democratic candidate for governor.

However, lawmakers ought to be more interested in making state contracts more affordable for taxpayers not more expensive. It's no secret that state employee benefits are far more generous than most of those found in the private sector.

After vetoing the two contracting reform bills last year, Rell established a bipartisan state contracting standards board through gubernatorial executive order. It has started its work and it certainly should move forward and create its own privatization standards.

In the meantime, Rell must give this latest contracting reform bill a third strike and call the Democrats out.

Don't Block Contract Reform
Hartford Courant editorial
March 2, 2006
 
Here we go again; same song, third verse.

Last year, Gov. M. Jodi Rell vetoed two bills reforming state contracting procedures because both pieces of legislation were encumbered with provisions authored by Democrats that would hinder the governor's ability to outsource state work when it makes sense to do so. Mrs. Rell was right to reject the bills, even if that meant delaying needed reform.

The governor is back at it this year. She is sponsoring a bill that represents the work of a bipartisan task force that made recommendations for changes in the way the state buys goods and services in the wake of contracting scandals during the Rowland administration.

Same as last year, her proposal calls for the creation of a contracting standards board and a uniform procurement code. Officials in state government who approve contracts and contractors who win bids to do state work would be held accountable for complying with consistent rules. Gone, presumably, would be the days of sweetheart deals and no-bid contracts for buddies.

But Mrs. Rell may be forced to veto yet a third time because Democrats, at the behest of unions, insist on "privatization" standards in whatever bill passes. The standards would require, for example, that employees working for for-profit contractors who do state work be paid the same as state employees. That's not necessarily a cost-effective way for the state to do business. The executive departments ought to have flexibility to get the best deal for taxpayers when the state purchases goods and services.

Lawmakers and the governor should agree to enact legislation that sets up a contracting standards board and a procurement code. First put the worst of the Rowland-era contracting scams behind us.

Then they can take up the privatization issue. Some sort of compromise may be possible. Already, Senate President Pro Tem Donald Williams has agreed to exempt nonprofit service providers from privatization rules. The governor says she might be able to support privatization legislation that addresses situations in which outsourcing work would lead to the layoff of state employees.

If Democrats, who control the legislature, insist on burdening the contracting bill with the privatization rules, thereby provoking a third Rell veto, the death of contracting reform will be their fault alone.

Of the possibility of another veto from the governor, one Democratic senator said last week, "I really think on this one we're bumping up against some Republican ideology." That's a laugh.

The obstacle blocking contracting reform is not Mrs. Rell.



Mayor DeStefano wins Primary!

He will run with Mayor Malloy's running-mate, Mary Glassman, former Simsbury First Selectwoman.


Gubernatorial candidates take off the gloves
Andy Bromage, Register Staff
07/19/2006

NEW LONDON — Democratic gubernatorial candidates Dannel P. Malloy and John DeStefano Jr. snarled over health care, campaign finance reform and ethics in a 60-minute televised debate Tuesday in which they sought to distinguish themselves three weeks ahead of an Aug. 8 primary.

DeStefano, the mayor of New Haven, and Malloy, Stamford’s mayor, alternately called each other "friend" or slammed each other for "dramatics" and distorting their records before a packed house in the Garde Arts Center, an ornate 1920s movie and live theater palace.
 
Ten minutes in, panelist Mark Davis of WTNH Channel 8 asked the question probably on many viewers’ minds: "What the heck is the difference between you two?"

DeStefano, wearing a red tie to Malloy’s blue, begin with a stock answer about the election being a choice between "four more years of the same or..." when Davis cut him off, barking, "You are not answering the question. This has nothing to do with (Republican Gov.) Jodi Rell. It has to do with the two of you."

DeStefano said he supports funding universal health care by closing corporate tax loopholes, while "Dan has George Bush pay for health care" through Medicaid and will leave state health care in "critical condition." Malloy tore into DeStefano for suggesting his own plan would do away with mandates for birth control pills and three-day hospital stays for new mothers.

Malloy ripped DeStefano for refusing last year to commit to forfeiting the millions he raised for his campaign if the legislature adopted campaign finance reform in time for the 2006 governor’s race.

"I truly think that if you had agreed we would have had campaign finance reform," Malloy said. "When the opportunity presented itself, not in the abstract, not in the future, you failed."

DeStefano shot back: "I appreciate Dan’s dramatics, but voters deserve better than this. You are better than this on most occasions. Rise to the occasion."

The candidates were asked their positions on eminent domain for private development in a city that has become synonymous with property takings. New London used eminent domain to take private property for homeowners for private commercial development, touching off a national furor over eminent domain.

Malloy said local governments should wield eminent domain carefully and compensate homeowners based on the value the property would have as private development, not as a house.

DeStefano said eminent domain should be confined to the 25 cities and towns considered designated as distressed municipalities, and advocated giving the power solely to elected legislative bodies.

Each candidate touted their records in their respective cities, in cutting crime, building affordable housing and providing quality pre-K education.

Before the debate, hundreds of supporters chanting and holding big blue "Malloy" or "DeStefano" signs rallied outside the theater in a flashback to the Democratic Party convention in May, when Malloy won the endorsement by the narrowest of margins.

Polls give DeStefano a slight edge over Malloy, though neither fares well against Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell, who rose to governor after her predecessor John G. Rowland resigned in disgrace. Rell beats either Democrat 2-to-1 in the polls.

 

Democratic candidates assail lack of housing
New Haven REGISTER
Gregory B. Hladky, Capitol Bureau Chief
07/09/2006

Editor’s note: This is another in an occasional series of stories examining the Democratic gubernatorial candidates’ stands on the issues leading up to the Aug. 8 primary.

HARTFORD — Connecticut’s Democratic gubernatorial candidates agree that shortages of affordable housing are boosting crime rates, forcing population declines and cheating minorities out of the opportunities of home ownership.   But the candidates, Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy and New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr., have some very different ideas about the best way to solve Connecticut’s spreading housing crisis.

Recent studies have found that Connecticut housing costs have boomed by 63.6 percent in the past five years, while wages have risen by only 18.5 percent. Another report warned that workers forced to leave Connecticut because they can’t find housing could cost the state as much as $133 million a year in tax revenues.

"The lack of affordable housing affects everyone in Connecticut," Malloy said.

DeStefano said affordable-housing shortages are having a ripple effect across the state, with the Naugatuck Valley being forced into the role of housing provider to Fairfield County workers who can’t afford to live in Fairfield County.

Malloy said that many of the initiatives he’s been a part of as mayor of Stamford, including requiring all new developments to include some affordable-housing units, can serve as models for the rest of the state.

Connecticut must vastly increase its investment in housing and provide incentives for communities to build housing that will offer real home-ownership opportunities to African-Americans and Hispanics, Malloy said.

DeStefano said his long experience as mayor of New Haven has convinced him that urban housing models aren’t likely to be accepted by or meet the needs of suburban and small-town Connecticut. He wants to see regional planning that unites concerns about housing, transportation and economic development before allocating state money.

And if a municipality objects to providing affordable housing as part of a regional scheme, DeStefano said the state should be ready to use state aid or withhold it as a carrot to encourage cooperation.

Rich Harris, campaign spokesman for Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell, disputed claims by the two Democrats that the state hasn’t made affordable housing a priority. "Just since July 1, 2004, (when Rell became governor), the state has invested $65 million in affordable housing," Harris said.

According to Harris, those state dollars "have leveraged $145 million" in federal and private money for affordable-housing projects in Connecticut and Rell has had a special task force working on the issue since April 2005.

"Since she took office, more than 4,000 new units of affordable housing have already been built or are in the pipeline," Harris said.

DeStefano and Malloy are headed for a Democratic gubernatorial primary showdown on Aug. 8. Housing issues could provide Democratic voters one way to differentiate between the two candidates.

Malloy’s and DeStefano’s complaints about the inadequacy of Connecticut’s past efforts to build affordable housing echoed many of those being made by the Connecticut Housing Coalition.

Members of the coalition warn that skyrocketing housing costs are having a damaging impact on this state’s economy and quality of life.

Studies found that 257,000 Connecticut families are earning less than 80 percent of the state’s median income and are paying 30 percent or more of that income for housing.

Malloy said a major part of the state’s failure to find a way to provide more affordable housing is a general lack of understanding of the problem by the public.

"There is still this huge, huge disconnect in the minds of most of our fellow Connecticut citizens when it comes to the issue of affordable housing," said Malloy. "It’s as if the only thing they can think about is a failed housing project built in the 1950s or 1960s."

Malloy said the success Stamford has had in building or planning for more than 5,700 new housing units in recent years began with a public education campaign.

According to Malloy, the state’s annual investment in affordable-housing construction has declined from $125 million in the late 1980s to "only a pittance" of $5 million to $6 million a year today.

Malloy argued the state must dramatically increase spending on housing programs to alleviate low- and moderate-income housing shortages or face serious consequences in population losses, increasing urban crime and sluggish economic growth.

"There is no wiser investment than good, safe, decent housing," said Malloy.

Malloy cited Stamford’s requirement that all new developers include a certain percentage of affordable housing in their projects as one model that can work across Connecticut. He said other communities could also copy another Stamford rule banning the tearing down of affordable-housing units unless an equal number of new affordable units are built.

Malloy said the state must refocus the Department of Economic and Community Development to emphasize housing. "When you take housing out of (the title of) an agency that’s supposed to build housing, you’re sending a powerful message," said Malloy.

Malloy said he is convinced that Connecticut communities across this small state have much more in common on the issue of affordable housing than they have differences. "We are more alike simply because we live in this little corner of the world," said Malloy.

DeStefano sharply disagreed. He told members of the housing coalition that small towns and suburban municipalities face "a very different kind of challenge … than mature urban communities."

"The solutions of New Haven are not particularly relevant outside of New Haven," DeStefano said. He said 80 percent of New Haven’s housing units are rented, three-quarters of the city’s housing stock is more than 70 years old and densely packed into a small area with access to mass transit.

"Frankly, it’s not the issues or challenges I see when I go to Fairfield County," said DeStefano. He added that eastern Connecticut has a different set of issues because the casinos have created 25,000 new jobs without providing any new housing for those workers.

"There is not one solution that fits the state of Connecticut," said DeStefano. What needs to happen is to have regional councils of government develop real plans that address housing, transportation and economic development at the same time.

DeStefano said it’s impossible to deal with any one of those issues without affecting the others.

He also argued that Connecticut’s heavy dependence on local property taxes to finance education "is driving land use" and housing development. As one example, he said many towns now prefer to build senior citizen affordable housing because they don’t want the additional school children that family housing would bring to already overburdened school systems.

DeStefano disagreed with Malloy that so-called "inclusive zoning," requiring municipalities to force the inclusion of affordable housing in all new development projects, is a solution.

According to DeStefano, the state shouldn’t be allocating any money for local housing or other types of projects unless those developments fit into an overall regional plan.

DeStefano said he would like to see state financing for local projects tied to a community’s willingness to take part in regional planning efforts.

"I think there are carrots the state hands out all the time that ought to be tied to reform," he said.


Rivals question cost of Malloy policing plan
By Keith Phaneuf, Journal Inquirer
06/28/2006

HARTFORD -- Democratic gubernatorial contender Dannel P. Malloy unveiled a crime reduction plan Monday that would place 1,000 new police officers on the streets
over the next four years.

Malloy, who announced his plan in the capital's violence-plagued north end, also would bolster municipal gun-control efforts, invest in youth development programs, and raise the age for young offenders to be referred to juvenile courts.

The Stamford mayor's plan, which would invest more than $90 million over four years, came under fire from gubernatorial rivals, whose campaigns charged it would
cost far more -- and ultimately would shift those costs onto cities and towns.

"It is time Connecticut's leadership recognized that an increase in crime and illegal gun activity can be slowed and eventually stopped, but only with strong, progressive leadership -- leadership that takes into account community involvement and acts as a true partner," Malloy said.

"Fighting crime is critical to building successful, economically strong, and culturally vibrant communities," he added. "It's one of the keys to building a better Connecticut."

Malloy, who announced his plan Monday at Bethel AME Zion Mission, would invest:

-- $35 million over four years to increase state trooper staffing from the minimum required by law of 1,248 to 1,600 and to expand municipal community policing programs.

-- $10 million over four years in competitive grants to help towns crack down on illegal gun activity.

-- $30 million over four years in youth service bureaus, mentoring programs, after-school and weekend youth activities, teen job pilots, and other youth development initiatives.

-- $17.5 million over two years in a "justice reinvestment initiative" to expand support services for parolees and thereby reduce recidivism and the number of non-violent offenders in prisons.

Malloy has said he believes he can find room in the state budget for new initiatives through better prioritization and efficiency. He added he believes his plan would save millions of dollars annually, including $12.5 million per year in reduced prison costs.

"All plans in the world won't make a difference if you can't pay for them," Rich Harris, spokesman for Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell's campaign, said today.

"The governor, on the other hand, has made sure that money was included in this year's budget to fight violent crime and to reduce violence, especially among juveniles in our urban areas," he said. "That's the difference between rhetoric and reality."

New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. will face Malloy in an Aug. 8 Democratic gubernatorial primary.

DeStefano's spokesman, Derek Slap, said today that Malloy's plan likely would cost tens of millions more per year than Malloy estimates, considering that new police officers will require vehicles and other equipment.

"He provides no funding for this," Slap said. "We would assume he would raise property taxes in communities to pay for it. It looks like this is an unfunded mandate."

Malloy campaign spokesman Roy Occhiogrosso responded that "Dan Malloy is the only candidate in this race who's put together a comprehensive public safety proposal that is innovative, that is progressive, and that will help make Connecticut what Stamford has become under his leadership: a safer place in which to live."

"The plan is paid for and it will be paid for once he's elected governor," Occhiogrosso added.


Dem candidates trade accusations

By PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
June 23, 2006

NORWALK — Campaigns for the two Democratic primary candidates for governor each accused the other of dirty tricks Thursday, in a dispute over a labor endorsement.

New Haven Mayor John DeStefano's campaign said Stamford Mayor Dannel Malloy fabricated an endorsement from a government employees' union, while the Malloy camp said DeStefano supporters used thug tactics to pressure the union into withdrawing its endorsement.

The Malloy campaign issued a press release Friday afternoon, announcing it had received the endorsement of the Association of Federal, State, County and Municipal Employees Local 1303-393, representing workers at New Haven's Water Pollution Control Authority.  Council 4, the group representing 35,000 AFSCME workers in Connecticut, including Local 1303-393, last month endorsed DeStefano.

Less than four hours after Malloy's release, the DeStefano campaign issued its own statement, calling the endorsement a fabrication.  Both releases included quotes from local 1303-393 President Arthur Sandella. In Malloy's release, Sandella called the Stamford mayor "the strongest Democratic candidate," and said "we're proud to endorse him."

In DeStefano's subsequent release, Sandella said those quotes were invented by the Malloy campaign.

"I never said that," the DeStefano campaign quotes Sandella as saying. "There was no vote among members or the executive board. There was no endorsement."

A Malloy spokesman said Sandella's quotes supporting their candidate were drafted in direct consultation between the union head and campaign officials.  Sandella did not return calls requesting comment.  DeStefano's campaign called the situation "laughable."

"It's just kind of incredible," said Derek Slap, a DeStefano campaign spokesman. "If you're going to put something like this out, you need to make sure that it's true."  
Malloy's camp responded, alleging DeStefano supporters pressured the local into revoking its endorsement.

"Any thinking person can see what happened here — It was a startling reversal after things went public," said Chris Cooney, a Malloy campaign spokesman. "(The local) clearly came under immeasurable pressure from the John DeStefano campaign ... We saw that kind of thuggery leading up to and at the (state Democratic) convention, and frankly we all know how that turned out for Mayor DeStefano."

At the convention, Malloy won the party's official endorsement by a four-vote margin, after last minute politicking by the campaigns and vote switching by delegates.  Cooney said Malloy was to be endorsed by the union at an event this afternoon, but a scheduling conflict forced its cancellation.  He said all quotes in the campaign's release were cleared with union leaders, adding he does not blame them for the "attack on their own freedom of choice at the hands of Mayor DeStefano."

"I just think it's sad that the Malloy campaign is calling (Sandella) a liar," Slap responded.  Malloy and DeStefano will face off in an Aug. 8 primary, with the winner challenging Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell in November.  Council 4 spokesman Larry Dorman said he has not heard of any AFSCME locals supporting Malloy.

"Individual locals can always feel free to make their own choices, but our union is in support of Mayor DeStefano," said Dorman. "I think this is something that's going to have to be played out between the two campaigns."


Convention special:
Stamford mayor gets Dems nod in gov race
By PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
May 21, 2006

HARTFORD — By a four-vote margin, Stamford Mayor Dannel Malloy squeaked to victory at the Democratic nominating convention Saturday, beating New Haven Mayor John DeStefano to win the party's endorsement for governor.

Only after several challenges and a handful of delegates switched their votes was the total finalized.

Malloy's victory at the Connecticut Expo Center does not cement his place on the November ballot, as DeStefano has vowed to mount a primary challenge...

And from the Greenwich TIME:

Malloy takes Dem nod, but primary looms

By Tobin A. Coleman
TIME Staff Writer
Published May 21 2006

HARTFORD -- In a pitched, seesaw battle, Stamford Democratic Mayor Dannel Malloy pulled off a political upset yesterday, winning his party's nomination for governor by four votes.

Malloy beat New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr., 799- 795, after a convention floor contest not seen in Connecticut state politics in many years.

The two are headed for an Aug. 8 primary for all registered Democrats to decide who will face Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell Nov. 7.

Malloy, 50, hoarse after climbing atop chairs on the convention floor and urging supporters at the top of his lungs with, "Let's take it! Come on!" accepted the nomination at about 5 p.m.

"I want to congratulate and thank my noble opponent in this convention, John DeStefano, who fought a good fight," Malloy said to energetic cheers surrounded by his wife Cathy, his family, closest supporters and campaign aides. "And, I want you and I want him to know that I am prepared to work with every single Democrat in this state to make sure Connecticut gets the job done. . . . You know, Republicans will say, 'Boy, those Democrats are awful messy.' And on the day after Election Day in November, we'll say, 'Boy, those Republicans shouldn't have counted us out.' "

In an interview, Malloy said he would "protect this nomination" in a primary against the New Haven mayor.

Malloy said he will work to bring 100,000 new jobs to the state, fix transportation problems, make sure education is affordable and change the way the state pays for education.

Malloy was nominated by former Westport First Selectwoman Diane Farrell, who is running to unseat U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Conn. Among those seconding the nomination were former super welterweight boxing champion Travis Simms of Norwalk.

"I refer to him as 'Danny Boy Malloy,' " Simms said.

DeStefano, 51, his wife Kathy at his side, was upbeat in defeat, promising a vigorous primary -- a contest both men had promised no matter what yesterday's result.

"Tomorrow, the real campaign begins," DeStefano said after the nomination. "The campaign to go to the Democrats in the state of Connecticut and talk about the things that are important to them."

DeStefano, the mayor of New Haven for the past 12 years, for the first time publicly, named West Hartford Mayor Scott Slifka, 32, as his running mate.

"This is about this November, bringing back this state from a Republican governor and bringing it back to the Democratic Party and this is the team that's going to do it," Slifka said.

On the eve of the nomination, DeStefano claimed he would win the nomination with 900 votes. But that is not how it played out.

Malloy viewed his victory as a political comeback, particularly since his campaign was stymied for more than eight months while the chief state's attorney conducted an investigation into whether he had given preferential treatment for city work to contractors who had worked on his Shippan home. Chief State's Attorney Christopher Morano later publicly cleared Malloy.

The floor fight took two hours, during which both men went to the floor and fought for votes.

The initial convention tally went to DeStefano by three votes. The rules then allow towns one chance to make changes and several towns did, notably Greenwich, which switched two votes after some pressure by Farrell.

After the vote switches, some town delegate counts were challenged, some on the basis that delegates whose votes were counted were not physically present, which is against the rules, and some based on claims that votes were not properly recorded.

Vote counts changed as party leaders met and handled each challenge.

Malloy drew his strength from Connecticut's big cities and towns throughout Fairfield County.

"I've been (here) 24 years and I've never had more fun at a state convention," said House Speaker James Amann, D-Milford, a Malloy supporter. After the initial vote, Amann was instrumental in keeping the DeStefano camp from siphoning off a vote from the Milford delegation, helping the Stamford mayor maintain his slim margin.

The convention also nominated Malloy's choice for lieutenant governor, former Simsbury First Selectwoman Mary Glassman, 47.

DeStefano confident as he seeks nomination at convention
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Tobin A. Coleman
Published May 14 2006


HARTFORD -- Sometime Saturday, New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. and his Democratic rival, Stamford Mayor Dannel Malloy, will give their speeches at the Democratic state convention and 1,607 delegates will vote on who to nominate for governor.

It is only the first step in the process for the nomination. Both men have said they intend to run a primary campaign regardless of the outcome.

If so, a primary will be on Aug. 8.

Leading up to the convention at the Connecticut Expo Center, the candidates' efforts have been the unremarkable, retail-level politics that usually characterize campaigns in a state as small as Connecticut.

DeStefano, who turned 51 on Thursday, said in an interview last week that the meetings with local Democratic town committees, phone calls to potential supporters and donors, endorsements and rallies, have led him to the conclusion that he has enough delegates to win the nomination Saturday and ultimately prevail in a primary.

He also says that, win or lose this week, the effort has been worthwhile.

"It's fun. It's draining, but it's fun," DeStefano said. "Most people are pretty good. Really good. Positive."

He called the months of campaigning necessary for Democrats facing an incumbent governor as popular as Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell, who has a 77 percent approval rating, according to a Quinnipiac University poll released May 2.

The exposure the two men have received because of their campaign against one another has been positive, he said.

"I think it's been good in terms of engaging Democratic elites in all these towns, because we never would have been out there in January, February, March, April, talking to Democratic Party people ," DeStefano said.

Between now and Saturday DeStefano will spend much of his time speaking to delegates.

"You meet with delegates in their town committees, you meet with delegates in regional meetings, you know you're mostly concentrating on folks who haven't made a decision yet," DeStefano said. "You just talk to them every night, every day."

DeStefano won't say how many delegates he has, but believes it is at least the 804 he needs to win the convention.

"We feel we'll win the convention," DeStefano said. "If you ask Dan, I think he'd say he'll win the convention. I know where I am and I feel intellectually honest saying it."

To date, the campaign has been relatively friendly focusing mostly on differences between themselves and Rell, though there have been a few spats.

During a debate before the Latino and Puerto Rican Affairs Commission at the state Capitol, the two camps argued about how many Latinos Malloy had hired in his administration. Malloy's camp said DeStefano was intentionally repeating erroneous numbers DeStefano's camp said the numbers were accurate.

The two candidates have different approaches on some of the major issues, but their goals are often close or indistinguishable. For example, Malloy released a plan to provide health care for all children in the state, while DeStefano unveiled a plan for universal health-care coverage.

DeStefano has put a lot of effort into connecting with labor unions. He often cites his union endorsements and points out the power of having union members, skilled at organizing, as a major component of his field operation. Last week his campaign held a training session for about 300 union members to teach them how to be effective knocking on doors and organizing for the primary race.

The campaign also requires cash and DeStefano has spent a lot of time fundraising.

"We're budgeting to spend every dime (by) August 8 and we've had some discussions what we'll do August 9 about fundraising," DeStefano said. "Right now I'm just focused on raising money between now and August 8. I think we have a good network now, and that's one advantage of having started two years ago."

DeStefano had raised a total of $3.3 million at the end of March, compared with $2.8 million for Malloy and $1.8 million for Rell, who started raising money last fall -- more than a year after the Democrats.

Both men vowed there will be a primary, though that's the same promise Democrats Bill Curry and George Jepsen made four years ago when, in a move to unite the party, Jepsen gave up his race for governor and joined Curry to run for lieutenant governor.

They lost to former governor John Rowland and Rell, his lieutenant governor, 56 percent to 44 percent.

"I don't know of anyone who thinks that's going to happen" this time around, DeStefano said of him and Malloy joining forces. "I haven't had a discussion with anybody about it. I don't see it happening. "




Governor Rell (R) with Mike Fedele, Lt. Governor candidate; Mayor DeStefano(D) and running-mate Mary Glassman (was Dan Malloy's Lt. Governor choice)



No surprises, no challenges for GOP bids
Greenwich TIME
By Brian Lockhart
Published May 21 2006

NEW BRITAIN -- There's no shortage of potential slogans for Gov. M. Jodi Rell's gubernatorial campaign.

A few seen on the floor of the party's convention at Central Connecticut State University, read "Give 'Em Rell," "Rell Rocks" and "Rell is Swell."

Or perhaps, Rell coined her own in accepting her party's nomination, as she acknow-ledged potential criticism from her Democratic opponent.

"To those who seek to tear down our state to build themselves up I say 'Open your eyes and close your mouths,' " Rell said to rousing applause.

It has been nearly two years since Rell, then a lieutenant governor, was thrust into her current position by Gov. John Rowland's resignation during impeachment proceedings. She enjoys a 77 percent approval rating and the full support of a state GOP appreciative for helping restore its image.

Greenwich Sen. William Nickerson summarized the mood at yesterday's convention as "a love fest of admiration for a governor who's going to win."

Rell's nomination was preceded by uncontested votes for Bob Farr for Attorney General, Cathy Cook for Comptroller, Richard Abate for Secretary of the State and Michael Fedele for Lieutenant Governor.

"I am honored -- deeply honored -- to be here," said Fedele, a former state representative from Stamford. He was nominated yesterday by Rep. Lawrence Cafero, R-Norwalk.

Rell's speech yesterday did not remind the room of Rowland's troubles. That was left to a video, shown just prior to her entrance, of her July 1, 2004 swearing-in.

"This is a time unlike any other in our state's history. . . . Let us not squander our opportunity," said the woman on the monitor screens. "My pledge as your governor is simple. I'll work tirelessly with honor, dignity and civility."

Rell made the case yesterday that she kept her word and deserves a full four-year term. She cited accomplishments such as committing $3.6 billion to transportation; establishing an ethics office; changing how the state awards contracts and reforming campaign finance regulations; fully funding teachers' pension funds; expanding health care; and growing the state's rainy day fund.

"They talked about it for 20 years," Rell said of the legislature's Democratic majority. "We did it in 20 months."

If she wins in November, Rell said she will turn her attention to controlling energy and gas costs, revamping the state's method of education funding and trying to revive her recently failed effort to abolish the car tax.

"As a governor, I knew I was in a unique position to shape his world of wonderment and possibilities," said Rell, recalling the first time she held her grandson, Tyler. "Those of us in public service must continually look into the eyes of our children to see their future and grasp the present."

The governor showed a sense of humor in her decision to have Juliet Ben-Ami, a 17-year-old who sideswiped Rell's car in February, make the initial nomination.

"Governor Rell and I met under the most unusual circumstances," said Ben-Ami to a round of laughs, adding the way the governor treated her is how she runs Connecticut.

"She helps us feel at ease, looks towards a bright future and creates it. I was lucky to run into her and so was the great state of Connecticut."


A Good Veto Of A Flawed Bill;  Democrats imply Gov. Rell is a hypocrite because she's vetoed the clean-contracting bill three times. She may be stubborn, but she's no hypocrite.
By Day Staff Writer - editorial
Published on 3/18/2006

For the third time, a bill that sets ethical and financial standards in state contracting and privatized state services passed the General Assembly, and for the third time, Gov. Rell has vetoed the bill, to the outrage of Democrats who have accused her of hypocrisy.

But there's no hypocrisy here. The concepts involved are really very simple. Gov. Rell wants the state to contract for services in a way that is ethical and saves taxpayers money. This bill would not have saved taxpayers money. So she was right to veto it.  Having said that, it is hard to imagine a clean-contracting bill that both Gov. M. Jodi Rell and the Democratic leaders in the state House of Representatives and Senate could agree upon.

Senate President Don Williams believes that every time he and other legislative leaders tried to satisfy the governor's office, the governor changed the rules of the game. “We may have hit the ideological wall” with a third veto, Sen. Williams said.

Previous bills the governor vetoed would have forced nonprofit organizations to pay wages, pension and health insurance similar to those of state workers. Previous proposals also engendered considerable opposition from nonprofit agencies, which feared paying higher salaries.  So this year, the legislature wrote a contracting bill which would have exempted nonprofit institutions from its provisions on wages and benefits. But standards remained the same for others.

The current bill would have forced private contractors who bid on state services to pay wages equal to average private-sector salaries or the lowest pay grade of state workers who perform similar functions. That's reasonable.  But Democrats kept language that would also have forced contractors to pay pension and health benefits similar to those enjoyed by state workers. That's the provision the governor objected to.

That's also the provision the opponents of the bill point to when they say that Democrats want to protect state workers at all costs. 
Both sides, instead, should agree on language that would require contractors to pay the average of the pension and health benefits found in the private sector. That change would be reasonable.  Private-sector workers envy state workers' benefits. A typical state health insurance plan has no deductibles for family coverage and has a mere $3 or $6 co-pay for even the most expensive prescriptions. Pension benefits are also far greater than those granted by most private employers.

Forcing private contractors to pay such benefits would drive up the cost of privatization for the state — which is one reason that the state AFL-CIO characterizes this bill on its web site as an “anti-privatization bill.”

Both sides disagree on how much benefits and pensions add to state workers' salaries. The governor's office says they add 47 percent. The state AFL-CIO says the cost of state pensions and benefits adds about 23 percent. That's a huge difference.

John Olsen, head of the state AFL-CIO said, “You have to have some standards. We don't think that government should be undermining wages, those of state workers or municipal workers or anyone else.”

Indeed, standards are critical. But whose standards? In a state where most state workers make more in wages and benefits than do most people doing equivalent jobs in the private sector, who is supporting whom?  Are taxpayers supporting state government to get the most efficient and cost-effective services for their money? Or are our tax dollars earmarked merely to support an envied class of workers whose benefits and wages are higher than those who pay their salaries?

Gov. Rell might be stubborn on this issue, but she's no hypocrite.


What Kind Of Candidate Will Rell Make?
Michele Jacklin, Hartford Courant
October 16, 2005


And they're off.

That is, with the exception of Attorney General Richard Blumenthal, who, for the umpteenth time, never made it to the gubernatorial starting gate.

But then, we knew he wouldn't. We've been aware of Blumenthal's disinterest in the governor's office since 1993, when he first demurred. To my chagrin, I allowed myself to be snookered in late 2002, when he told me that he would soon begin raising money for an '06 gubernatorial campaign. I foolishly put it in the paper, not once but twice. I should have followed my instincts.

When Blumenthal didn't file the necessary papers and kept coming up with lame excuses ("To run against John Rowland would compromise my investigation of his office"), it became readily apparent that the yin had prevailed over the yang. The fire in Blumenthal's belly didn't burn brightly enough, and despite persistent Democratic entreaties that he enter the race, he couldn't bring himself to jump in.

Blumenthal told reporters last week that he reached his decision Tuesday during his 4:30 a.m. jog. That's nonsense. He may have decided Tuesday morning to go public with his decision before Gov. M. Jodi Rell's announcement Friday so as not to seem as though she had frightened him off. Better for the sake of one's ego to leave of your own volition than to be pushed off the ledge by a woman who, until a year ago, was thought to be a political lightweight.

Credit Blumenthal for following his heart and for abiding by his family members' wishes that he not sacrifice their lifestyle for his political ambition. Ensconced in distant Greenwich, they value their privacy and have no desire to move to Hartford or live in a fishbowl.

But Blumenthal also merits criticism for dallying with state Democrats. For the better part of three years, he led them on. He insisted it was just a matter of time before he got in the race and asked for their patience and forbearance. Democrats deserved better; they deserved the truth. By the time it came Tuesday afternoon, it was greeted with a collective yawn.

Contrast Democrats' apathy with Republicans' palpable relief that Rell finally stopped dithering and formally became a candidate. Without Rell at the top of the ticket, Republicans would have been forced to run Rep. Jamoke from East Overshoe and would have faced the likely prospect of losing an office they've held since 1995.

Now Rell starts out from a position of strength against the two, and probably the only, Democratic contenders - longtime Mayors John DeStefano Jr. of New Haven and Dannel P. Malloy of Stamford.

With Rell's job approval ratings in the stratosphere, there will be a great temptation to hand her the election without having to go through the rigors of a campaign. That temptation should be resisted. Thirteen months is a political eternity and Rell has never been battle tested. Running for a House seat in Brookfield, where everyone knows his neighbors, is a far cry from waging a statewide race for governor. History is littered with the names of politicians who have been superb public officials and awful campaigners, and vice versa.

Indeed, it will be interesting to see whether voters' perceptions of Rell change markedly as she transitions from chief executive to candidate. It could be legitimately argued that her popularity is due in no small measure to the image she's cultivated of a woman who is above the fray, who's not overtly partisan, and who is committed to honest, ethical government.

But it's hard to mount a campaign for political office without being partisan; it's hard to raise millions of dollars without accepting money from special interests, whether they're lobbyists at the Capitol or corporate muckety-mucks in the ranks of the Republican Party.

Rell talks a good game, as she has on campaign finance reform, and as she did in Friday's kickoff speech.

As such, she'll be given a lot of leeway, especially by the easily romanced news media. Recall, if you will, how gently Rowland was treated by the media in 2002, the last time he ran for election, and how dismissive reporters and editorial writers were of Democrat Bill Curry. That was before the curtain was drawn and Rowland was shown to be corrupt. He left state government in a shambles.

Let the 2006 race for governor begin. But let Rell be held to the same high standards as DeStefano and Malloy. It's only fair.



DeStefano Opens TV Campaign; 
Candidate For Governor In 2006 Will Air 30-Second Spots
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
October 18, 2005
 
With the election 13 months away, Democrat John DeStefano Jr. intends today to air the first television commercial of the 2006 campaign for governor.

But viewers will have to watch carefully to catch the 30-second spot: The ad introducing the New Haven mayor will be on the air today and Wednesday only.  DeStefano, who is competing with Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination, said the early commercial is a signal to Democrats.

"Clearly this is a message, and not just to the general public, that our candidacy is going to be aggressive and is not going to pull any punches," DeStefano said.  The commercial ignores Malloy and instead offers implicit criticism of Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell for Connecticut ranking last in job creation in one recent study.

"Fifty states, but Connecticut is last in job growth," intones a narrator over pictures of tense workers and jammed roads. "Property taxes skyrocketing. Endless traffic jams. We can do better."

Then the spot abruptly shifts to introduce DeStefano.

"John DeStefano. The son of a police officer, devoted husband and father. As New Haven mayor, new jobs created, crime cut over 40 percent, drop-out rate cut over 40 percent."

The spot was done by DeStefano's media consultants, Squier Knapp Dunn Communications of Washington, D.C. The firm represented President Clinton in his 1996 re-election campaign. One of its biggest current clients is a Republican: New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg.

"Unfortunately, John DeStefano is doing exactly what Gov. Rell thought he would do - tear down the state just to build himself up," said Adam Jeamel, the spokesman for the Rell campaign.  Malloy's campaign questioned investing in television commercials so far in advance of the Democratic primary in August and the general election in November 2006.

"It's so odd, frankly, we were wondering if our recent momentum" was the cause, said Chris Cooney, Malloy's campaign manager.   Malloy raised more money than DeStefano in the three-month period ending Sept. 30, but DeStefano has the overall financial advantage, with $1.86 million cash on hand to Malloy's $1.1 million.

Cooney said Malloy was the biggest beneficiary of Attorney General Richard Blumenthal's recent announcement that he was not running for governor. Blumenthal once represented Stamford in the legislature.  Neither Malloy nor Rell are planning to join DeStefano on television anytime soon, their campaigns said.

In 1994, Democrat John B. Larson and Lt. Gov. Eunice Groark of A Connecticut Party spent heavily on early commercials with little effect against their better-known opponent, Republican John G. Rowland. Larson lost a Democratic primary to Bill Curry, who focused on field organization and spent little on television before the primary.

DeStefano said he is not neglecting field organization.  His political director, Shonu Ghandi, declined to say how much the campaign is spending to air the spots, primarily on local newscasts in Hartford, New Haven and Fairfield County.

"It is a modest buy," she said. "It's the first of a series of lower-level broadcast buys we're going to do to start having a conversation with Connecticut families."




Court serves up ruling on diner 
By Doug Dalena, ADVOCATE Staff Writer
Published December 16 2005

STAMFORD -- 

A state Superior Court judge has dismissed most of a lawsuit that sought to block the Urban Redevelopment Commission's plans to build around a downtown diner that the city tried but failed to seize by eminent domain, then cut off from its parking lot by erecting a fence.  Although the judge ruled that the owners of Curley's Diner can still try to persuade a court to order the fence removed, his dismissal of the other five counts by the restaurant's owners means the Park Square West development can go ahead, the URC's top official said.

"The practical effect is that we can do what we thought we could do, and that is build around the property," URC counsel and acting Executive Director Rachel Goldberg said.  Maria Aposporos, who has owned the diner on West Park Place with her sister, Eleni Begetis, since 1977, said she has not decided whether to appeal.

"The lawyer, I gave him $55,000, he wants another $40,000," Aposporos said. "Instead of the URC, I think maybe the lawyer's going to end up with my diner."  Her attorney, John Wayne Fox, said the case has been expensive partly because the city has made it so difficult. He said Aposporos may still get her day in court, but will have less opportunity to tell what he called a compelling story.

The two sisters sued the commission earlier this year after construction crews put up fences around the property blocking access to the parking lot behind the diner. The women sought to block the part of the project that interfered with access to the parking lot and sides of the building, get compensation for losing use of the lot and force the URC to tear down the fence.

They also argued that the diner had access rights through the adjacent property under several legal theories.

Aposporos maintains that the URC promised her a right-of-way when they condemned the surrounding property. The URC said she gave up any access rights when she accepted a previous settlement ordered by another judge in 1988.  Judge William Lewis ruled that the one count seeking to have the fence removed can proceed, but dismissed the remaining five charges, saying the plaintiffs had no legal standing to sue the URC on those counts.

The URC did not challenge the owners' right to sue on the remaining count, which charges that it put up the fence intentionally to "annoy and injure" the two sisters.

The city needs the fence to protect the public, including the diner and its customers, from construction dangers, Goldberg said. Before construction starts on the development phase closest to the diner, the site will be covered with building material, she said. That phase will likely start sometime in 2009.  Aposporos has said the city put up the fence to retaliate against her for fighting its "take-it-or-leave-it" attitude toward property owners facing redevelopment plans, then sent health inspectors to harass her when she couldn't get past the fence to dump her garbage.

Fox said the city is using the adjacent property to park cars, which don't pose any kind of construction hazard, while the fence prevents escape from the back lot if people had to leave through the diner's back door in an emergency.

After the state Supreme Court ruled against the commission in an eminent domain case in 2002, the URC and its private developer had to redesign later phases of the project to work around the 5,700-square-foot lot where the diner sits. The plans now include more than 410 apartments, 30,000 square feet of retail space and two parking garages.

The commission had sought to seize the diner and property around it to make way for the urban redevelopment project north of West Park Place between Summer Street and Washington Boulevard.  When the owners appealed the condemnation order, the Supreme Court ruled that the city could not take the diner because the 1988 amendment to the redevelopment plan that added the diner was based on an outdated 1963 finding that the whole area was blighted.

The city owns the rest of the property and has agreements with the real estate development company Corcoran Jennison to develop it. The URC also is building a public garage connected to the development.  In his decision granting the URC's motion to dismiss five of the charges, Lewis ruled the diner owners had no standing to challenge the URC's construction on its own property and had suffered no losses as taxpayers.

The judge found they had given up any claim to a 14-foot right of way for the diner's driveway and a 20-foot right of way behind the property when they accepted a judge's 1988 award of $191,000 in return for agreeing not to appeal the ruling further.

Lewis also ruled that the diner owners could not claim the land that connected the parking lot to the road by adverse possession -- meaning they owned it because they had used it for so long -- because the law governing adverse possession does not apply to government property.  The URC would still like to buy the diner or some of the land, Goldberg said, because having it would allow a more expansive development that could include a downtown grocery store.

Goldberg said the city would offer Aposporos fair market value for all or part of the property, or offer her a 99-year restaurant lease in the new development. Aposporos said the city has never offered a fair deal.

"Last time, it was one diner with two windows in the front and one hallway," she said. "I'm not going to no one-hallway diner."

Blaming Mayor Dannel Malloy for much of her trouble, she switched parties from Democrat to Republican to run for city representative from the 4th District last month. Campaigning on an anti-eminent domain, you-can-fight-city-hall platform, she won. She said she intends to keep running the diner, but even if she didn't, she won't let the city get it.

"They all think I'm stupid in city hall," she said. "I will close the diner and I will work somewhere else to pay the mortgage, but I will never give them the diner, because they treat me so bad."



Malloy Opens Health Debate:  Candidate Cites Need For Kids' Insurance
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
January 27, 2006

Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy proposed universal health care for children Thursday as the first policy initiative of his campaign for governor.

Malloy said universal coverage could be obtained relatively inexpensively by Connecticut's spending $21.4 million annually to further subsidize its HUSKY health insurance program.  A family of three with an annual income of $50,000 would see the monthly cost of covering two children under HUSKY drop from $442 to $75, he said.

With his "Every Child Matters" proposal, Malloy is trying to engage a wide audience for the first time after more than a year devoted to raising money and cultivating potential delegates to the Democratic nominating convention.

"Much of this campaign thus far has been about politics," Malloy said. "In fact, it's been about insider politics - who can garner other people's support."

Malloy, who is competing with New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. for the Democratic nomination for governor, said the proposal he delivered Thursday at the state Capitol marks a new phase of the campaign.

The timing was intended to grab the public's attention in the two-week lull before Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell sets her priorities for 2006 with her budget proposal and a speech to the General Assembly.

Malloy has been the mayor of Stamford since 1995, but he is only now trying to introduce himself to a general statewide audience. His lower Fairfield County city falls outside the Hartford-New Haven television market that covers most of the state.

By focusing on uninsured children, Malloy chose a relatively manageable piece of a larger problem.

According to the state Office of Health Care Access, 128,200 people were continuously uninsured in Connecticut for the year prior to a 2004 survey and 318,300 had no coverage at some point during the year.

Relying on census data cited by the nonprofit group Connecticut Voices for Children, Malloy said 71,000 children are uninsured in Connecticut. Based on telephone surveys, the Office of Health Care Access recently estimated the number is far smaller: 19,300 children.

Malloy said his proposal is based on a program he instituted in Stamford in which the city worked through the schools to help eligible residents sign up for HUSKY.

Malloy said the combination of lower rates and aggressive outreach could result in health coverage for the state's uninsured children, half of whom are eligible for HUSKY but do not participate.

Universal coverage would save money in the long run by encouraging preventive care, Malloy said.

On Thursday, Malloy employed a no-nonsense tone that he promised would characterize the rest of his campaign. He set the annual cost of his proposal at $35 million, all but $21.4 million of which would be federally reimbursable, he said.

"With respect to how to pay for it, we're being very specific today," he told reporters. "You're going to get used to that."

With the budget surplus estimate at more than $500 million, Malloy said no new taxes would be required to pay for his program.

Malloy, who is a member of the centrist Democratic Leadership Council, distanced himself from a more dramatic proposal floated last year by organized labor. It would have forced large employers such as Wal-Mart to offer the equivalent of the health benefits now enjoyed by state employees.

Legislators are concerned that some employers force workers onto the HUSKY program by offering limited benefits or setting high employee contributions. Nearly two-thirds of working heads of households that subscribe to HUSKY say some health coverage was offered by their companies.

DeStefano promised a broader approach to health care.

"Universal health care for children is just the tip of the iceberg," he said. "Over the course of the campaign, we will outline our health care plan, which is prevention-based, portable and focused on making health care more affordable and more accessible for adults and children alike, alleviating the incredible pressures on employers and families."

Rich Harris, a spokesman for the Rell campaign, said more than 200,000 children in Connecticut already get free health care through HUSKY.

"The concern about adding a social benefit program like this is that it is easy to do in a time of budget surpluses, but it requires a longer term consideration to be certain that it won't create budget problems down the road," he said.


Urban Violence Drawing Attention;  Rell Meets With Mayors, Including Political Challengers

By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
February 15, 2006
 
Gov. M. Jodi Rell sat at one end of a long table. Her Democratic challengers, New Haven Mayor John DeStefano Jr. and Stamford Mayor Dannel P. Malloy, sat on opposite sides at the other end.  The topic Tuesday at Rell's closed-door meeting at the Capitol with more than a dozen mayors was how to curb urban violence. Participants said the tone was polite and the conversation direct, even with three major gubernatorial candidates seated at the table.

"We all agree this is something we have to work on together," Rell said after the meeting, as Malloy peered over her shoulder and DeStefano stood to the side. "It is not about politics. It is about doing something to protect our children."  The Republican governor said she was open to revising her proposed budget to respond to mayoral concerns, including a complaint by DeStefano that her budget would provide $750,000 in new anti-crime funds, yet end an effective $850,000 youth program.

"I think he brings up a good point," Rell said. "Maybe we will go back and take a look."  The Democrats said the meeting was an appreciated gesture, but Rell's budget will be a better measure of her commitment to fighting urban crime, especially involving the young.

"I appreciate the meeting, but the direction and vision of the state gets shaped in the budget, and it wasn't there," DeStefano said.

Hartford Mayor Eddie A. Perez handed Rell a petition from civic leaders in Hartford who are asking Rell for more resources to fight a recent spate of shootings. Rev. Cornell Lewis and other activists marched to the Capitol to present the petitions.  Before the meeting, Malloy and DeStefano each released similarly named anti-crime plans directed at keeping young people from trouble.

With his "Connecticut Youth Action Plan," DeStefano would use expanded youth employment and counseling to attack teen violence.

Malloy issued a "Connecticut Youth Development Initiative" that focused on mentoring, youth employment and partnerships with community organizations.

The two mayors called for the passage of legislation that would require the reporting by gun owners of lost or stolen guns, a measure that Perez asked Rell to endorse during their meeting.  Rell said she would study the measure, but sounded a skeptical note: "Most of the guns [traced to violent crimes] are not necessarily falling in the category of lost or stolen guns."

In separate interviews, DeStefano and Malloy said that Rell missed the point of the legislation, which they say is intended to strip criminals of a defense when their guns are traced to crimes.

"The reality is they currently have a defense," Malloy said. "Their defense is, `Oops, I lost it.' What we want to do is cut that line of retreat off."

"She didn't get it," DeStefano said.  Rell said the meeting Tuesday marked the beginning of a dialogue with the mayors.

"This is not an issue that is going to be solved in one meeting, on one day with one press release," Rell said. "We need to continue this dialogue."

Her dialogue eventually will include a series of gubernatorial debates with either Malloy or DeStefano, but Rell said the candidates ignored the politics for the day.  Rell insisted that talking policy with her opponents presented no awkwardness.

"I think it was fine working with them," she said. Then glancing over her shoulder, she added, "I hope."




How many in the 4th Congressional District care about these pix in 2006?
If you forget the one on the left, for sure you can't imagine what the one on the right is about!  And from the Hartford Courant editorial page:  "Unusually acrimonious races are causing many regrettable outbursts this year...Republican Rep. Chris Shays spluttered in defense of the House speaker, 'Dennis Hastert didn't kill anybody' The reference was to Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, who was in town campaigning for Mr. Shays' rival, Democrat Diane Farrell."


Que es mas Gold Coast?
ISSUES IN CONGRESSIONAL RACE

Our observation:  when all is said and done, isn't the original question en Espaniol at the heart of the matter?  Maybe the Gold Coast "ain't what it used to be" in many demographic ways - we'll find out!




Post-Election Reflections:  Staff Reports
Westport NEWS
Article Launched:12/01/2006 09:32:42 AM EST

Westport News Editor Will Rowlands asked Diane Farrell, former Westport first selectwoman and congressional candidate, the
following questions when she returned from her post-election travels.

Will Rowlands: How do you feel?

Diane Farrell: I feel fine. As I have said to folks, I feel disappointed, but not rejected.

WR: What did you do right after the election?

DF: I went to Vermont and New Hampshire to visit family. Win and I went to the Brown-Dartmouth football game that weekend with my folks. Win went to Brown, my Dad went to Dartmouth. It's always a fun rivalry! (Dartmouth won)

WR: With anti-war, anti-administration and anti-congressional sentiment as high as they were, and Democrats doing well nationwide, some people can't figure out why the results in the 4th Congressional District race were almost the same as they were in the last election. You must have asked yourself the same question?

DF: The National Republican Congressional Campaign Committee spent $2 million in opposition to my candidacy including 47 pieces of negative mail, TV negative advertisements and deceptively annoying "robo calls." Congressman Shays did not allow the NRCC to come into the district in '04, he did in '06. That was an
enormous difference. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spent money against Congressman Shays but not as much and in a different way. Their TV ad, for example, was less of an attack, it emphasized my endorsement from the New York Times.

WR: The NRCC mailers and robo-calls must have been hard to take. Can anything be done about these kinds of hatchet jobs in the future?

DF: It appears the robo calls done by the NRCC were illegal because they did not identify themselves as the sponsor at the outset. They most likely knew consequences of their actions would not be dealt with until after the election. They should be less likely to conduct them in the future as they will be on notice. One can only hope!

WR: Would you care to comment on the rumor that locals fed "ammunition" to the NRCC?

DF: The only thing I will say, as I did on election night, the people of Westport knew the truth about my record and I was honored to have received the majority of the community's vote for Congress.

WR: What was the nicest thing that happened to you during the campaign?

DF: There were so many wonderful moments on the campaign trail. As I look back, my greatest memories will be all of the sharing of hopes and dreams for America that people expressed along the way. Most folks knew and acknowledged how blessed we are to live in this country.

WR: What was the worst thing that happened to you during the campaign?


DF: There were very few "bad" incidents along the way. Occasionally, someone would be rude but it was very, very rare. Toward the end of the campaign, I would feel a certain sense of astonishment when people were unaware that an election was taking place!  (NOTE:  many people in the 4th may have thought the campaign mailers were a joke because NRCC "attack ad" series emphasized local Westport mistakes (the candidate's entire political record coming from there); we all know Congress never deals with anything, for example, as inexpensive as turf fields!!!  And "attack ads" use unflattering images...no one apparently could find an unflattering picture of the former First Selectwoman!   An example of this series of "attack ads" here.)

WR: Knowing what you know now, would you have done anything differently?

DF: I wish voters in parts of the district that had little knowledge of me had a better understanding of my actual record in Westport.

WR: What are your plans for the immediate future?

DF: Since the election, a lot of my time has been focused on catching up with my family. The holidays are a perfect excuse to indulge (too much for the waistline I fear!) and celebrate our many blessings.

WR: Have you made any decisions about your political future?

DF: I am talking to lots of folks, political and non-political, about my future and am receiving great advice. To a person they advise that I not rush the process. For someone who enjoys perpetual motion (ask any of the town's department heads!) this is not easy to do. But I am heeding their advice for the moment.

Will, I want to say again how proud I was to serve Westport on the Board of Finance and most especially as first selectwoman. I was proud that, by majority, Westport elected me as their representative to Congress. It will always mean the most to me that those who knew me best were willing to place their faith in me once again.

Happy Holidays!




How Shays Won - To His Surprise
Hartford Courant
By JASON ZENGERLE
November 12, 2006

There's no greater softball question in all of politics than the one reporters lob at candidates right before they go into their local polling places to vote for themselves: How do you feel? All politicians, even the ones destined for certain defeat, invariably respond with something upbeat, like "Great!" or "Confident!" But on Tuesday morning, as embattled U.S. Rep. Chris Shays headed into an elementary school in his Bridgeport neighborhood to pull the lever for himself, he couldn't muster anything quite that optimistic. Asked how he felt, Shays replied, "Numb."

Shays' lack of sensation was understandable. During his 19 years in the House, he had become a moderate Republican icon - bucking his party on issues including campaign finance reform, abortion and stem-cell research. But on Iraq, Shays had voted for the war and then stubbornly supported President Bush's "stay the course" strategy until only three months ago, when he came out in favor of a timetable for withdrawal. Shays' Democratic opponent, Diane Farrell, had repeatedly attacked him for his stance on Iraq and for his party affiliation more generally - constantly rapping him for his support of "the Bush agenda."
 
And in this affluent, educated southern Connecticut congressional district - whose voters are 28 percent Republican, 31 percent Democratic and 41 percent independent (and which John Kerry carried in 2004) - it looked as if those attacks would pay off. Many Democrats and independents who had once supported Shays were poised to jump ship.

"If I voted for Chris and [House Speaker Dennis Hastert] kept his seat by one vote, I couldn't live with myself," one erstwhile Shays supporter told The Courant. Even The New York Times, which had previously endorsed Shays each time he'd faced a serious opponent, came out in favor of Farrell.

Heading into Election Day, Shays could take some solace in the fact that polls showed the race too close to call. But with a blue wave seemingly rolling across the country and particularly New England - where one moderate House Republican from Connecticut, Nancy Johnson, lost and another, Rob Simmons, now faces a recount - it looked likely that he would be swept under.

So, about 12 hours after he voted - and three hours after the polls closed - when Shays strode into a packed hotel ballroom in Norwalk to declare victory, there was no one more surprised, it seemed, than he was.

Shays' Strategy

How did Shays manage to win? Certainly not because of the GOP. At every turn in the campaign, he played down his party affiliation. Shays' campaign literature and ads were scrubbed clean of any trace of the dreaded R-word; instead, they hailed the candidate for his "independence." Even when Shays appeared at the Connecticut Republican Party's convention in May, he seemed to go out of his way to distance himself from the GOP, telling a reporter, "I can't say we have, as a party, earned the right to stay in the majority, but I think I've shown I can be effective."

And the Republican Party's attempts to help Shays only hurt him. The National Republican Congressional Committee blanketed Shays' district with fliers attacking Farrell for being soft on terrorism - "Diane Farrell: Coffee talk with the Taliban," read one mailing - and questioning the wisdom of her spending decisions when she served as a selectwoman in Westport.

"They said that Chris' opponent spent $40,000 on a turf field," complained Shays' campaign manager, Michael Sohn. "This is Fairfield County, Connecticut! People spend $40,000 to have their lawn done for them in the summer! ... The NRCC was dropping bombs on our own home."

But Shays had something to offset the disadvantage of his party affiliation: He constantly reminded voters of all the pork he had brought home over the years, boasting of the federal funds he secured for projects ranging from road improvements to the renovation of a dental-hygiene training clinic.

He also sought to cast himself as a gracious elder statesman, largely eschewing harsh personal attacks against Farrell. And, even when he indulged the temptation to wander into wing-nut territory - strangely declaring at one point that Abu Ghraib "was not torture" but was a "sex ring" - he quickly apologized, which only served to reinforce his bland, above-the-fray campaign slogan: "Listens. Learns. Helps. Leads."

Most important, Shays faced Farrell's criticisms on Iraq head-on. Although he ultimately bowed to reality in Iraq and, in August, came out in favor of a timetable for withdrawal - a move Farrell blasted as a cynical election-year ploy - he did not, a la Joe Lieberman, try to avoid the issue.

Indeed, just like Farrell, Shays made Iraq the cornerstone of his campaign. He repeatedly emphasized his record on the war, including the more than 15 hearings he has held on Iraq as the chairman of the National Security Subcommittee of the Government Reform Committee, and the 14 trips he has taken to the country since the start of the war - the last of which, he said, ultimately convinced him that "stay the course" was no longer a viable strategy.

"I ran a race that my political advisers said I shouldn't run," Shays said the morning of the election. "I didn't run away from the war."

The Speech

That attitude carried over into Shays' victory speech Tuesday night. For three hours, hundreds of his supporters had watched on a large projection screen as the election results were posted, growing more and more excited as it became clear that their candidate was actually going to win. And when Shays entered the low-ceilinged hotel ballroom at around 11 p.m., he made his way through a gantlet of hugs and kisses to the podium.

Once there, Shays made sure to give the requisite thanks to his supporters, staff and family, but he did not strike the typically triumphant notes of a victorious candidate.

"I don't know how you'll react to this, but I want to also say this," he said, after quieting his supporters who'd been joyously chanting, "Two more years!"

He then unfolded a piece of paper and read off a list of names. "I sent them to Iraq and they came home draped in American flags," Shays continued, as the once-raucous ballroom became eerily quiet.

"I think about them almost every day of my life, and when the press talked about how tormented I must feel about losing the election, they just didn't get it. ... The only torment I feel is for those families, and I pray that we can make it right for these families and that we will find a way to have our men and women come home from success, not failure, but that we find a way to bring them home."

It was a numbing sentiment indeed.

Jason Zengerle is a senior editor at The New Republic. This was reprinted from the Nov. 9 issue.


"Winning at all costs" department:
Farrell ad miscasts Shays' defectors
Norwalk HOUR
By PATRICK R. LINSEY. Hour Staff Writer
October 16, 2006

REGION — Republican Rep. Christopher Shays' re-election campaign called one of his Democratic challenger's television advertisements "misleading" Sunday, after learning several persons the spot implies were former Shays' supporters are actually long-time Democratic loyalists.

The advertisement, titled "Bold Ideas" on the YouTube.com video sharing Web site, begins with a man saying "I supported Chris Shays for years because of his independence" and later "This year, I'm voting for Diane Farrell."

The man was subsequently identified as Dennis Murphy, a member of the Democratic State Central Committee, and a documented financial supporter of a Shays opponent as far back as 1996.

The commercial is styled as a monologue spoken by a series of Farrell supporters. Together, they say that Shays has lost his independence and become one of President Bush's strongest supporters.

"We need a new direction," a woman says, standing with her husband and children. Her husband is Carl Horton, who ran for mayor in Bridgeport as a Democrat in 2003.

Horton said neither he nor his wife have ever supported Shays, though he said he is "friendly" with the congressman.   In 2004, Horton said he and his wife "heavily supported" Farrell's previous challenge of Shays, as they backed his Democratic opponent in 2002.

Last week, The Hour asked Farrell's campaign to provide the names of the persons who appeared in its commercial, but a spokeswoman declined, saying its supporters did not wish to be publicly identified. Horton said he and his wife were not contacted by the Farrell campaign about The Hour's request, and he readily responded to this newspaper's questions in an interview Sunday.

Murphy did not return calls for comment Sunday. According to the campaign finance Web site OpenSecrets.org, he contributed $250 to a Democrat challenging Shays in 1996.

Supporters in the commercial "were pretty clear in what they were saying," said Farrell campaign manager Adam Wood. "Certainly the message that (Shays has) changed is nothing that we haven't been saying for two years."

Shays and Farrell are in a neck-and-neck race in Connecticut's 4th Congressional District.

Farrell's spot was released several weeks ago, around the same time as a Shays commercial featuring "Westport Democrats" who say they are supporting the congressman. The Shays campaign provided names and contact information for several persons appearing in its commercial.

In an interview Sunday, Toni Rubin said she is a registered Democrat from Westport who has supported Shays throughout his 10 terms in Congress.

"I think Christopher Shays supports his constituents," Rubin said. "He believes in what he believes in, whether he goes against the (Republican Party) or for the party."

As for Farrell, Rubin said the former Westport first selectwoman is "a lovely person." Asked if Farrell would make a good member of Congress, Rubin demurred.

"I'm not answering that one," she laughed. "I still have to live in Westport."




4th District Debates 2006:  in order...1 through 11.  CONCLUSION:  Shays wins by 6000+ votes


CONGRESSMAN SHAYS RE-ELECTED (r.)
Highlight of debate #2 at Norwalk Community College (a debate hosted by several League of Women Voters chapters):  From Libertarian Candidate ...
"We need to make sure that every citizen in Iraq is secure? In Iraq?!" Maymin shouted. "We're in America. We're supposed to elect representatives to secure the rights of Americans."   Four candidates in Temple Israel debate wherein the image of Ted Kennedy at Chapaquidik invoked.  And on her opponent's birthday, Diane asks the audience (she didn't herself) to wish Chris all the best; anti-war attack using loaded info - or was that ammo - number eleven, underway..oops, it stalled in traffic!  The result (r.) - Shays wins.


Shays, Farrell wrap up their debates
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio
Published October 20 2006

NORWALK -- In the last of their 11 debates, U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays and Democratic challenger Diane Farrell yesterday stayed on the attack, looking to land a knockout blow in the hotly contested 4th Congressional District race.

Shays, R-Bridgeport, painted a bleak picture for the district if Farrell were elected and the Democratic Party failed to gain a majority in the House of Representatives.

"If Diane Farrell wins, she may still be in the minority, and then you'll have a member with no clout and no experience," Shays said at the Norwalk Inn & Conference Center during the debate, which was organized by the Greater Norwalk Chamber of Commerce. "You've heard her describe problems and offer a lot of criticism, but have you heard her offer any real solutions?"

The focus of Farrell's campaign has been on whether Shays' work with the Republican majority has been good for the country and whether it has made a difference when he has strayed from the party line.

"The reason there is so much interest in this race is because it has to do with two qualified opponents, and it also has to do with the leadership of this country going forward," Farrell said. "It has to do with our ability to put checks and balances back into Washington by having a two-party system, and Chris doesn't like that right now, because his party has all the power."

But Shays said neither Democrats nor Republicans deserve to be the majority party.

"I don't think the Republican Party has earned the right to maintain the majority, nor do I think the Democrats have," Shays said. "What is the vision you hear on the other side? All it is is President Bush bad. Congress bad. War in Iraq bad. Bad, bad, bad. I don't think either party has earned the right to be re-elected and be the majority. You need to evaluate the individual."

After criticizing Shays for his support of the war in Iraq and the federal deficit, Farrell renewed her vow to serve on the Transportation Committee, saying the Republican incumbent has spent more time focusing on foreign affairs than on his district.

"Transportation is critical to every person in this room," Farrell said. "Just by being a member of the (Transportation) Committee, I would be able to bring additional dollars back to this district and the state . . . I'm going to work with the Connecticut Department of Transportation. I'm going to be their best advocate in Washington and bring back the dollars that will help us to provide solutions to transportation here in our district."

Shays suggested Farrell's aspirations were better suited for state politics in Hartford than in Washington.

"If she's on the transportation committee, she will be able to decide how much money goes around to all the districts," Shays said. "But if she were a state legislator, she'd be able to decide how that money was spent. I would suggest that if she's interested in transportation, she should be a state legislator."

Without providing evidence, Shays said the worst traffic is in Westport, where Farrell once held the post of first selectwoman. Farrell disputed the claim, saying "everybody's town has the worst traffic as far as they're concerned."

The candidates came to at least one consensus, while momentarily breaking the tension. When asked to name their political heroes, Farrell said John Adams, and the founding fathers, who did not want to be "lifelong politicians."

"I don't want to be Strom Thurmond and think this job is an entitlement."

Shays, who said he admired former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill for "going against the grain," agreed with Farrell in part.

"I can understand why you wouldn't want to be Strom Thurmond," Shays said, drawing laughter from the crowd and Farrell.


IN TENTH DEBATE...two different looks at the same event.

4th District opponents bicker at bash
MARIAN GAIL BROWN mgbrown@ctpost.com

STAMFORD — In their 10th round of sparring, Democrat Diane Farrell on Wednesday briefly donned kid gloves, asking the audience to wish her Republican opponent, U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays a happy birthday.  Shays, who turned 61 Wednesday, smiled, appeared flattered and said, "I think that means something nice happens today."

Then Farrell came out swinging, chiding Shays for his continued support for the Bush administration and the Iraq war, including its cost, social toll and effect on the deficit.

Farrell also turned almost every question, every opportunity for a response — no matter what the topic, from transportation to health-care access to spending — into an indictment of the war in Iraq. Shays sought to portray himself as an independent, thoughtful moderate who studies issues and votes with his conscience...


4th District candidates say they're up for the challenge
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio
Published October 19 2006

STAMFORD -- U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays and Democratic challenger Diane Farrell battled yesterday over who is better suited to challenge the Bush administration while working across party lines in Congress.

Farrell blasted Shays, R-Bridgeport, for straying from the Republican majority only on issues where it didn't make a difference; Shays reiterated where he has challenged the president and why he has the experience to keep the Bush administration accountable the next two years.

"Chris can write letters, talk about plans and throw out buzz words" but only the president can bring troops home from Iraq, Farrell said yesterday morning during a debate at the Stamford Marriott Hotel and Spa sponsored by the Stamford Chamber of Commerce. "This is where the Congress has been woefully inadequate in exerting its right and authority under the Constitution as a co-equal branch of the government. . . . It will be my responsibility in January to hold the president to account and to bring the administration to the Congress."


Shays said the former Westport first selectwoman was trying to "play both sides of the issue."

"She says I have no power to effectuate change, and just the president decides when we can leave, and then she says she can hold the president accountable," Shays said. "Diane, it's as confusing as heck to listen to you."

When asked whether he believed his decision to invade Iraq was out of touch with his constituents, Shays defended himself, suggesting he would support the war again without evidence of weapons of mass destruction.

"I see some of my Democratic colleagues are outraged that the president got us into Iraq, but they had voted to go in, so I do want to say I would never blame the president for my vote," Shays said. "We're there, and if we made a mistake, we're still there. In my judgment, we should have gone in sooner but not for weapons of mass destruction. But we should not have fought it the way we
did."

Farrell constantly said Shays was "ineffectual" because he has not been chairman of a major legislative committee.

She also said his exit strategy from Iraq -- a timeline under which troops would leave if the Iraqi government doesn't start to make progress in functioning without support from the United States -- has been dismissed by the Bush administration.


"When my opponent says that 'president doesn't agree with me,' so what?" said Shays, who is chairman of the House Government Reform subcommittee on national security, emerging threats and international relations. "She now blames me for not agreeing with the president. I don't get her. So I'm supposed to agree with the president because he doesn't think there should be timelines?"

Despite railing on Shays for supporting the Bush administration on the war, No Child Left Behind, and the privatization of Social Security, Farrell said she would potentially stray from her party leadership if elected.

"I probably won't want to spend as much money as my Democratic colleagues," said Farrell, who is advocating for a balanced budget.

She also said she disagreed with the party leadership on a single-payer system for health-care benefits, which would pay all doctors and hospitals by one organization.

Farrell said that if Democrats don't gain the 15 seats nationwide to win control of the House, she would be able to work across party lines.

"I hope to be a member of the majority that I think has a much more important priority for the country," Farrell said. "But if I'm not a member of the majority, I have worked with Republicans and Democrats very successfully in Westport."

Farrell said she would seek a seat on the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure if elected, noting Shays' absence on the committee has kept the district struggling to improve Interstate 95 and the Merritt Parkway and replace aging rail cars.

Yesterday's event was the 10th of 11 debates for the 4th Congressional District candidates. Libertarian candidate Phil Maymin and Green Party candidate Richard Duffee were not included by the debate sponsors.

The last debate is today at Continental Manor in Norwalk, sponsored by the Greater Norwalk Chamber of Commerce.



Independent environmental lobby endorses Shays
Norwalk HOUR
By PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
October 12, 2006

NORWALK — The League of Conservation Voters, or LCV, reaffirmed its support for U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays Wednesday, rating the moderate Republican congressman at 92 percent on its 2006 legislative score card.

The LCV has previously endorsed Shays' candidacy in his neck-and-neck race against Democratic challenger Diane Farrell in Connecticut's 4th Congressional District.

Shays' environmental record has been a frequent topic in recent debates, with Farrell noting that while the congressman's votes have generally favored the environment, he supports a Republican leadership that gets much lower marks.

But LCV political director Tony Massaro said Wednesday that Shays has been able to influence his party's leadership, and last year played an important role in stripping measures to allow drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge from a spending bill.

"One of the things that we do with Representative Shays and others who are in that position, is when it does come time for there to be key votes, we put a lot of pressure on them to go put pressure on their leadership to back off," Massaro said.

Republican leadership generally receives low marks from the LCV, with House Majority Leader John Boehner getting a 0 percent score on this year's card. The score is based on the percentage of selected votes on which the lawmaker has supported what LCV calls "the pro-environment" side.

Asked about Shays' support for Republican leadership, Massaro said it is unlikely one vote will make a difference in which party controls the House of Representatives. Shays' district has been targeted by the Democratic Party, which needs to pick up 15 seats to overturn Republicans' House majority. Massaro did agree that a handful of Republican moderates could make the difference.

Farrell's campaign expressed disappointment she was not given the opportunity to explain her views to the LCV. If Connecticut's 4th was an open district, Farrell would have "merited an interview," Massaro said.

"If the incumbent's had a really good record, including leadership on key positions, then we back the incumbent," he said. "We believe that if you don't back your friends, you end up with very few friends."

Shays' lifetime LCV score is a 91 percent, and the congressman said he hopes to continue his environmental record in Congress.

"I believe that protecting the environment is one of the most important jobs I have as a member of Congress and my voting record reflects that," Shays explained. "We will not have a world to live in if we continue our neglectful ways."


Congressional candidates spar over Iraq war exit strategies in three-way meeting
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio, Staff Writer
Published October 5 2006

STAMFORD -- The Iraq war dominated the first debate for the 4th Congressional District yesterday, as the candidates sparred over timetables, benchmarks and exit strategies in a race that has been declared by many analysts as "too close to call."

Diane Farrell, the Democratic candidate, continued to challenge incumbent U.S. Rep Christopher Shays, R-Bridgeport, for backing the war in Iraq. Shays emphatically defended his position, including his recent change of mind about setting a timeline to withdraw troops. Libertarian Phil Maymin tried to offer an alternative to the two major-party candidates.

It took Farrell less than a minute into her first response -- to a question about the Republican leadership's handling of the scandal involving former U.S. Rep. Mark Foley, R-Fla. -- to mention the Iraq war.

"This is one more illustration of what has been happening with the existing Republican leadership," Farrell said of the Foley scandal, alleging House leadership knew the former congressman sent sexually explicit e-mails to a teenage page but did not take action to stop it.

"It has been one mistake or one scandal after another, and the one that is the most substantive right now is, of course, where we are in the war in Iraq," she said.

The debate, hosted by the Business Council of Fairfield County at the Stamford Marriott and co-sponsored by The Advocate and Greenwich Time, the League of Women Voters, the National Association of Industrial and Office Properties and the Fairfield County Bar Association, allotted the three candidates 15 minutes each of cumulative time to answer questions.

Green Party candidate Richard Duffee was not invited to the debate.

Shays spent most of his 15 minutes defending his vote to authorize military force in Iraq, as well as his recent call to set a timetable for troop withdrawal after returning from his 14th trip to the country and reporting no political progress by the Iraqi leadership. After the debate, he called on Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to resign over his handling of the war.

Farrell suggested Shays was switching his position in light of the Democratic primary win last month of anti-war candidate Ned Lamont over incumbent U.S. Sen. Joseph Lieberman, D-Conn. Shays responded angrily that he would not suggest policy based on politics.  Brandishing a packet of letters and observations about Iraq, including a letter to the Bush administration written before the primary, Shays said his position has been extensive, sincere and real.

"I have attended five funerals," Shays said. "I would never, ever, ever have a policy on Iraq based on my personal election."

Farrell, who supports a diplomatic solution by establishing benchmarks for the warring Iraqi factions, chided Shays for his letters, saying his recommendations have done little to change the minds of the Bush administration.

"This is not an action item. Too passive for me," she said. "Not for where we are today."

Maymin, advertising himself as the only candidate who would not have supported military action in Iraq under any circumstances, said the United States must set a strict July 4 deadline to withdraw troops.

Setting benchmarks means "we stay potentially forever, or stay forever until we experience such a large number of casualties we pull out looking weak," Maymin said. "You set a deadline several months out, but less than a year . . . because it signals to the people of Iraq to get your affairs in order. . . . We will not be writing a blank check."

The debate was delayed at times because of crowd applause. Maymin earned perhaps the biggest laugh of the afternoon when he quipped that no Libertarian candidates had been involved in any recent scandals.

Candidates also were asked about the federal deficit and transportation, though most answers referenced the Iraq war, including a response by Farrell after Shays brought up the rising deficit and debt in Westport while she was first selectwoman.

"The vast majority of the money (spent), we built a new middle school, refurbished our high school, renovated and touched every single school in the town of Westport," she said. "I challenge you to stand here and tell me the $250 million we spend every day in Iraq is money better spent."

A Reuters/Zogby poll released yesterday showed Farrell ahead of Shays, 46 percent to 41 percent with 13 percent still undecided. A poll by The Advocate and Greenwich Time released Monday showed Shays up 44 percent to 40 percent, with 16 percent undecided.


Long line of debates to come for Shays, Farrell
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio. Staff Writer
Published October 1 2006

Fourth Congressional District candidates will get their first chance this week to introduce themselves to voters and try to punch holes in their opponent's positions. 
The first of 11 scheduled debates between U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Bridgeport, and Democratic challenger Diane Farrell will be Wednesday in Stamford.  The Iraq war is expected to dominate all of the debates, as Farrell has made it a central issue of the campaign.

Political observers said Farrell must stay focused but provide more specifics about her positions, while Shays needs to tout his experience and avoid reacting defensively when his opponent attacks.

Farrell "needs to make the case for change in an articulate way," said Gary Rose, chairman of the department of government and politics at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield. Shays' "experience is vital. He needs to convince people that his longevity is very beneficial," Rose said.

Wednesday's 1 p.m. debate at the Stamford Marriott was organized by the Business Council of Fairfield County and sponsored by The Advocate and Greenwich Time and the League of Women Voters, among others. The three-way debate will feature Libertarian Candidate Phil Maymin, but Green Party candidate Richard Duffee was excluded because of his lack of organization and resources.

Farrell, who has been critical of Shays' support for the Iraq war, needs to start addressing details, "because that is something she is missing right now," said Ruth Sherman, a communications consultant from Greenwich who has coached political candidates.  Donald Greenberg, chairman of the political science department at Fairfield University, said if Shays stays consistent in his message, keeps his composure and effectively defends his record, his re-election should be safe.

To prepare for the debates, Farrell has been listening to the issues voters are asking most about at various meetings, said Jan Spiegel, a spokeswoman for the campaign.  These meetings did not feature "select audiences," and Democrats and Republicans attended, Spiegel said.

Shays is "excited and looking forward to debates," said his campaign manager, Michael Sohn.  The incumbent will focus on his "wonderful record of accomplishment, a record of independence," but he also is preparing for the unexpected, Sohn said.

"He can't rest on his laurels," Sohn said.

Something Shays must avoid is appearing too defensive during the debate, experts said. During a recent breakfast in Washington D.C., Shays snapped at reporters that they were damaging his credibility as he explained his evolving position on Iraq.  Rose said a similar tone from Shays would be "awful" in this debate. Greenberg said the incumbent must avoid appearing "like he doesn't like to be challenged. That could hurt him."

Despite holding office for nearly 20 years, it would help his image if Shays assumed voters were unaware of his record, Sherman said.

"He has to tell us about his record and not act like we should know or we should look it up," Sherman said. "He's clearly been in Congress a long time and there are people who like him. But he still has to inspire and motivate voters."

Still, the experts were divided as to how much the debates will affect the election.

"The debates will decide the election because it is that close," Rose said, while Greenberg said the high number of debates will negate their importance because "the voters will only be paying attention to a few of them."


Shays works both sides of politics
SUSAN SILVERS ssilvers@ctpost.com
Article created: 09/17/2006 04:48:26 AM EDT

 
It's hard not to notice U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays these days. At any time, he might be on national TV news and talk shows, expounding on anything from his support for the war in Iraq to his disgust with the Bush administration's response to Hurricane Katrina.
Can this be the Republican the voters of the 4th Congressional District elected to represent them 19 years ago?

The same person who as a young man was a conscientious objector to serving in the Vietnam War and 40 years later has evolved into a strong supporter for the U.S. war in Iraq? The same man known for trying to clean up decaying inner-city housing? Who fought for gun control? Who lobbied for a national service program? To some, Shays, who turns 61 next month, is a powerful asset to the district in Washington, someone who has paid his dues while gaining national political stature — and influence. To others, he has betrayed his independent roots, becoming the ultimate Beltway insider, out of touch with the everyday concerns of constituents. But no matter how his supporters or critics label him, there is no question the Bridgeport resident has expanded his range of concerns since he joined Congress in 1987.


A conscientious objector to military service during the Vietnam War, Shays said he agonized over, but ultimately voted to approve, the U.S.-led Desert Storm assault against Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1991.

A candidate who ran for Congress determined to "put our financial house in order" amid rising federal budget deficits, Shays has endorsed higher military spending.

And perhaps most conspicuously, Shays has become an authority on terrorism who also is a staunch defender of the current U.S. war in Iraq, though he recently called for setting a pullout timetable for American forces.

Now, as he seeks an 11th term this year, Shays is under more scrutiny than ever, but not just because of his higher profile.

The spotlight is on the 4th District because Democrats have what experts consider a solid chance to capture the seat, which has been in GOP hands since 1969, as part of their effort to regain control of the House of Representatives they lost in 1994. The Democrats need to take back 15 seats nationally to claim a majority in the 435-member body.

Largely because of waning public support for the war, Democrats — with former Westport First Selectwoman Diane Farrell as their standard-bearer — think they can win the seat Nov. 7.

Shays has supported the Bush administration drive to topple Saddam Hussein even before the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

After his first trip to Iraq shortly after the U.S.-led forces quickly overthrew Saddam's regime, Shays predicted that decades henceforth "the operation will be studied with a great amount of awe."

Even so, he acknowledged the effort would be marred if stability could not be established in Iraq.


As his first campaign against Farrell heated up a year and a half later in 2004, Shays returned from his sixth trip to Iraq and said conditions there were "headed in the right direction."

Then, last month, after his 14th trip to Iraq, Shays asked the Bush administration to set a timetable for Iraqis to assume "the bulk of the heavy lifting" from the 135,000 U.S. troops deployed.

It prompted charges that Shays is trying to shift gears away from his support for the war because of its unpopularity in the state — a factor widely cited in last month's Democratic primary defeat of U.S. Sen. Joe Lieberman at the hands of anti-war newcomer Ned Lamont.

Shays, however, described his call for a pullout as a means to motivate Iraqis to create a united and peaceful democratic state.

"If I saw action — a real strong political will to take on the militias, I wouldn't have set deadlines," he said, a few days after his revised stance hit the news. "But they are not moving, they are treading water and we can't do that while our men and women are dying in Iraq."

Still, Farrell said Shays' motivation was "purely political" designed to attract voters.

"He's thrown out the word 'timetable' because he feels it will afford him some appeasement from voters who are so frustrated by his position," she said.

Farrell also said she thinks the Republican victory that put Shays in the majority brought out a more conservative side of him that has grown stronger.


"I think [former Republican House Speaker] Newt Gingrich awakened the more conservative side of Chris," said Farrell, who came within 4 percentage points of unseating Shays in their first matchup.

And she suggested that spending so much time in Washington has put him out of touch with his district.

Farrell's campaign likes to note that Congressional Quarterly shows Shays voting with the current president 82 percent in 2002. Though Shays' agreement with Bush fell to 56.2 percent last year, it's still higher than the 32 percent rate at which he supported President Reagan's initiatives in 1987. During the Clinton years, his rate of agreement with the president ranged from 44 to 57 percent.

Meanwhile, the Shays campaign staff likes to point to ratings from political handicappers like the National Journal that place Shays closer to the middle of the political spectrum — much where he has been throughout a political career that began as a state representative from Stamford in 1974.

Over that period, Shays has continued to advocate a woman's right to choose, although he refuses to defend late-term abortions, and favors gun control. He remains an ardent environmentalist, in contrast to others in his party.

And throughout his career, he's retained a reputation for integrity and been provoked to criticize the ethics of other officials, ranging from now-jailed former Bridgeport Mayor Joseph P. Ganim to indicted former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay of Texas.

But even Shays acknowledged that his perspectives are different from those he had at age 20 or so.

"I have seen a lot in those 40 years that have shaped my life," he said in an interview last week.

As an idealistic and somewhat pacifistic young 
   man, the newlywed Shays and his high school sweetheart and wife Betsi were volunteers with the Peace Corps in Fiji.
But Shays — who grew up as a Christian Scientist but said last week that he no longer adheres strictly to its practices — said his political journey has prompted him to reconsider many of the positions he held in his youth.

Recalling his days as a young state legislator, Shays remembered the anguish suffered by the family of Sandy Hoyt, a Stamford teenager brutally murdered, but whose killer received a "ridiculously short" sentence in his eyes. The Hoyts, he said, could not believe they could not address the court to plead for a longer sentence.


He said it was a sobering experience that not only pushed him to fight for victims' rights but also softened his opposition to the death penalty to the point where he would no longer vote against a bill simply because the measure permitted execution.

He said becoming a parent — his daughter, Jeramy, a 27-year-old student in environmental law in a combined program at Vermont Law School and Yale University — was also a key development in his emotional maturity.

"I constantly learn new things that shape how I think and act," he reflected. Sometimes, he said, information builds up over time, and at other times "you get slapped by events."

Shays' confronted his aversion to war after Saddam invaded Kuwait in 1990. During the runup to the debate on whether to authorize United States' intervention, he was confronted by calls from the parents of his state House successor, Christopher Burnham, a Marine reservist who would be called up, not to support the authorization. But Shays said Burnham himself lobbied the congressman to vote for it, as he eventually did.

After his initial stint on the House Budget Committee ended in the late 1990s, Shays sought a new role. With the 1983 attacks on U.S. Marines in Beirut and the first attack on the World Trade Center in 1993 as backdrops, Shays said he sought a legislative role that would allow him to examine terrorism, feeling that it was underexplored. Shays said that in his role as head of the National Security Subcommittee of the Government Reform Committee, he was growing increasingly alarmed about the threat of terrorism before the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

But those events, Shays said, became a defining moment for him.

"It's what I call growing up," he said of the ways he has changed over the last five years.

But Farrell hopes to win over voters on the issue of Iraq, as polls have shown shrinking public support.

"Iraq is, in fact, never going to result in greater safety for our citizens at home," she said.


Despite Shays' stance on Iraq, Sacred Heart University politics Professor Gary L. Rose said the congressman remains a classic so-called "Rockefeller Republican," somewhat conservative on fiscal issues — he supported the Bush tax cuts — and more liberal on social issues.

"He's a very specific type of congressman, which is in the tradition of a Connecticut Republican," Rose said. While Republicans of a similar stripe may be rare throughout the rest of the nation, he said they remain a force in the Northeast, epitomized by figures such as former New Jersey Gov. Christine Todd Whitman to Sens. Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins in Maine.

Shays' moderate positions on social issues and "Americans first, Republicans second" attitude keep constituents like Bill Meyer of Westport, a 77-year-old retired marketing executive who met Shays as a 1987 candidate and is now a close friend, resolutely in the incumbent's corner.

"He has a way of listening to people and taking their concerns seriously," said Meyer, who also spearheaded a Republican effort for Farrell's re-election as the town's first selectwoman in 2001.

Meyer said he'd be just as protective of Farrell if Shays — who has never lived in Westport — had sought to challenge her for her post.

Those who work with Shays say his recent high national profile doesn't mean he's neglected issues important to his district and state.

Charles Tisdale, the executive director for Action for Bridgeport Community Development, said Shays has a long history of concern for the poor.


"He was always concerned about people who didn't have means to support themselves," said Tisdale, who said he's been a friend of Shays' for 20 years.

Over the years, he said, the congressman has fought to save funds for anti-poverty agencies, such as ABCD, and in recent weeks helped deliver an additional $455,000 for job-training programs.

Shays has also worked closely with business-development interests in the 4th District.

Joseph McGee, a vice president of the Business Council of Fairfield County, said Shays actively promotes efforts to assure the economic vitality of his district's coastal cities on issues ranging from workforce development to technology to transportation. "We see him as very engaged in the key issues in the district," said McGee.

Chief of staff to Shays' Republican predecessor, the late Stewart B. McKinney, McGee said that some of Shays' current stances reflect the nation's altered interests.

"All congressmen were focused on domestic issues until there was an Iraq," he said.

Tisdale said Shays' career is typical for someone who's accumulated congressional seniority.

"The more seniority you have, the more responsibility you have," he said.

But he said the current hot campaign between Shays and Farrell is representative of the democracy that makes this nation special.

"It's great that people look at the candidates," he said. "That's what makes us strong."
 



Barbara Bush Praises Shays;  Campaigns For Him At High-Roller Event
By CHRISTOPHER KEATING, Capitol Bureau Chief
September 13, 2006

STAMFORD -- Barbara Bush would not be here if the race weren't close.


Locked in a tight re-election battle, U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays called upon one of the Republican Party's biggest headliners - the wife of one American president and the mother of another. With her marquee name recognition, Bush helped raise over $70,000 from more than 100 guests at a luncheon fundraiser Tuesday to help Shays in his rematch against Democratic challenger Diane Farrell.

"Some of you might wonder why an 81-year-old, white-haired woman from Maine and Texas would care so much about the great people of Connecticut and who they elect to Congress," Bush told the well-heeled crowd. "It would be the worst possible time for us to lose a good and experienced congressman like Chris Shays. He recognizes that the global war on terrorism is the most important issue of our time."

Bush urged the crowd to keep up the pressure until the Nov. 7 election in the 17-town 4th District, which stretches from Greenwich to Oxford.

"This is not going to be an easy election," Bush said outside a private home in Stamford. "I think everybody in this yard knows that. There is no better example than Connecticut to show just how volatile an election year this is."

Less than 90 minutes after Bush's departure, Farrell told reporters at her campaign headquarters in Westport that Barbara Bush's visit was similar to one for Shays and two other Republicans in the spring by the current first lady, Laura Bush.

"It's just one more example of the Bush family rewarding a member of Congress who has been incredibly supportive of the war in Iraq," Farrell said.

Shays, in fact, has said that the race would not be close at all if not for his position on the war in Iraq. He returned last month from
his 14th trip to the war-torn country to suggest that the United States should consider a timeline to begin withdrawing American troops in an effort to eventually turn over more control to the Iraqi army.

But Shays continued to defend American actions Tuesday regarding the war.

"No, it's not a mistake," Shays told reporters. "It's absolutely essential that we win this war. ... We can't afford to lose the war in Iraq because you'll see outright civil war."

Shays also distanced himself from Ned Lamont, the anti-war challenger who defeated Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman in a Democratic primary that focused overwhelmingly on the war.

"I oppose the Lamont model of leaving now or prematurely in a few months," Shays said Tuesday. "One thing I'd like to say to all of you [reporters] is that you are dead wrong if you think the Lamont-Lieberman race had anything to do with what I'm going to decide on war or peace."


Despite being a Republican, Shays boldly says that he will vote for Lieberman, a longtime Democrat, because he is "a national treasure." Lieberman did not lose the primary solely because of the Iraq war, but because of reasons that included running "a bad race and he knows that," Shays said.

"A lot of us put our arms around him and said, `Joe, this is politics, and you need to be your old self,'" Shays said. "I think he's become his old self."

The Shays-Farrell race has received national attention as the Democrats try to win 15 seats to retake control of the U.S. House of Representatives for the first time since the 1994 sweep that brought Newt Gingrich into power as the House speaker. Gingrich, who became a political lightning rod during his tenure as speaker, will campaign for Shays in October. Former New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and Sen. John McCain of Arizona will also be making stops in the district.

Farrell has also had her share of headliners. U.S. Rep. Nancy Pelosi of California, who would become the new speaker if the Democrats regain power, campaigned for Farrell recently. Rep. Rahm Emanuel, the former Clinton administration official who heads the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, has visited three times and declared the race as a "top, top priority." Emanuel had targeted the race more than a year ago and talked to Farrell before she announced she was taking another run at Shays.

Tuesday's luncheon fundraiser crowd included conservative author William F. Buckley Jr., a fan of Shays and a longtime Stamford resident. He would not predict how Shays' support for the Iraq war would affect the congressman's re-election chances.

"It's fair to say the Iraq war is not popular," Buckley said, " but it's unwise to suggest that anybody in particular is going to be victimized by that."


Farrell, Shays To Hold 11 Debates Next Month
By Mark Ginocchio, Stamford Advocate
September 6, 2006

There will be no shortage of debate in the 4th Congressional District race as U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays announced yesterday he will participate in 11 debates with his challengers next month.

Political observers called the high number of debates "unprecedented" for a congressional campaign but said Shays, R-Bridgeport, needs the extra exposure because of his tight race with Democratic candidate Diane Farrell.
 
"It underscores the vulnerability of Congressman Shays," said Gary Rose, chairman of the department of government and politics at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield. "He knows he's in real jeopardy."

Typically, incumbents decline to do so many debates because it gives their opponents an opportunity to attack them, Rose said. But because of the rampant criticism Shays has received from Farrell on issues like the Iraq war, he'll have to use the public forums to go on the offensive.

Farrell's campaign team said it is looking forward to the debates.

"Diane has been asking Congressman Shays to debate her on a number of issues for months," said Jan Spiegel, a campaign spokeswoman. "We're glad he's finally doing that."

In 2004, Farrell, the former first selectwoman in Westport, captured 48 percent of the vote when she first ran against Shays.

Shays will likely use the debates to further separate himself from the Bush administration and the national Republican Party leadership, said Ken Dautrich, an associate professor of public policy at the University of Connecticut.

"You'll likely hear a lot of rhetoric like 'I'm not Bush,' in a close race like this," Dautrich said. "He has to differentiate himself, mainly on the issue of the war."

Shays has always been an avid debater during his campaigns, regardless of how close the race is projected to be, said his campaign manager, Michael Sohn.

In his match against Farrell two years ago, Shays participated in eight debates, Sohn said. In past elections against opponents who didn't raise any funds, Shays participated in at least three debates, he added.

Shays decided to participate in more debates this year "to help his constituents better understand where he stands on the issues," Sohn said.

The first debate will be Oct. 4 at the Stamford Marriott, sponsored by the Business Council of Fairfield County, formerly known as SACIA.

The debates will wrap up Oct. 19 at Continental Manor in Norwalk, sponsored by the Norwalk Chamber of Commerce.

The Libertarian candidate, Phil Maymin, a Greenwich hedge-fund founder, also will take part.

Maymin, who is the only congressional candidate to propose a specific withdrawal date from Iraq, challenged Shays and Farrell to a debate last month, which was declined by both.

Maymin said he will likely participate in all the debates except the Oct. 16 event in Bridgeport sponsored by the AARP. The organization told Maymin they would not invite him because they do not expect him to get at least 5 percent of the vote, he said.

AARP representatives did not return calls seeking comment yesterday afternoon.

Maymin said the large number of debates is "good for the people of the 4th District." His participation is also beneficial because "it will let the people hear another option."

Democrats can take control of the House by gaining 15 seats on Election Day.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has the 4th, 2nd and 5th district races in Connecticut on its "targeted" list, meaning candidates are getting visits and fundraising help from big-name Democrats.

Well-known Republicans such former New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and U.S. Sen. John McCain of Arizona are planning visits as well to Connecticut to help GOP candidates.

Former President Bush was set to appear in Westbrook today to attend a fundraiser for U.S. Rep. Rob Simmons, R-Stonington.

Simmons' campaign said yesterday he expected to participate in about six debates with his Democratic challenger, Joe Courtney. Only two debates have been scheduled so far, according to Courtney's campaign spokesman, Brian Farber.

"We're going to take just about any debate offered to us," Farber said.

In the 5th District, Democrat Chris Murphy called on U.S. Rep. Nancy Johnson, R-New Britain, yesterday to schedule nine debates that he said the two campaigns had agreed to in writing this summer.

"During her month off from work in Washington, I would have thought that Nancy Johnson would have been hearing the same cry for debate that I have been hearing as I go door-to-door and go to community events," Murphy said. "With only nine weeks until the election, I will continue to tell voters where I stand on issues important to them. Nancy Johnson appears unwilling to do so."

Johnson has agreed to six debates, "which is six more than Murphy held when he ran for re-election in 2004," said Brian Schubert, Johnson's campaign manager.
 


Pro-Iraq war Shays answers critics about conscientious objector status
By PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
September 3, 2006

NORWALK — At the height of the Vietnam War, Christopher Shays registered as a conscientious objector and served for two years in the Peace Corps. Three decades later, U.S. Rep. Shays, R-4, has built a reputation as an ardent supporter of military intervention in Iraq.

Shays said his opposition to military service was based on his faith.

"I happen to be a Christian Scientist and I basically concluded that I would not fight in Vietnam," Shays said. "I basically concluded there wasn't any way that I would be willing to kill anyone."


Shays' enthusiasm for the Iraq war, coupled with his conscientious-objector status, has drawn criticism from Democratic Trumbull First Selectman Ray Baldwin, a Vietnam combat veteran who last week called Shays' stance "hypocritical."

"I have no problem with conscientious objectors. But then don't turn around and send other parents' kids to Iraq and claim it's a matter of conscience," said Baldwin, who supports Shays' Democratic challenger Diane Farrell.

Shays said he has "struggled with" casting votes that sent American troops into battle, especially leading up to the first Iraq war in 1991.

"I told some of my colleagues that I was a conscientious objector, so how could I vote to send anyone to war?" Shays recalled. "And they said, "Well then maybe you'd better resign from Congress, because you have to make decisions on war and peace."

After a conversation with then President George H. W. Bush, Shays said he decided to vote for the war.


"I concluded that at that time we couldn't let Saddam control 60 percent of the world's oil," he said. "He would have the 10 percent he owns plus the 9 percent Kuwait owns and he would just dominate Saudi Arabia."

After the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, Shays said he went through "a pretty big sea change."

"I wouldn't call (the war on terror) World War III, but I would call it something close to it," he said.

A strong supporter of the Iraq war, Shays voted to allow President Bush to use force in 2003 and was the first congressman to visit the country after the U.S. invasion. He has since traveled to Iraq more than any other member of Congress.

"I'd like at least some people to recognize that my going there 14 times is a commitment to understanding what our soldiers are going through," he said. "And when I go outside the umbrella of the military, it's a commitment."

An organizer with the Central Committee for Conscientious Objectors called Shays' views "not shocking."


"I'm not surprised at all a person working in politics (would) have to compromise their beliefs for their political ambitions," said Kevin Ramirez of the CCCO.

In 1968, Shays joined the Peace Corps with his wife, Betsi, and they served together in Fiji for two years.

His experience in the Peace Corps provided a better "understanding about cultures," Shays said. "And the biggest mistakes we've made have been because we haven't appreciated the difference in culture."

After returning to the United States in 1970, he registered as a conscientious objector.

According to the Selective Service System, conscientious-objector status can be gained by proving one is "opposed to serving in the armed forces and/or bearing arms on the grounds of moral or religious principles."

A volunteer with the First Church of Christ, Scientist in Westport, said she knows Christian Scientists who have been conscientious objectors and others who have served in the military.

"Each (member of the church) works it out in his own way," Susan Vincent said.

Shays said his personal beliefs about fighting in a war are separate from his views on U.S. foreign policy.

"If someone is a Catholic and in their own practice is against abortion, should they be against abortion in government policy?" Shays asked. "It's obviously not to the same level, but it's kind of the same issue."

Asked if he were drafted into the Iraq war today, Shays said he does not know if he would fight.

"How would I know? What would I say to you?" Shays said. "If I said, 'Yes I would do it,' you would say 'Well easy for you to say.'"


Political Shuffle By Mr. Shays?
Hartford Courant Editorial
August 29, 2006
 
Few members of Congress have been as supportive of President Bush's Iraq war policy as U.S. Rep. Chris Shays of Bridgeport. He has been on board with the invasion of Iraq and the toppling of dictator Saddam Hussein from day one. Through the course of 13 visits to Iraq during the past three years, the 4th District Republican has been mostly upbeat about the war's progress.

That's why his suggestion for a timeline for withdrawal of U.S. forces, coming last week on the way home after his 14th trip to Iraq, was such a bombshell and why for some it has called his credibility into question.


Mr. Shays is in a tough fight for re-election after 20 years in Congress and his dogged defense of the U.S. role in an unpopular war is one reason he's thought to be in trouble. It would be out of character for him to shift his views to suit the prevailing political climate. We hope that's not the case.  The congressman said a timeline for withdrawing U.S. troops might force Iraqis to more quickly establish their own security and put an end to sectarian violence. Indeed, it might.

"The progress simply stopped," Mr. Shays said last week. "The Iraqis lack the political will to be on a time frame to get this done. They want to act in terms of years and we need them to act in terms of months."

He said he was discouraged by conditions he saw in Iraq on a previous visit six weeks ago, but thought it too early to speak out.

Still, it isn't exactly clear what Mr. Shays now favors. He says he's for a timetable for withdrawal, but that the timetable cannot be arbitrary. That poses a question: Can an "iffy" timetable force Iraq's government to move any faster?  Mr. Shays believes that a premature withdrawal would lead to "all-out civil war, fuel prices off the scale" and an "Islamist terrorist" victory.

He says he will lead hearings next month that will help establish a realistic timetable for drawing down American troops. But, he cautions, Congress may not be able to move before the midterm congressional elections in November. It would be sad if Mr. Shays' shift in outlook were motivated simply by pre-election jitters.  We agree with Mr. Shays - and with Sen. Joe Lieberman - that a premature U.S. withdrawal could have disastrous consequences. But Washington must create an exit strategy or a timetable or a withdrawal plan, whatever you want to call it.

The United States can't afford an unlimited, bottomless commitment. The Iraqi government must be pushed harder to stand on its own and provide the security that is needed.  One thing is for certain. If the frequent visitor to Iraq and long-time supporter of our mission there is discouraged about conditions in that war-ravaged nation, they must truly be bad. 



Maymin Enters 4th District Race
Westport NEWS
By Azia Li Forrest

August 22, 2006 (?)
 
GREENWICH It's official. Phil Maymin, a "fiscal conservative" and "social liberal," announced Tuesday that he has received the mandatory 5,000 nomination signatures to appear on the ballot for the U.S. Congress' Fourth District race in Connecticut.  A Libertarian, Maymin will run against Republican incumbent Christopher Shays and Democratic candidate Diane Farrell.

"I'm here to represent those of us sick and tired of the stranglehold of how the two-party system has taken over our liberties," Maymin said during Tuesday's press conference at Maymin Capital Management, LLC, 222 Railroad Ave.

"I stand for both social and economic freedom. I am more of a Republican than Shays and more of a Democrat than Farrell," he said.

The Libertarian Party stands for bolstering liberty. Specifically, Libertarians are for a government with less control over property, lifestyle and interests and for a "freer" society for Americans, according to Maymin.

"Have we truly consented to the limitations on what food we eat, what pills we take, what medical treatment we can pursue?" Maymin asked. "I am here to represent new directions for those who believe we have not given our free consent."

Maymin, 31, said he would have voted to "slash" taxes, and if it were up to him, Americans would not have gone to war in Iraq. He said both the Democratic and Republican parties permitted the Iraqi invasion.

Ma
ymin said his strategy to win the Nov. 7 election is much different than those of his opponents. He will utilize the Internet as his main source of media.

"I am at an advantage because my Web site has an open forum and that is very different from other candidates," he said.

Maymin's supporters have uploaded photos of themselves at www.MayminForCongress.com to show their assistance to his campaign.

"I'm not saying they will vote for me in the election," he said. "But those 5,000 signatures represent those who wanted a real choice, a real change."

When asked about his tactics for funding his campaign, Maymin insisted he was not going be like Ned Lamont, the Greenwich millionaire who upset U.S. Sen. Joseph Liberman in the Aug. 8 Democratic primary.

"Ned Lamont used primarily his own money," he said. "That is not the approach I'm going to use. I would like to focus on raising money. Now that we are on the ballot, we are going to sincerely fund-raise."

Maymin is hoping for a strong number of votes in Greenwich, Westport, where Farrell resides, and in Bridgeport, where Shays lives.

"Shays has been in office 10 terms," he said. "Has government gotten smaller? Do you have more freedom? Of course not. It's time for Connecticut to lead again."

A former resident of Westchester County, Maymin has lived in Greenwich for five years. He was born in Moscow and raised in Massachusetts. He graduated from Harvard University cum laude in three years with a degree in computer science and received a master's in applied mathematics. He has been married to his wife, Yelena, for three years and they have a 7-month-old daughter.
 


Rivals Sound More Alike;  Shays, Farrell Both Pessimistic On Iraq Outlook
Hartford Courant
By DAVID LIGHTMAN, Washington Bureau Chief
August 19, 2006
 
WASHINGTON -- The nationally watched Chris Shays-Diane Farrell race has long been billed as a showdown over U.S. policy in Iraq - but the two rivals in Connecticut's 4th Congressional District are sounding more and more alike these days.

They both oppose timetables for drawing down U.S. troops. They both stress the importance of asking key administration officials tough questions during congressional hearings. They both emphasize the importance of a political solution to ending violence in Iraq - and neither seems confident that talks among that country's factions will ease tensions anytime soon.


Shays, R-4th District, is expected Sunday to begin his 14th trip to Iraq since the U.S. invaded more than three years ago. Before he left, he was not his usual upbeat self.

"I'd like to say I see light at the end of the tunnel, but I'm pessimistic about what I'll probably be reporting," he said.

Farrell is seizing on such comments as that to dramatize what she says is the key difference between her and Shays: "Chris has been an unabashed war supporter from the start, and I haven't." Shays, she contended, is "morphing" his views to win support.

The congressman disputes that. "What I do is I go, and I'm honest about what I see," he said. "Should my first observation be the one that lasts forever?"

Any change in his Iraq outlook, the congressman said, is based on the hearings he's conducted as chairman of the House national security subcommittee and his frequent visits. But voters may find all the nuances and changes are little more than "noise," said Kenneth Dautrich, professor of public policy at the University of Connecticut.

"Voters look for simple cues when they vote," he said, and that's bad news for Shays.

If that's true, that's good news for Farrell, added Washington political analyst Stuart Rothenberg. "The danger for Shays is that this is a referendum on the war in general, not on specific strategies," he said. "If it becomes a matter of details, that's better for Shays."


Rothenberg and other congressional handicappers regard Shays' district as a major test of Iraq war sentiment because the candidates have been debating the war for months, and both candidates eagerly welcome the debate.

Farrell, a former Westport first selectwoman who lost to Shays in 2004, likes to dwell on their contrasting histories. In October 2002, the Westport Minuteman reported her support for a Fairfield County Peace March and Rally. A few days later, Congress voted to give President Bush broad authority to act against Iraq. Shays was an enthusiastic supporter; Farrell said she would have voted no.

But beyond their approaches, the candidates sound roughly the same as they talk about how to conduct the war.

Farrell says that if Democrats gain a majority in at least one house of Congress this fall, the party will hold constant hearings demanding answers about the war from top administration officials.

But Shays has been conducting such hearings almost weekly. His subcommittee has held 90 hearings on terrorist-related subjects since he became chairman seven years ago. He has frequently raised questions about policy at these hearings.

In June 2004, for instance, he chaired a hearing examining how to win the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people. He criticized the U.S. and coalition effort to rebuild Iraq as often marked by "hubris and condescension in dealing with the sovereign people it was created to serve."

Shays and Farrell also are close on another key war-related strategy. Shays does not back specific timetables for pulling back American forces. Neither does Farrell.


Her party has offered two kinds of timetables recently. One would withdraw all U.S. troops by next summer. The other, which won substantial support, calls for a "phased redeployment" to begin by the end of this year.

Farrell rejected both approaches.

"The problem is that if you only look at a military solution, you're not going to get to where you want," she said. "You've got to have a concentrated effort to bring the three major factions together, forcing them to the table to talk and look at a political solution."

Exactly, said Shays. "The solution in Iraq ultimately must be political, not military," he said two years ago after one of his trips to Iraq, and he still holds that position.

Farrell is also calling for more emphasis on, and scrutiny of, the reconstruction effort and U.S. spending in Iraq. Shays says his 14 trips provide him with a unique perspective on the country's progress, and cites hearings where he's sharply questioned administration officials. Not good enough, said Farrell.

"He's going to be there 36 hours or so. He has no military background whatsoever, and I'm fairly certain his mobility will be limited," she said. "He frankly should be in Washington holding hearings as frequently as possible asking experts to be forthcoming as possible."

And he will, on Sept. 11, 13 and 15. "The people I meet with in Iraq do not come to Washington," he said.

When he gets back to the Capitol next month, "We'll look at security, then reconciliation and then whether or not, and how, do we leave Iraq. What are consequences under each scenario?" Shays said. "And we'll try to have some heavy hitters testify."


Farrell rips Lieberman, Shays for war stance
Greenwich TIME
By Neil Vigdor, Staff Writer
Published August 18 2006

After backing Joe Lieberman for the Democratic Senate nomination, Diane Farrell distanced herself from the primary loser last night during a Town Hall meeting in Greenwich, especially on all things to do with the Iraq war.

Had she been a member of Congress when President Bush was considering the invasion, Farrell said, she would have never authorized the war.

Challenging incumbent Rep. Christopher Shays, R-4th District, for the second time in two years, Farrell called the war a mistake that has had a tremendous human death toll and diverted resources away from citizens in need at home.

The war, Farrell told a group of almost entirely Democrats at Town Hall, costs taxpayers $250 million a day with little to show except for the prospect of a bloody civil war.

"We're in the end game folks," Farrell said. "We're not making progress. Using words like victory and winning is simply unattainable."

Farrell's comments closely adhere to Ned Lamont's winning message in his Aug. 8 primary victory over Lieberman. A Greenwich cable television executive who has never held elected office outside town, Lamont made Lieberman's support of the war a central issue of his challenge.

Though she supported Lieberman in the primary, Farrell has said she disagreed with him on the war. Lieberman and Shays' views on the war are closely aligned. Both have described Iraq a critical theater in the global war on terrorism. Farrell faced tough questions from several audience members about the war, however.

"There seems to be a lot of confusion about where you stand on the issue," said Murray Paroly, a Greenwich Democrat.

Farrell said she has been consistent on her opposition to the war and that efforts to characterize her as wavering on the issue were politically inspired.

Other Democrats appealed to Farrell to reconsider her position on another delicate issue related to the war -- the withdrawal of U.S. troops.

"I was very disappointed when you were not for a firm date for withdrawing troops," former Democratic Town Committee Chairman Betty Bonsal said.

Farrell said that while she is as eager as anyone to bring the troops home, she was reluctant to back a specific timetable.

"None of the people supporting that opinion are military experts," Farrell said.

Billed by her campaign as a community forum for citizens to bring questions, concerns and comments, Farrell spent most of the hour-long meeting attacking Shays, to whom she lost 52-48 in 2004.

Shays, she said, has given President Bush a "blank check" to go to war under faulty premises that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. By voting for the GOP leadership in the House, Farrell said Shays was responsible for what she called a failed agenda for the country.

On the Iraq war, Farrell criticized Shays' 14 trips to the war-torn country, saying that they did little paint an accurate picture of the conditions on the ground there. Farrell also accused Shays of painting a rosier picture of the situation.

If elected to Congress, Farrell said she would become a much better advocate for improved transportation and would work hard to get assigned to the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee.

"Are you satisfied with the status quo?" Farrell said.

Campaign aides for Shays said Farrell was "sending mixed messages" about her position on Iraq. They also rejected claims that Shays had promoted a right-wing agenda in Congress.

"Chris remains one of the most effective moderates in Congress," Shays' campaign spokesman, Brett Cody, said in a telephone interview last night.

Cody said Shays opposed a White House-backed energy bill and supported failed legislation that would have increased federal support of stem cell research.

On Shays' support of the war, Cody said the incumbent has consistently raised questions about the war's handling, including the decision to disband the Iraqi police, military and border patrol after the initial invasion.

Cody said Shays has recommended more Arabic translators and better armor for troops and the Humvees they drive.

"She says Iraq is the most important issue facing us. So I would ask how does she plan to solve the issue of Iraq and the greater issues related to the global war on terrorism from the Transportation Committee?" Cody said.

Shays, he said, has held more than 90 hearings on the issue of terrorism as chairman of the House Subcommittee on National Security, Emerging Threats and International Relations.

In addition to a Shays staffer who attended last night's Town Hall meeting, there was at least one other Republican in the house.

"I came tonight because I thought it was a community meeting," said Edward Dadakis, a Republican Town Committee member and former chairman of the group.

"She never told anyone what she is going to do," Dadakis said. "She spent the entire time criticizing what other people have done."


Old news in 4th district...blue is a Democratic story, red is a Republican story:

Link to I-BBC analysis (from Pew Research) of the problem in U.S.A.: 
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/spl/hi/guides/456900/456958/html/nn1page1.stm




DeStefano, Malloy remain wary of offending Lamont

By Neil Vigdor. Greenwich TIME Staff Writer
Published July 30 2006

Fear of alienating Ned Lamont's base of supporters within the party is causing a number of Democratic hopefuls to walk a tightrope between the challenger and incumbent Sen. Joe Lieberman.

When a Who's Who list of Democrats headlined by former President Bill Clinton joined Lieberman for a rally on his behalf last Monday in Waterbury, Stamford and New Haven mayors Dannel Malloy and John DeStefano were conspicuously absent from the stage. The two Democrats vying for governor have both endorsed Lieberman for a fourth term.

Malloy arrived late at the event because of a scheduling conflict, according to his campaign. His lateness aside, Malloy said in an interview later in the week that reports of him trying to avoid alienating Lamont's supporters were accurate.

Derek Slap, a spokesman for DeStefano's campaign, said the New Haven mayor was conscious of the Lamont factor.

"I think John really respects the issues that Ned is bringing up," Slap said. "Has there been dialogue on the blogs, 'You should support Ned?' Absolutely."

A Greenwich businessman who opposes the Iraq war, Lamont has surged in recent polls. The incumbent has said he will run as a petition candidate if he fails to win his party's nomination.  Slap said that while DeStefano had endorsed Lieberman, he will back whomever wins the Aug. 8 Senate primary heading into the November general election. Malloy has taken the same position.

DeStefano skipped Monday's rally with Lieberman and Clinton altogether.

"We have less than two weeks left," Slap said. "John is focused on winning his race. He is going to use the precious time that's left doing the best for his campaign."

Lieberman's campaign spokeswoman Marion Steinfels said the senator enjoyed broad support from top Democrats around the state, many of whom were in attendance at the rally. They included U.S. Sen. Christopher Dodd, Attorney General Richard Blumenthal and Fourth District congressional hopeful Diane Farrell.

"Both Mayor Malloy and Mayor DeStefano have endorsed Sen. Lieberman, and we appreciate their support," Steinfels said. "We're working with both campaigns to get out the vote and win this election on Aug. 8."

Malloy's campaign spokeswoman Lisa-Joy Zgorski said the gubernatorial contender has been careful not to offend either candidate or their supporters in the Senate primary race.

"Thus, it makes sense to have a workable relationship with both candidates given how close the race is," Zgorski said.

Zgorski went on to note that Malloy had even joked about how he should appear at the same campaign stops as Lamont, who has attracted a cult following of supporters who are opposed to Lieberman's support of the Iraq war.  For other Democratic hopefuls, including Farrell, Lamont's supporters have been a force to be reckoned with along the campaign trail.

Farrell is challenging Republican incumbent Christopher Shays in a rematch of their 2004 race. Shays supported going to war as did Lieberman, whom he has endorsed across party lines. Farrell opposes the war.

"I was actually at one of the events where they put Diane on the spot. They were really aggressive," said Slap, DeStefano's spokesman. Appearing last weekend at a Greenwich fundraiser for her congressional campaign, Farrell met criticism from Lamont supporters over her endorsement of Lieberman.

Some of those in attendance said she told supporters that she would not have made an endorsement in the race if she had to do it all over again.

"If you look at it, all of the Democratic candidates for Congress in Connecticut have supported Lieberman. I think that they all felt that they had to do it," said Mary Sullivan, a Riverside Democrat and Lamont supporter who was at the fundraiser and said she heard Farrell's comments.  Farrell's campaign manager, Adam Wood, gave a different version of the exchange.

"She was asked a question, 'What would you do if you could go back in time?' " Wood said.  He said Farrell told supporters she wished their wasn't a divisive primary in the first place that had her taking a side.

"In no way is she equivocating her support of Sen. Lieberman," Wood said, adding that Farrell made her endorsement before Lamont entered the race.  Dale McDonald, a Lamont supporter who hosted the fundraiser, said she did not recall Farrell saying she would have not endorsed anyone.  And then there is the former president, Clinton. Both he and his wife, New York Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, have said they will support the winner of the primary.

Clinton referred only briefly during the rally to the Greenwich businessman Lamont.

"I don't have anything against Joe's opponent," Clinton said. "He seems like a perfectly fine man. He's got every right to run and he certainly has waged a vigorous campaign."

Despite most top Democrats endorsing his opponent, Lamont said he enjoyed cordial relations with many of the same members of the party establishment. He said he has appeared with some of those other Democrats on the campaign trail, including DeStefano and Malloy's wife, Cathy, during an abortion rights rally last week.

"Look, I have very friendly relations with all of those candidates," Lamont said. "I've known most of them for a long time and I know that on paper they all endorse the incumbent. That's just the way you do it."

As for Farrell's frequent encounters with his supporters along the campaign trail, Lamont said he and the former Westport first selectwoman agreed on many issues, including the war.


Shays partners up on ethics bill
By PATRICK R. LINSEY, Hour Staff Writer
June 23, 2006

NORWALK — U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays partnered with Sens. John McCain and Russell Feingold and U.S. Rep. Martin Meehan in criticizing House and Senate ethics-reform bills, and calling for new regulations to limit corporate influence and establish an independent agency to investigate violations.

McCain, R-Ariz., Feingold, D-Wis., Shays, R-4 and Meehan, D-Mass., sent letters to House and Senate leadership this week, as well as to members of a conference committee negotiating a compromise ethics reform bill between the two chambers.

"To date we have done very little to provide greater transparency into the process of influencing our government," read a letter sent to House Majority Leader John Boehner.

Neither Boehner, R-Ohio, nor Sen. Christopher Dodd, D-Conn., responded to requests for comment on the letter.  Shays and Meehan have introduced their own package designed to limit corporate influence and provide greater transparency in Congress.  The legislation would create an Office of Public Integrity, to investigate ethics violations in Congress, with members of Congress deciding whether to take disciplinary action.

It would also prohibit gifts to legislators, increase the ban on former members and senior staff lobbying Congress from one year to two, and require members to reimburse corporations for the charter cost for the use of private jets.

Members are currently only required to reimburse at the first class fare.

"You get a corporate jet and you take your family to, say, Jackson Hole and back, that could cost you $20,000," Shays said. "If you (flew) first class, it might cost you far less than that."

Democracy 21, an interest group supporting ethics reform in Congress, praised Shays' and Meehan's proposal.

"Corruption scandals are not going away," said Democracy 21 President Fred Wert-heimer. "Citizens are not going to be fooled by Congress passing phony reform legislation."

Shays said it will likely take more scandals like those surrounding former Republican Majority Leader Tom DeLay of Texas and U.S. Rep. William Jefferson, D-La., before the reforms he has proposed are approved.  He compared his proposal to the campaign finance reform he sponsored with Meehan, and McCain and Feingold in the Senate.

"Enron and Worldcom made a big difference," Shays said. "It was exposed that both of them had given $3 million to the political parties and people said 'Hey, this is crazy.'"



Parade flap hits Farrell campaign

By BILL CUMMINGS bcummings@ctpost.com
Article created: 06/15/2006 07:43:45 AM EDT

  
BRIDGEPORT — Candidates on the stump may be out of step with parades and community festivals, according to parade organizers reacting to a flap touched off by congressional hopeful Diane Farrell, who marched in the recent Black Rock Day parade without an invitation.
Planners of the annual neighborhood festival said Farrell, the Democratic candidate for the 4th Congressional District seat, pushed her way into the June 4 parade, along with sign-carrying supporters even though she was not invited and was asked to leave.

Her opponent, U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays, R-4, was invited to march in the parade, which organizers said is a courtesy extended to all local office holders. Shays is also a resident of the Black Rock neighborhood.

"It was a kind of mindless attempt to hijack the parade," Phil Blagys, chairman of the parade, said of Farrell's actions.

According to Blagys, Farrell joined the march and refused to leave even though she was asked. Her campaign workers also joined the parade, waving campaign signs.

"They had people walking alongside Shays and his wife with banners," Blagys said of the Farrell supporters. "The whole thing was orchestrated. This was no accident. When she was told she was not invited, she continued on as if I was the most insignificant person on the planet."

Blagys told Farrell she was welcome to walk the route on the sidewalk.

Other parade organizers are taking note of Farrell's actions, especially after a letter to the editor published in Wednesday's Connecticut Post demanded an apology from Farrell over the Black Rock incident.

Yolanda Ortiz, an organizer of the annual Juneteenth celebration scheduled this weekend, said she'll be on the lookout for aggressive politicians during the parade, which celebrates the date in 1865 when a group of slaves in Texas finally got word of President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. The parade is scheduled for noon Saturday, from Central High School to Seaside Park.


Ortiz said if Farrell tries to join the Juneteenth parade, she will be asked to leave.

"It's not a place for getting votes. I'll have people out there. We have not had any problems in the past. But there is a first time for everything," Ortiz said.

She said Shays was invited to march because he's an elected official, while Farrell, who is Westport's former first selectman, was not invited. Ortiz said Farrell can walk along the sidewalk, but organizers will not allow political signs and banners.  Len Berger, executive director of the Barnum Festival, said he plans to send Farrell a letter explaining who can march in this year's parade, scheduled for July 2.

Under festival rules, a candidate for office would not be invited, he said.

Shays, on the other hand, will be invited because he's an elected federal representative from Bridgeport, Berger said. Others to be invited include the elected heads of surrounding towns, the mayor of Bridgeport, Bridgeport's City Council president, the state's five top elected officials and state senators and representatives.

"The parade is entertainment. It's not for political statements. I think it would be prudent to write her a letter advising her of our policy and telling her she would not fall in that category," Berger said.

Farrell's camp downplayed the controversy, saying it's much ado about nothing.

"Staffers walked on the sidewalk and they did not taunt Shays. Diane was in the parade. She marched behind a councilman from Black Rock," said Adam Wood, Farrell's campaign manager, referring to the Black Rock parade.

"What I think is pathetic is the Shays campaign is focusing on who's marching in a parade instead of the thousands who are dying in Iraq," he said.


Wood also said the sidewalks were "littered" with Shays campaign balloons. "Chris Shays politicized every single Memorial Day parade. He had balloons all over the place. I think that's inappropriate," Wood said.

The Shays camp had a different view. "I was not there, so I'll let the letter writers speak for themselves. We always ask for permission whenever we go in a parade," said Brett Cody, a Shays campaign spokesman.

Asked if Shays will attend more parades this summer, Cody said he will. "We will attend as many as we can. He is generally invited because he's an incumbent. Parades also bring him face to face with constituents. He learns something from every parade," he said.

 



Shays chosen to run for 11th term in 4th
SUSAN SILVERS ssilvers@ctpost.com
May 16, 2006
 
NORWALK — Calling the war in Iraq "this noble struggle," Christopher Shays defended the troubled conflict Monday as he accepted the republican endorsement for an 11th term as U.S. representative from the 4th District.

"My fear is not that we will lose the war in Iraq," the 60-year-old Bridgeport resident said at a nominating convention in Norwalk. "My fear is that we will lose the war here at home."

Shays told 240 delegates and nearly as many guests in City Hall that al-Qaida terrorists "believe they will win because they listen to the debate here at home and doubt our resolve."

On the same evening, Democrats endorsed former Westport First Selectwoman Diane Goss Farrell as his opponent for the second time...


'Now it's our time to lead,' Farrell says;  Farrell gets Dem nod to runagainst incumbent in November
ANDREW BROPHY abrophy@ctpost.com
May 16, 2006
 
 
WESTPORT — Former Democratic First Selectwoman Diane G. Farrell was swept by tumultuous applause Monday night into a rematch this November with U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays, R-4.  Farrell, who narrowly lost to Shays two years ago in a race that attracted national attention, climbed to the stage of Westport Town Hall's auditorium at 8:40 p.m., basking in a packed house's applause and strains of the Beatles' "Here Comes the Sun."

"It is with great pride, humility and an overwhelming sense of obligation on behalf of every constituent in this district that I accept your nomination," Farrell said.

"...Chris Shays, George Bush and the Republican Congress are just plain wrong," Farrell said...

Feathering His Own Nest?  Shays' strong support for Lieberman seeks Republican co-endorsement.
DAY editorial
Published on 3/2/2006


Congressman Chris Shays shook up the Republican Party when he told the Stamford Advocate editorial board Monday that he thinks the GOP should co-endorse Democratic Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman. Rep. Shays shares with Sen. Lieberman the political position of having voted for the Iraq war and insisting that the United States cannot pull out now.
What's more, Congressman Shays told the Advocate that he intends to vote for Sen. Lieberman.

Self-fulfilling motives may be at hand because Congressman Shays faces a tough re-election battle against Democrat Diane Farrell, the first selectwoman from Westport who ran against him in 2004. With the sentiment against the war growing, Congressman Shays expects a closer race with Mrs. Farrell and having Sen. Lieberman on the Republican ballot might help attract inadvertent Democratic votes for the incumbent congressman.

Congressman Rob Simmons, who similarly faces a vigorous challenge from Joseph Courtney, who ran against him in 2002, is different. He wants no part of Sen. Lieberman on the Republican ticket. His campaign manager, Chris Healy, says that Rep. Simmons, who has supported the Iraq war, too, looks forward to having a Republican candidate on the ballot to oppose Sen. Lieberman.

So if a Republican candidate for Senate emerges, particularly one from Fairfield County, what will Congressman Shays say when asked to attend party rallies for that candidate? And will his attitude drive some Republicans to vote for Democrat Farrell, Congressman Shays' opponent?

Stranger things have happened in politics.

 

Vote Puts Bull's Eye On Shays, Johnson;  `Political Hit' Seen For Cutbacks Support
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
February 3, 2006

Democrats vowed Thursday to haunt the re-election campaigns of Republican U.S. Reps. Nancy L. Johnson and Christopher Shays over their pivotal votes Wednesday to slow federal budget growth.  With the budget bill passing on a 216-214 vote, Johnson and Shays each held the power to derail a measure that will affect entitlement programs used by millions of Americans.

"This bill is bad for every constituency that will be voting this November, except for multimillionaires," said Christopher Murphy, a Democrat opposing Johnson in the 5th District.

And that makes it a political boon for Democrats, who need to pick up 15 Republican seats this fall to regain control of the House. Connecticut is a crucial battleground in that fight.  Three of the state's five seats are held by Republicans, and all three are considered winnable by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.

Shays said he and other Republicans expect to take "a political hit," but he defended the bill as necessary to slow the growth of entitlements that consume half the federal budget.  Johnson said the impact of the bill, which is expected to save $40 billion over five years, has been exaggerated.

"Not a single student will lose access to college loans, not a single senior will be denied nursing home care, not a single needy family will lose their Medicaid coverage in Connecticut," she said.

But congressional budget analysts say about one-fifth of Medicaid recipients will face higher costs for drugs and doctor visits and states will have the discretion to reduce coverage for higher-income beneficiaries. They also say college students could pay higher interest rates on loans, and older Americans who own real estate will have a harder time qualifying for subsidized nursing-home care.

By giving the states greater discretion over Medicaid spending, the budget bill is expected to result in a loss of reproductive-health coverage in some states, though not Connecticut.

"Clearly, this will have a very serious impact," said Diane Farrell, a Democrat opposing Shays in the 4th District.

Farrell said three voters told her Thursday at a campaign stop in Bridgeport that Shays' budget vote had cost him their support.

"I am not pretending there is not a political hit in this," said Shays, who left Thursday for Iraq. "I believe we need to get a handle on entitlements. If we can't do this, what can we do? Good grief."

He said one change will affect his own family: Nursing home patients such as his father-in-law no longer will be able to shield up to $2 million in property and still qualify for nursing home subsidies; the amount will be reduced to $750,000...

 


Farrell's action in line of fire

Stamford ADVOCATE 
By Mark Ginocchio
Published February 26 2006

In her previous bid for Congress, Diane Farrell relentlessly criticized incumbent U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays' support for the war in Iraq -- and her attacks have carried over into her second campaign for the state's 4th Congressional District seat.

But Farrell's unwavering stand against the war did not prevent her last week from endorsing Iraqi war supporter Joseph Lieberman in his bid for re-election to the U.S. Senate -- a move that has drawn criticism from some political observers and has raised the eyebrows of her opponent.

"She loses some legitimacy" by endorsing Lieberman, said Ken Dautrich, a professor of public policy at the University of Connecticut. "She lost an opportunity to make a real statement."

Gary Rose, professor and chairman of the department of government and policy at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield, said the endorsement makes Farrell appear inconsistent.

"This could be perceived as a flip-flop and could potentially hurt her" in the election, Rose said.

Farrell, former first selectwoman of Westport, said that although Lieberman's Iraq position may be unpopular with many Fairfield County Democrats, she and the longtime senator have agreed on many other issues, and her endorsement was justified.

"Joe is a longtime friend and he has endorsed me and my campaign in the past," Farrell said in a telephone interview last week. "We'll have to agree to disagree on the war . . . but we agree on so many other issues" such as women's privacy rights, the Family Leave Act and fair wages.

Plus, she added, her race against Shays, R-Bridgeport, is about more than Iraq.

"We have one party running everything in Washington," Farrell said. "There are some abuses of power that Chris and his pals need to be held accountable for."

But the Iraqi war may trump all other issues in November, Dautrich said, so Farrell needs to stay consistent.

"The issue that is at the forefront of people's minds is the war," he said. "People like candidates with principles. In a political race, the challenger needs to define her principles instead of just beating on the incumbent."

Even Farrell's challenger readily admits his similarities with Lieberman.

"Diane has consistently said that she has made Iraq the center of her campaign," said Michael Sohn, campaign manager for Shays. "But Joe Lieberman and Chris Shays couldn't be closer on their positions in Iraq. Joe and Chris both voted to go in, and they support staying in until the job is done."

Though polls indicate Lieberman remains a strong favorite in his Senate race, his support for the Iraqi war has upset some state Democrats. Ned Lamont, a former selectman in Greenwich, is mulling a challenge of Lieberman for the Democratic nomination as an anti-war candidate.

But Lieberman continues to be supported by some of the state's top Democrats, including state party Chairwoman Nancy DiNardo, who also defended Farrell's endorsement.

"The Democratic Party is a big pot and we have room for different opinions," DiNardo said. "We allow people to disagree, and we won't just be a rubber stamp for the Bush administration as the Republican Party in Congress has been."

Dinner bell for fundraising
Former Secretary of State visits Former First Selectwoman Diane Farrell...Madeleine Albright attends $1000 a plate dinner in Westport, reacts to news of Osama's new tape by saying we cannot leave Iraq in a chaotic state, but there must be a strategic redeployment...from MINUTEMAN article of Jan. 26, 2006.


Shays Spills GOP Secret;  Party Backing Off Talk Of Joining Lieberman's Side
By MARK PAZNIOKAS, Courant Staff Writer
March 1, 2006

It's been the subject of whispered conversations among top Republican officials for the past month. Now, U.S. Rep. Chris Shays, R-4th District, has let slip the secret: GOP officials have discussed cross-endorsing Democratic Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman this fall.


In an interview Monday with the editorial board of The Advocate of Stamford, Shays said he intends to vote for Lieberman and is encouraging a Republican endorsement of the three-term senator.  The remark was not immediately reported by The Advocate, but it set off a flurry of calls among Republicans who have been gauging support for the idea among GOP candidates, including Gov. M. Jodi Rell and U.S. Reps. Rob Simmons, R-2nd District, and Nancy L. Johnson, R-5th District.

One GOP operative who was aware of the discussions said premature public disclosure of the possible cross-endorsement probably would kill the idea.  That seems to be case.  By Tuesday evening, spokesmen for top Republicans publicly distanced themselves from the possibility of backing Lieberman, who faces a Democratic primary over his support of President Bush and the war in Iraq.

And a spokeswoman for Lieberman, who previously had refused to rule out appearing on any but the Democratic line on the November ballot, said he would not accept a cross-endorsement.

"Would he accept the endorsement of the Republican Party? No, he is seeking the Democratic Party nomination," said Casey Aden-Wansbury, his communication director.  She said no one representing Lieberman has discussed a cross-endorsement with Republicans.

Lieberman accepted a cross-endorsement in 1994, while seeking his second term. He ran with the endorsement of the Democratic Party and A Connecticut Party, the banner under which Lowell P. Weicker Jr. was elected governor in 1990.  Weicker is no fan of Lieberman, but the endorsement was offered to help Eunice Groark, who was A Connecticut Party nominee for governor in 1994.


Analysts in both parties say running on the same ballot line with Lieberman this year could help Shays and Simmons, two Republicans who supported the invasion of Iraq and the continued U.S. presence in the country. Shays has hinted previously that he might support Lieberman, who remains one of the state's most popular politicians.

"Their position on the war can't be closer," said Michael Sohn, who is Shays' campaign manager. "They both voted to go into Iraq, and they both support staying until the job is done."

Shays and Simmons are facing tough re-election campaigns from their Democratic opponents, Diane Farrell and Joseph Courtney, respectively. Farrell, who also ran two years ago, has used the war as a cudgel against Shays, although she is supporting Lieberman.  While Simmons could benefit by running on the same ballot line with Lieberman, the congressman's campaign manager, Chris Healy, all but ruled out Simmons' signing off on such a gambit - even though Republicans are unsure if they can convince a serious candidate to oppose Lieberman.

"Congressman Simmons is a proud Republican and, while he enjoys a solid working relationship with Sen. Joe Lieberman, we look forward to a Republican candidate to run in the fall and expect to support the Republican ticket from top to bottom," Healy said.

Shays initiated the round of discussions about Lieberman among Republicans more than a month ago, said Republicans who wished to remain anonymous because the talks were supposed to remain confidential.  He phoned Rell and asked her to consider a GOP endorsement of Lieberman.  One Republican described the governor as "nonplussed" by the idea, while another said Rell was non-committal.

Rell's chief of staff, M. Lisa Moody, dismissed the possibility, saying, "There have been no serious discussions, to my knowledge."


Lieberman faces opposition within his party from Ned Lamont, a Greenwich businessman opposed to the war who has created a campaign committee and is expected to formally announce his candidacy this month.  He's viewed as a long shot to win the nomination, but a core group of disaffected Democrats is strongly supportive of his effort.

"We're not surprised that there are people within the Republican Party that would think about endorsing Joe. He clearly is George Bush's favorite Democrat," said Tom Swan, Lamont's campaign manager.  Swan also said Lieberman's disavowal of any interest in a GOP endorsement was expected.

"I don't know how someone who has tried to make his entire career be based upon principles could turn around and switch parties overnight," Swan said.

It was unclear Tuesday why Shays told The Advocate he hoped Republicans would consider endorsing Lieberman. 
His campaign manager, Michael Sohn, said he believed Shays mentioned the idea when asked about Farrell's endorsement of Lieberman, despite their differences on the war.

"It is something Chris has been thinking about for a long time," Sohn said. "I think part of it did come from the flow of conversation. Chris is a person who says what he believes. When asked a question, he is not going to lie, not going to beat around the bush."

Lieberman did not return the favor Tuesday.

"I thank Chris Shays for his support," Lieberman said, according to his staff. "But of course I am enthusiastically supporting my fellow Democrat Diane Farrell in this congressional race, as I did two years ago."

 


Lawmakers try to stop port deal
Greenwich TIME
By Martin B. Cassidy
Published February 22 2006


Rep. Christopher Shays is co-sponsoring an emergency bill to stop and probe the sale of major eastern seaboard port facilities to a port operating conglomerate owned by the United Arab Emirates.

"It seemed ludicrous from day one," said Shays, R-Conn., yesterday. "There is no Arab state which has spoken out against terrorism and violence and they have all been basically passive. We're going to put them in charge of six of our largest ports?"

If President Bush keeps the promise he made yesterday to veto any bill to delay or stop the sale, Shays said Congress would override it.

Shays, a member of the Congressional Homeland Secur-ity Committee, is one of three co-sponsors, along with New York's Democratic Sen. Chuck Schumer and Republican Rep. Peter King, who want to conduct a 45-day investigation of Dubai Ports World on the national security impact of its purchase of the ports from a London-based firm.

Dubai Ports World, a state-owned business of the UAE, acquired major port facilities in New York, New Jersey, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Miami, and New Orleans in the deal.

Shays said the UAE has failed to condemn the violence of Islamic terrorists, and allowed Al-Qaida to draw financial support from its residents and for rogue states to ship nuclear weapon components through its ports.

"The UAE has allowed finances and materials to go help fund Al-Qaida and be a conduit for nuclear materials being sent to Libya and Iran," Shays said. "I want to do anything and everything we can do to stop it."


The Congressional Homeland Security Committee also plans hearings on the sale by next week, Shays said.  Yesterday, Connecticut's two Democratic senators also backed a fuller investigation of the deal.  Sen. Christopher Dodd said that President Bush should avoid a congressional confrontation and order the Treasury Department to conduct a longer investigation.

The Committee for Foreign Investment in the United States, a federal regulatory committee within the Treasury Department, approved the deal.

"This is a country where they have not been cooperative in tracking down Osama Bin Laden's bank accounts and that still recognizes the Taliban as the legitimate government of Afghanistan," Dodd said. "The president has the authority to postpone it and review more carefully what the implications are and if he won't do it, an act of Congress will be necessary."

Yesterday, Sen. Joseph Lieberman co-wrote a letter to Treasury Department Secretary John W. Snow asking for a full investigation to ensure that the security risks have been gauged accurately.

"The senator feels a postponement pending a review, assessment, and reassurance is in order here," Leslie Phillips, a spokesman for the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, said. "He basically wants more information and answers from an investigation because this is extremely troubling."

The UAE is a constitutional federation of seven emirates; Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Sharjah, Ajman, Umm al-Qaiwain, Ras al-Khaimah and Fujairah.  Shays said he understands public concern over what he said was the Bush administration's contradictory approval of the purchase despite the country's ongoing war on terror in the Middle East.

"It is a huge disconnect," Shays said. "It's a strange thing with even passive states like Saudi Arabia and so-called progressive states like the Arab Emirates have not condemned terror."


Shays stands by Bush on wiretaps
Stamford  ADVOCATE
By Mark Ginocchio, Staff Writer
Published January 15 2006

NORWALK -- U.S. Rep. Christopher Shays defended the Bush administration's right to spy on Americans without court approval, but continued to challenge his Republican congressional colleagues to ethics reform at a series of public meetings yesterday.

At a town hall-style meeting at Norwalk Community College, Shays, R-Bridgeport, clarified his positions on the Bush administration's wiretap controversy, energy conservation, immigration and the Republican Party's ethics.  Shays also spoke yesterday at the Long Ridge Fire House in Stamford, the first day in a series of meetings he has scheduled for the next week across Fairfield County.

"In 10 years, we have become arrogant," Shays said of fellow Republicans, speaking to a group of more than 50 in Norwalk. "This November, the Republican Party may be voted out of office, and if they don't reform they deserve to be."

Shays cited his call last year for U.S. Rep. Tom DeLay, R-Texas, to step down as House majority leader. DeLay stepped down as leader temporarily last fall and permanently last week amid a federal indictment on money laundering charges and an ongoing corruption investigation.

The Connecticut congressman's decision to defy his party's leadership came out of a community meeting last year when constituents told him they were unhappy with the controversy surrounding DeLay, Shays said.

"I led the charge for him to step down, and then I said he needed to stay down," Shays said.  He also talked about an ethics bill he co-sponsored with U.S. Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., which forces lawmakers to file quarterly reports about expenses, gifts and contributions paid for by lobbyists.

But despite his criticisms of DeLay and the GOP, Shays did not shy away from defending Bush's controversial decision to spy on Americans through wiretaps.  Bush's decision was very unpopular with the Norwalk crowd, who were concerned about the president having too much power. But Shays likened the phone surveillance to the Patriot Act, which he also has consistently defended.

"It's all about detection and prevention and I don't think you'll see us break into any (terrorists) cells without the Patriot Act," Shays said.

Bush's "commander in chief" powers during the war on terrorism give him the right to circumvent the Federal Intelligence Surveillance Act, which requires that a special court issue warrants for wiretapping, Shays said.  Former Westport first selectwoman Diane Farrell, Shays' Democratic challenger for the 4th Congressional District this November, disagreed.

"He's just wrong in this case because the FISA court has been very responsive to the administration," Farrell said in an interview yesterday.

Farrell also criticized Shays for trumpeting his ethics bill, saying that Democrats have had an ethics bill on the table since May and the Republicans have only taken action in the past month.

"You don't deserve credit for discovering that your feet are in the fire," she said. "It was only after the Republicans became so visibly outrageous that they decided to do something about" an ethics bill.

At the end of the two-hour meeting, Shays addressed his energy bill, which would double tax credits to consumers for buying more fuel-efficient cars, make truck emission standards more stringent and increase fuel economy to 40 miles per gallon by 2016.

Shays, who voted against drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in Alaska, said enforcing stricter fuel standards for sport- utility vehicles would ultimately save more oil than what would have been recovered from the refuge.



Politics of the future department...Dick Morris advising George W. Bush?

KEAN FOR NEW JERSEY

NEW YORK POST editorial
October 23, 2006

National attention is focusing on a U.S. Senate race in New Jersey: Democrat Bob Menendez, out to retain the seat he was appointed to ealier this year, is struggling against GOP challenger Tom Kean Jr.

The result could well decide which party controls the Senate come January. Which is just one reason why we endorse Kean, the 36-year-old state senator and son of the popular former governor.

The race has focused on local issues: specifically, the culture of political corruption that has made New Jersey a standing national joke - and which Kean says Menendez, the longtime Hudson County Democratic boss, personifies.

Menendez, for his part, has painted Kean as a lapdog of President Bush - an ironic charge, given how often Kean and the president have parted ways on significant issues.
Indeed, we find Kean's divergence from national GOP positions, especially on Iraq, often too wide for our tastes. But that may be just what New Jerseyans prefer.

After all, it's been 34 years since the GOP won a Senate election in the deep-blue Garden State, and more than half a century since a (relatively) conservative Republican senator represented New Jersey.

Kean clearly has touched a real nerve on the issue of corruption - thanks largely to Menendez's very real ongoing ethics problems.

Like his having personally collected $329,000 in rent from an anti-poverty agency that saw $9.6 million in federal grants - thanks to Menendez's muscling. Corruption-busting U.S. Attorney Christopher Christie has subpoenaed the group's financial records and is investigating.

Or the recently released tape recordings on which Menendez's longtime ally and top political adviser, Donald Scarinci, is heard pressuring a Hudson County contractor - in the senator's name - to rehire a former employee, saying it would guarantee him "protection."

Or his ties to convicted influence-peddler Charles Kushner, who was Menendez's single biggest source of campaign cash over the past 20 years. Not to mention Kay LiCausi, who went in a few short years from congressional intern to high-powered lobbyist, thanks largely to Menendez - with whom she reportedly was romantically involved.

To be sure, there are differences between the candidates on the issues.

Menendez favors a conditional amnesty for illegal immigrants, Kean opposes it. Menendez, who opposed the war from the outset, wants U.S. forces out of Iraq within a year; Kean has tried to steer an uneasy middle line between staying the course and withdrawing.

Polls show the race a virtual dead heat; whoever wins, the margin will almost certainly be very thin.

Electing Menendez to a full term would leave in office a legislator with a very real ethical cloud over his head. Both on his own merits as a candidate and to ensure that the Democrats remain the Senate minority, Tom Kean is far and away the better choice.

We urge his election.